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A 


COMPEND OF HISTORY, 


FROM THE 
EARLIEST TIMES; 


COMPREHENDING A GENERAL VIEW OF THE 


PRESENT STATE OF THE WORLD, 


WITH RESPECT TO 


CIVILIZATION, RELIGION, AND GOVERNMENT ; 


AND 


A BRIEF DISSERTATION 


ON THE 


IMPORTANCE OF HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE. 


— 2o2— 
BY SAMUEL WHELPLEY, A. M. 


PRINCIPAL OF THE NEWARK ACADEMY. 


ae 


Tenth Lvition. 


WITH CORRECTIONS AND IMPORTANT ADDITIONS AND IMPROVEMENTS, 


BY REV. JOSEPH EMERSON, 


PRINCIPAL OF THE FEMALE SEMINARY AT WETHERSFIELD, 


TWO VOLUMES IN ONE. 
VOL. f. 


BOSTON : 


PUBLISHED BY RICHARDSON, LORD & HOLBROOK, 
No. 133, Washington Street. 


1831. 


~~ 


DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS, VIZ. 
District Clerk’s Office. 


Be 1T REMEMBERED, That on the thirtieth day of June, A. D. 1825, in the forty- 
ninth year of the Independence of the United States of America, Richardson and Lord. 
of the said district, have deposited in tis office the title of a book, the right whereo 
they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit : 


‘¢ A Compend of History, from the earliest times ; comprehending a General View of 
the Present State of the World, with respect to Civilization, Religion, and Government ; 
and a Brief Dissertation on the Importance of Historical Knowledge. By Samueé 
Whelpley A. M. Principal of the Newark Academy. Eighth edition. With Corrections, 
and impozv:ant Additions and Improvements. By Rev. Joseph Emerson, Principal of the 
Female Seminary at Wethersfield. Two volumesinone. Vol. i.’ 


In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, ‘‘ An Act for the 
encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the 
authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned ;”’ and also 
to an act, entitled, ‘* An Act supplementary to an act, entitled, An Act for the encour-. 
agement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors 
and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned; and extending the 
beacfits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other 


prints.’? JNO. W. DAVIS, 
Clerk of the District of Massachusetts. 


TO THE 
REV. SAMUEL MILLER, D. D., 


One oF THE MINISTERS OF THE UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCHES IN 
THE City or New Yoru, &c. &c. 


REVEREND SIR, 


Wirz little more claim on you, than what the mass of society have 
on the benevolent notice of the learned, the wise and the good, | have 
presumed to inscribe to you, the following Compend of History; the 
chief merit of which, I am highly sensible, must consist much in the 
motive of the author. Destined by Providence to be intrusted with 
the education of youth, I have long regarded it as an important inqui- 
ry, what branches of knowledge and what modes of instruction are 
best calculated to benefit the young mind—what objects will be most 
likely to arrest the attention, enlarge the understanding, strengthen 
the memory, and promote virtuous dispositions. 

Whiist, on the one hand, I have not the vanity to think, that I have 
made any important discoveries in this inquiry; so, neither am I dis- 
couraged, on the other, by the reflection, that the wise and learned in 

'- every age have been more or less engaged in the same inquiry. If the 
lapse of ages has corrected the errors of Lycurgus, Solon and Aris- 
totle, it is presumed, that the most approved systems of the present day, 
having endured a similar test, will also be found defective. 

The study of history is too much neglected in our present course of 
education; and I am strongly impressed with the belief, that children 
may lay a broad foundation for historical knowledge, while learning to 
read, and may become very generally acquainted with history, merely 
in a common course of school reading. 

. No species of instruction so easily or so deeply imprints itself on the 
/memory of youth, as that which is clothed in simple narration and de- 
scription; especially if that narration convey interesting facts—and if 
that description engage and delight the imagination. It has often been 
observed, that an early taste for reading is likely to enkindle in the 
mind a desire for general improvement ; and, if I may be allowed to 
appeal to my own experience, the reading of history was the first thing 

» which awakened in me a desire to study the sciences. 

With these views, Reverend Sir, I have been induced to publish the 
‘following Compend. I have often found myself embarrassed in passing 
~through so wide a field—with such rapidity. A selection and arrange- 
“mert were desired, that would mark an unbroken line, and give the 
_ reader a just, general and connected impression. How far I have suc- 
» ceeded in the attempt, the reader must judge. HadI more leisure, or 
a better judgment, the work would have been more correct. But, as 

» it is, I hope it will answer the purpose for which it is designed, and, 
especially, that it may be so fortunate, as to gain the sanction of your 

“) approbation. 


~ 


4 EDITOR’S PREFACE. 


While modesty forbids me to say many things, which the voice of 
sincerity would prompt, I deem it but just to declare, that as far as 
dedication may be regarded as a mark of high personal respect—as far 
as presuming on the benevolent patronage of men of learning and tal- 
ents is ever safe—and as far as a writer may hope to benefit his pro- 
duction, by inscribing it to a name, which must long adorn the temple 
of science—so far I felicitate myself on this occasion ; 

And am, Reverend Sir, 
with the highest esteem and consideration, 
your most obedient 
and very humble servant, 


SAMUEL WHELPLEY. 


EDITOR’S PREFACE. 
—< -— 


Ir has been objected to Compends of history, that they are dry, un- 
interesting and tedious. By most of them, this censure is undoubtedly 
deserved ; and justly charges them with a fault of no ordinary magni- 
tude. This is a fault which must almost entirely exclude them from 
being used, except by those, to.whom, lesson by lesson, they are as- 
signed, as tasks—as tasks by no means delightful. And when we 
consider, that it should be a grand and leading object in education to 
fix the thought, to wake the slumbering energies of the mind, to unfold 
the faculties, and kindle a thirst for knowledge, we can hardly sup- 
pose, that such dreary tasks will be found very useful. 

From the charge of dulness, however, it is confidently hoped, that 
this Compend will be forever exempted. It.is found to be exceedingly 
interesting both to the beginner, and to the proficient in history. Even 
after the second and third reading, it still continues to charm. Much 
of it is written with a pathos and energy, that would not have disgraced 
the pen of Chatham. 

But this is not its only excellence. The facts are well selected, and, 
in general, well arranged. We have most to regret, that the work is 
so short. 

It is hoped, that the value of this edition is considerably enhanced—- 
that it will be found much more correct, in various respects, than pre- 
ceding editions. A few sentences have been omitted, as unimportant. 
The greatest liberty has been taken with the Chronological Tables, as 
not being of Mr. Whelpley’s composition. Several of them, which 
were conjectural, or of little importance to us, have been omitted. 
Much time has been spent to render the rest as correct as possible. 

It is believed, that the notes will be found both interesting and 
useful. 


EXPLANATION 


OF THE 


IMPERIAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL CHART. 
——-—- 


Ix this Chart, time is represented as flowing uniformly, an inch in 
three hundred years, from the year B. C. 2200, to A. D. 1825. The 
whole period is divided into centuries, by perpendicular, centurial lines, 
which are dated at top and bottom. The horizontal lines represent the 
duration of kingdoms, empires, republics or lives. The biographical 
lines are placed under the names of persons. The figures, placed at 
the beginning and end of these lines, express the dates of the com- 
mencement and termination of the person’s lives, reckoned from the 
centurial lines, which are toward the Christian era. Thus, the bio- 
graphical line under 4braham denotes the length of his life. The 
figures under it, in connexion with the centurial lines, denote, that he 
was born 1996 years B. C. and died, 1821 years B. C. The biograph- 
ical lines of monarchs are distinguished by little perpendicular strokes ; 
and the numbers under them, designate the commencement of their 
reigns. ‘Thus it appears from the biographical line of David, that he 
was born B. C. 1085, began to reign, 1055, and died, 1015. And by cal- 
culation, we may learn that he was 30 years old, when he began to 
reign, reigned 40, and lived 70. The case of Diocletian is pecu- 
liar. He was born A. D. 245, began to reign, 284, abdicated, 305, and 
died, 313. The numbers attending the imperial lines, denote the times 
of the rise or fall of empires. Thus it appears, that Troy was founded, 
B. C. 1546, and destroyed, 1184, and hy subtracting the latter from the 
former, we learn, that Troy stood 362 years. Dots denote uncertainty 
with regard to dates. . 

1* 


EIGHTH EDITION. 


——<— 


THE improvements of this edition have cost the editor much more 
labor, than all the preceding. He hopes this labor has not been spent 
in vain. He hopes the importance of these improvements will be 
found to correspond with their number and extent. This edition con- 
tains about one third more matter, than the preceding. A few pages 
have been omitted ; but it is believed, that every thing of importance 
is retained. 

It was felt and lamented, that there were considerable chasms in the 
original Compend. Some of the most important topics of history were 
scarcely touched by the author. He took it for granted, that his read- 
ers had a much better acquaintance with the subject, than they are 
generally found to possess. Several of these chasms, the editor has 
now attempted to fill. The subjects of most of the additions are 
printed in Italics, in the tables of contents, and the additions are en- 
closed in brackets in the Compend. These additions are rather com- 
pilations, abridgments or extracts, than original compositions. It is 
impossible now to ascertain from how many sources they have been 
drawn. Goldsmith and Morell, however, have furnished more materi- 
ais than any other authors. The editor has also received peculiar aid 
from Dr. Holmes’s “ American Annals,” an excellent work, which 
should, if possible, be in the library of every American, and of every 
scholar that knows our language. 

The engravings are not designed merely to embellish the work. 
They will doubtless prove more conducive to impress upon the youth- 
ful mind, some of the great lessons of history, than as many pages of 
the finest description. 

But the additions relating to chronology, will probably be found 
more useful than all the rest. If the editor has any claim to original- 
ity, it is in making the improvements, with which these are presented 
to the public. He deeply regrets, that he has not had time and health 
to render them more perfect. Such as they are, however, it is confi- 
dently believed, they will greatly facilitate the important and difficult 
study of chronology. It may be adviseable for the teacher to question 
tne pupil upon the Chart or Table, at almost every recitation. It is 
also recommended, that, as far as practicable, the chronologised name 
of every important date be written upon the margin of the page where 
the fact is recorded. Thus, Romput may be written upon page 134. 

Three chapters of the Compend are transferred from the beginning 
to the end of the book. This is done, to render them more intelligible, 
interesting and useful to the young historian. 

It affords the editor no small satisfaction to indulge the hope, that 
he may have been in some measure instrumental of promoting the cir- 
culation of a Compend of History, which he considers the most inter- 
est ng, within so small a compass, that has yet appeared in an — 


dress. 
Wethersfield, June 20, 1825. 


TABLE OF CONTENTS. 7. 


VOL. I—CHAPTER I. 


Brief Historical View of the 
Assyrian Empire, from its 
foundation, to the rags of 
Ninyas, .. 

CHAPTER I. 

The Assyrian or Babylonian 
Empire, from the reign of 
Ninyas to the fall of Nine- 
veh, 2 

CHAPTER III. 

The Assyrian or Babylonian 
Empire, from the destruc- 
tion of Nineveh, to the tak- 
ing of Babylon by Cyrus, 

CHAPTER IV. 
MEDIA AND PERSIA. 

The Persian Empire, from its 
foundation, to the birth a" 
Cyrus, 3 

CHAPTER v. 

The Persian Empire, from the 
birth of Cyrus, to the con- 
quest of the Lesser Asia, 


CHAPTER VI. 
The Persian Empire, from the 
reduction of Asia Minor, by 
Cyrus, till its subversion fy. 
Alexander, . . 


CHAPTER VIL. 
Ancient Greece, from the ear- 
liest times, to the fee eleHion 
of Lycurgus, ‘ : 
CHAPTER VILL. 
Ancient Greece from the leg- 
islation of Lycurgus, till 
the issue of the Persian 
invasion, 


CHAPTER Ix. 

Ancient Greece, from the 
Persian invasion, till the 
death of Alexander the 
Great, 

More particular ‘account “of 
Themistocles, : 

Some particulars of the Pelo- 
ponnesian War, : 

Socrates, ‘ 

Fine Arts, : 

Most important events of ‘the 
life of Philip, . a 

Bucephalus, . 


age. 


13 


19 


22 


26 


32 


40 


49 


CHAPTER X. 


MACEDON. 

Alexander’s Empire, from his 
death till its erm be by 
the Romans, 

Greece, from the death of ‘Al- 
exander to the Roman con- 
quest, on the it oR M70 

CHAPTER XI. 

Kingdom of Rome, . 

CHAPTER XII. 

The Roman Empire, from the 
expulsion of Tarquin, to 
the conquest of Carthage, 143 


. 134 


Coriolanus, . 146 
Fabrics, . . . . 157 
Battle of Zama, . . 171 


CHAPTER XIII. 

Brief historical view of the 
Roman Empire, from the 
fall of Carthage, to the 
reign of Commodus, con- 
taining a period of three 
hundred and twelve years, 174 

The Gracchi, ‘ . 175 

Marius and Sylia, 177 


CHAPTER XIV. 
General observations on the’ 
Roman History, from the 
accession of Augustus, to 
the death of Marcus ay; 
relius, . 194 


CHAPTER Xv. 

Brief historical view of the 
Roman Empire, from the 
reign of Commodus, to the 
extinction of the Western 
Empire, under Augustulus ; 
containing a period of two 
hundred and oahiy: -three 
years, 


Athens and Corinth satis the 
Romans, . 


CHAPTER XVI. 

Brief historical view of the 
course of Empire, from the 
fall of Rome to the estab- 
lishment of the Empire of 
Charlemagne, containing a 
period of three hundred 
and twenty-four years, . . 210 


. 200 


METHOD OF TEACHING 


THE FOLLOWING COMPEND. 
—j—. 


1. Ler the pupil read over the lesson assigned, to gain a general idea 
of the connexion. As he proceeds, let him carefully consult his dic- 
tionary and maps, as far as may be needful, in order to understand the 
words of the author, and the situation of places mentioned. 

2. Let the pupil read over the lesson in connexion with the printed 
questions, marking the answers as he proceeds. 

3. Let him commit the answers to memory, Let him be particu- 
ay careful to read and think them over deliberately and understand- 
tingly, that he may be able to repeat them with propriety. 

4. Let two pupils ask each other the questions. 

5. Let the pupil read over the lesson once more, to fix the connex- 
ion more perfectly in his mind, and to prepare to answer whatever 
questions the teacher may propose. 

6. Let the pupil be required to answer not-only all the printed ques- 
tions, bat eit others as the instructer may deem important. 

7. Let the pupil be required to recite his lesson with the greatest 
possible propriety, as it respects deliberation, pauses, emphasis, cadence, 
&c. By this means, he may be constantly advancing in the important 
art of reading. The indistinct, confused, monotonous, hurrying manner, _ 
in which scholars are often allowed to recite, can hardly fail to injure 
their reading. 

8. The more difficult questions, especially such as are addressed to 
the judgment, rather than to the memory, may be addressed to the 
class generally, that any one may answer them, who may be able. 

9. The instructer may find it very useful to intersperse or add a con- 
siderable number of observations, to explain, illustrate, confirm or en- 
force the most important parts of the lesson. 

10. Let the exercise at the end of each week be a review. If the 
scholars are sufficiently forward in writing, &c., it may be very useful 
for them to recite their review lessons to each other; and give each 
other certificates in the following form—This certifies that Miss A 


B has promptly and correctly repeated to me, answers to 
Historical Questions, contained in the recitations of the present week. 
Date. 


11. It may be useful for the instructer to ask miscellaneous ques- 
tions, relating to any part of history, that the pupil has studied, such 
‘as, Who was Ninyas? Who ‘was Sennacherib? In what were the 
Persians superior to the Greeks? In what were the Romans superior 
to the Greeks? &c. 

12. Let some chronological or geographical questions be asked at 
every recitation. 

If the special efforts, that have now been made for the improvement 
of this excellent Compend, should prove instrumental of extending the 
noble and delightful study of history, of promoting a taste for literature 
in general, and of leading the minds of youth to a devout acknowledg: 
ment of HIM, who rules, in the kingdoms of men, it will afford tly 
editor his richest reward for all the toil of correction. 

Byfield, May 1, 1820. JOSEPH EMERSON. 


HISTORICAL COMPEND. 


CHAPTER I. 
ASSYRIA. 


BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE ASSYRIAN OR BABYLONIAN 
-EMPIRE, FROM ITS FOUNDATION, TO THER REIGN OF 
NINYAS. 


Tue history of the world, for the first eighteen centu- 
ries, is nearly buried in oblivion. From the creation, to the 
deluge, little more has reached us, than the genealogy of 
the patriarchs, together with a brief account of the vices 
of the antediluvians, and of the ruin which they incurred. 

The first dawn of the light of civil history extends not 
beyond the foundation of the ancient kingdom of Babylon, 
or Assyrian empire; and even there, it shines with faint 
‘and dubious beam. 

Nimrod laid the foundation of the city and of the 
kingdom of Babylon. The beginning of his kingdom, Ste 
says the sacred historian, was Babel and Erech and 
Accad and Calneh in the land of Shinar. Nimrod was the 
son of Cush, grandson of Ham, and great grandson of Noah. 
The era, in which the foundation of this first of empires was 
laid, is fixed, by the concurrence of most chronologers, in 
the year of the world 1800, about a century and a half after 
the deluge. 

There is nothing known respecting the character and 
government of Nimrod, excepting what we find in the 
writings of Moses; and the account there given is very 
concise. He is called a mighty hunter, and is said to have 
had a kingdom, the beginning of which was Babel or Baby- 
lon. The probability is, that Ham and his sons, who 


10 VIEW OF THE 


founded Babylon and Egypt, early rebelled against Noah, 
the great patriarchal head and natural chief of the whole 
race; whereupon Noah, and such of his descendants as 
adhered to him, moved eastward, crossing Persia, India, 
and China, to avoid the fury of this unnatural rebellion. 

Noah would be most likely to emigrate, or to ‘settle, 
with one of his sons on whom his prophetic benediction 
rested, and especially with Shem, whom he considered in 
the line of the Messiah. Elam, the eldest son of Shem, 
settled in Persia, and it is highly probable, that Noah him- 
self went still further east. The great antiquity of the 
Chinese empire, their original character and manners, and 
the peculiarity of their language, both written and spoken, 
are proofs, that they are one of the most ancient nations and 
governments, and that their founders were among the wisest 
of the human race. To this, if we add the abundance of 
their traditions concerning the flood, and of things which 
with little alteration will apply to Noah, and to him only, we 
can scarcely doubt, that either that patriarch, or some of his 
descendants near his time, founded that empire. 

To all this, if we add the silence of Moses’ history con- 
eerning Noah after the flood, we shall be confirmed in the 
gelief, that he actually retired from western Asia, the general 
xcene of that history; and, for reasons equally strong, shall 
see no room to conjecture, that he moved northward into 
the cold, inhospitable wilds of Europe. That region was 
ieft to be explored and settled by some of his more hardy, 
enterprising sons. 

The career of government began with simple monarchy. 
It was no doubt first suggested by the authority which 
nature gives the parent over his child; for, no sooner did 
experience show the utility of combining the strength of a 
multitude in one exertion, than the importance of a centre 
of union was seen. To give energy and system to any 
combination, to render it durable, wieldy and effective, there 
must be a directing head. J ie 

A discerning, ambitious man, clothed with patriarchal 
authority, might soon see numberless ways of extending his 

rerogative, and strengthening the nerves of his power. 
ndeed, before parental authority was amenable to a higher 
court, it is not easy to conceive of a monarchy more un- 
limited. In a number of particular families, the chief of 
each house would form a subordinate rank. They would 
naturally give place to the heads of tribes, and each of 


ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 1] 


them unite in one patriarch, or grand chief. Such, proba- 
bly, was Nimrod. By what other means, less laudable, 
he raised himself to power, is only matter of conjecture. 

We have already said, that Nimrod’s achievements are 
not particularly known. He first employed his arms suc- 
cessfully against wild beasts, and became, as Moses styles 
him, a mighty hunter. He next made war upon his own 
species, and founded his empire in blood. But we remain 
ignorant of the extent of his dominions, or the duration 
of his reign. His son and successor was Ninus, whose 
name, together with that of Semiramis, is rendered famous 
by the exploits they are said to have done. Ninus built, 
or rather enlarged, the city of Nineveh, which is said te 
have been 60 miles in circumference, enclosed by a wall 
100 feet high, and fortified with 1500 towers 200 feet high. 
Ninus engaged in many wars, and enlarged his dominions 
on every side, particularly eastward, for he is said to have 
led armies into India. Semiramis, his queen, who survived 
him ‘many years, and reigned in great glory, rendered her 
name immortal, by an extraordinary course of splendid 
actions. Many superb structures and works of magnificence 
about Babylon, are ascribed to her; in the building of 
which, she employed two millions of men. 

If historians deserve credit, ancient Babylon was the 
noblest city ever built by man. It stood on a fertile and 
beautiful plain, watered by the river Euphrates, which 
passed through the midst of the city. Its walls, which were 
carried to the astonishing height of 360 feet, were 87 feet 
in thickness, and enclosed an exact square, whose side was 
15 miles; so that the city was sixty miles in circuit. 
There were 50 grand streets, that is, twenty-five running 
each way, on right lines parallel to each other. They 
were 150 feet wide, and, crossing each other at right angles, 
they all terminated in four streets, which lay round next to 
the wall on every side of the city, 200 feet wide. Thus 
the city was laid into 676 squares of 100 rods on each side. 
These squares were lined with numberless edifices, beside 
houses generally three or four stories high; and within the 
squares were innumerable delightful plantations, pleasure- 
grounds, and gardens. But this must be understood of the 
city, rather as it was in the days of Nebuchadnezzar, or 
Nitocris his daughter-in-law, than as it was in the days of 
Semiramis. 


}2 VIEW OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 


Though the city stood on a plain, yet the celebrated 
hanging gardens overlooked the walls. They raised a 
square of buildings four hundred feet on each side, inter- 
nally supported by arches raised on arches, and without by 
a massy wall many yards in thickness. These works were 
carried up to the height of the wall, and over all a plat- 
form was laid four hundred feet square, formed by flat 
stones of an amazing size, over which were. layers of reeds, 
then bricks cemented, and plates of lead, and then the earth 
for the garden, in such thickness as to support trees of the 
largest size. They were watered by an engine from the bed 
of the Euphrates. Brevity forbids, that we give a descrip- 
tion of the tower of Babel, forty rods square at the bottom, 
and upwards of 600 feet high, or the moat which encom- 
passed the walls, the bridge over the Euphrates, the palaces, 
and the subterraneous ways. 

Many of these wonderful edifices are supposed to have 
been built by Semiramis. She carried her arms far into 
Ethiopia, and still farther into India, where she was at last 
defeated with a total overthrow by an Indian king. These 
early conquests were far different, both in their nature and 
consequences, from those afterwards made by the Greeks 
and Romans. They were more easily gained and lost. In- 
deed, the progress made by Semiramis, Sesostris, and 
others, through Asia and Africa, were little more than ex- 
cursions of discovery. ‘They moved at the head of an im- 
mense multitude, without order, or much resistance, and 
lived upon rapine and hunting. In these times, not only 
fortification, but the military art was unknown. Of course, 
wherever they went, they carried conquest; which was 
generally held by no other band of security, than the weak 
and savage state of the conquered. 

But the accounts we have of those early times are, in 
sundry respects, exaggerated, especially with regard to 
the greatness of their cities and conquests. Herodotus 
affirms, however, that Babylon maintained her conquests 
500 years. . 

Semiramis, after a reign of 42 years, abdicated her gov- 
ernment to her son Ninyas. Few females have been more 
famous for their masculine virtues. Perhaps no one ever 
stood higher on the list of heroes and.conquerors. As to 
those virtues which beautify and adorn the female character, 
historians have little to say of her. 


* 


THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 13 


Ninyas succeeded his mother. In what year of the city, 
it is net ascertained; nor isit a matter of consequence, since, 
frei this period, the history of the Assyrian empire is ut- 
terly lost for more than a thousand years. Tradition has 
scarcely reported the names of the succeeding monarchs. 
They were extraordinary for nothing, but luxury, sloth, idle- 
ness, and the most horrid tyranny. 

The provinces of the empire, during that period, had 
little more than a mere nominal subjection to those detesta- 
ble tyrants; probably, for the most part, none at all; and, 
without doubt, the pomp of universal ‘empire, was gene- 
rally confined to the proud capitals, Babylon,and Nineveh. 
The Trojan war took place some time after the middle 
period of thé Assyrian empire. But Homer makes no men- 
tion of the Assyrian greatness ; a fact, which, had it existed, 
could not have escaped his pervading mind, nor wanted a 
place in his historical, geographical, and martial poem. As 
the universal conquests of Sesostris, king of Egypt, are said 
to have happened a little before the Trojan war, Babylon 
and Nineveh must have lain ‘central in his sweep of con- 
quest, and it is not likely he passed them by, but that his 
eastern career of victory was begun by the reduction of those 
proud cities. Would he go to the conquest of India, and 
léave the Assyrian empire in his rear, powerful, independent, 
and hostile? The misfortune of the case is, that the glory 
and conquests of Sesostris are as dubious as those of the As- 
syrians; and they certainly could not have existed together. 
The Assyrian empire, first and last, was probably less in fact, 
than it is in history. 


oa 


CHAPTER II. 


THE ASSYRIAN OR BABYLONIAN EMPIRE, FROM THE REIGN 
OF NINYAS, TO THE FALL OF NINEVEH. 


Tu successors of Ninyas, the son of Semiramis, are 
little known in history. The seat of their government, or 
rather of their enormities, was alternately et Babylon and 
Nineveh. About 1450 years after the empire was founded 
by Nimrod, we find Sardanapalus reigning at Nineveh. If 
we may suppose, that the line of succession was unbroken, 
from the warlike Semiramis to him, he was the last of that 

2 


14 THE -ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 


degenerate race of kings. From the silence of Homer, 
from the power and conquests of the kings of Egypt, from 
the figure Amraphel, king of Shinar, made in the days of 
Abraham, as stated in Genesis, and from the profound ob- 
livion of the Assyrian history during so long a time, it is 
probable, that the Assyrian monarchy was broken, dissolved, 
perhaps annihilated, and that it must have undergone revo- 
lutions, exterminating wars, and petty tyrannies, at various 
times. 

However that may be, in the time, and during the reign, 
of Sardanapalus, history seems a little to emerge from dark- 
ness. That prince being rendered weak and despicable by 
his vices, Arbaces, governor of Media, and Belesis, governor 
of Babylon, rebelled against him, defeated him in battle, and 
drove him into his capital, where he is said to have destroyed 
his treasures, and burned himself to death. 

The result of this rebellion was the dismemberment of the 
Assyrian empire. The province of Media gained its liberty. 
A king, by the name of Ninus the younger, was established 
in Nineveh, and. Belesis, one of the conspirators, became 
master of Babylon, as a separate kingdom. He is called in 
history Nabonassar. ) 7 

The beginning of the reign of Nabonassar, which was 747 
years before Christ, is supposed to be the first era, from 
whence the line of civil history can be with certainty drawn. 
Nabonassar was contemporary with Jotham king of Judah, 
and his era commenced within six years of the founding of 
Rome. 

This revolution, although it rent the Assyrian empire in 
pieces, neither impaired the splendor nor magnificence of 
Nineveh or Babylon. Those cities now became the seats 
of independent princes, and distinct empires ; and doubtless 
derived benefit from their new masters. But neither the 
history of the one, nor the other, is entirely known. From 
Nabonassar to the final subversion of the. empire by Cyrus, 
was 210 years; during which period, considerable light is 
thrown on the subject, by the sacred writings. - 

Concerning two important circumstances, we shall notice, 
first, the repeated irruptions of the Assyrian kings into Judah 
and Israel, and their depredations on the neighbouring na- 
tions; and, secondly, their carrying away Judali and Israel 
into captivity. j | 

We are told, 2 Kings, xv. 19, that Pul, king of Assyria, 
came into the lasid of Israel, and Menahem gave him a 


THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 15 


thousand talents of silver, to conciliate his favour and pro- 
tection. That this was a powerful invasion, we need no 
other proof, than the price with which the Assyrian king 
was bought off. This invasion, however, was 24 years before 
the era of Nabonassar. 

Nabonassar, after a reign of twelve years, was succeeded 
by his son Merodach-Baladan, of whom little is known. This 
prince was in friendship with the Jews, and sent an embas- 
sy to congratulate king Hezekiah on "the recovery of his 
health. From this period, the history of Babylon disappears, 
till the time of its union with Nineveh, under the govern- 
ment of Esarhaddon. But, in the mean time, the Assyrian 
kings of Nineveh were generally hostile and formidable to 
the nation of Israel. 

Tiglath-Pileser, the first king of Nineveh after the partition 
of the empire, was called in by Ahaz, king of Judah, to as- 
sist him against the kings of Syria and Israel. He came 
with a powerful army, and put a period to the kingdom of 
Syria, by taking Damascus, its chief city. He severely 
scourged the kingdom of Israel, whose dissolution drew nigh ; 
and proved a costly and dangerous ally to Judah, Ahaz 
being obliged to rob the temple of its sacred treasures, to 
appease his avarice. An account of this is given 2 Kings, 
xvi. 7%. This was in the year 740, B. C, 

About 20 years afterward, Shalmaneser invaded and sub- 
dued Israel. He besieged Samaria, the capital of the king- 
dom, three years; at length took it, and carried the Ten 
Tribes into captivity, and planted them in Media, This 
event happened about 250 years after the separation of 
Israel from Judah. From this captivity the Ten Tribes 
never returned. The probability is, that they soon mingled 
with other nations, lost distinction of origin, and will emerge 
to light no more. The inventive imaginations of theorists 
have discovered traces of them among the Turks, Tartars, 
American savages, and elsewhere. But when we consider 
the character of the Ten Tribes, their proneness to idola- 
try, and to incorporate with other nations, which, in their 
most pure and virtuous times, could not be prevented by 
their wisest legislators, even when they were a distinct and 
independent nation; when we consider the revolutions, 
tyrannies, barbarity, and ignorance of Asiatic tribes in all 
ages ; when we consider the great length of time, and other 
auxiliary circumstances, we are strongly led to this conclu- 
sion; stil] allowing full weight and authority to ancient 


16 THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 


scripture prophecy, from which faire > ap on this sub- 
ject can be discovered. 

After a reign of fourteen years, sfhlacrnge sek died, and 
was succeeded by his son Sennacherib. An account of his 
formidable invasion of Judah, in the reign of Hezekiah, is 
particularly related 2 Kings, xviii. 13. He invaded Judah 
with a powerful army ; in the mean time defeated the king 
of Egypt, who was coming to relieve the Jews, and would 
probably have taken Jerusalem ; but his army was suddenly 
destroyed by pestilence. He returned to Nineveh, where 
he played the tyrant with so high a hand, that his own sons 
assassinated him in the temple of Nisroch ; and he was suc- 
ceeded by Esarhaddon. 

During the reign of this prince, the royal family of the 
kings of Babyton became extinct, and there was an inter- 
regnum of cight years. The weak and disordered state oe- 
casioned by this enabled Esarhaddon, who was a wise and 
politic prince, to annex Babylon to his dominions. Thus, 
after a separation of sixty-seven years, these two powerful 
kingdoms again became one. But this union, together with 
its happy fruits, was of short duration. The final destiny of 
Nineveh was now fast approaching ;. a rival power was rising 
to maturity, and ready to burst, with utter destruction, upon 
that proud empire. 

Esarhaddon, thirteen years after the union of Babylon 
with Nineveh, -was succeeded by his son Nabuchodonosor.* 
This prince defeated and slew Phraortes, king: of the Medes, 
in a great battle, and took Ecbatana, the capital of Media. 
This defeat, however, did not check the martial spirit or 

rapid erowth of that warlike nation. It was left for the 
sons of the victors and vanquished to act the last seene, 
and conclude the drama of the first of the eastern em- 
ires. 

’ Cyaxares I., the son and successor of Phraortes, was soon 
at the head of a numerous and well-appointed army. De- 
termining to revenge the death of his father, he marched 
directly into Assyria, encountered and defeated an army 
thrown in his way, and immediately invested N ineveh. He 
would probably have taken it, but was obliged to raise the 
siege, and march in haste to. defendhis. own. territories. 


“ Nabuchodonosor was a name among the Babylosigie common- 
ly given to their kings, as that of Pharitoh was among the Psy 
flans.” —Prideauz. 


THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 17 


The Scythians, a race of warlike savages, inhabiting the 
wilds of Europe and Asia, had driven before them the Cim- 
merians, a people equally savage, and nearly as terrible, 
dwelling near-Lake Meotis. These, in numberless hordes, 
were depopulating the fertile fields of Asia, and had invaded 
the dominions of Cyaxares. ‘The Medes were defeated by 
them in several battles, and the Scythians remained masters of 
most countries between the Caspian, Blaek, and Mediterra- 
nean Seas, a great part of Upper Asia,* for several years. 
We shall speak more particularly ef them in our review of 
the Persian empire. 

While the king of Media was waging doubtful war with 
the Scythians, Nabopollassar, governor of Babylon, revolted 
from the king of Nineveh, and set up an independent gov- 
ernment. in this he was encouraged by Cyaxares, who had 
not changed his purpose of subduing Nineveh. Saracus, 
king of Nineveh, although meneced by such potent enemies, 
adepted no efficient system of defence; but, dissolved in 
luxury, and lost to all sense of glory, he supinely waited the 
gathering storm. 

Cyaxares at length rid himself of the Scythian Eweneie, 
by a stroke of policy, which nothing but the emergency of 
the times, and manners of the nge, could warrant. He in- 
vited the chief officers ef the Scythian army to a general 
feast , prepared im various parts, where, in the midst of mirth 
and intoxication, his guards, and others appointed for thet 
purpose, fei! furiously upon them, and kilied them all, with- 
out resistance. 

Cyaxares once more invaded the Assyrian empire, assist- 
ed by Nebuchaduezzar, king of Babylon. These two 
powerful princes abhoitiplened the final subversion and 
abolition of the first Assyrian empire. Nineyeh was taken 
and destroyed. 

A sublime description is given of the fall of this ancient 
city by the prophet | Nahum. From that, also, we may form 
some idea of its greatness and’ splendor. This event hap- 
pened B, C. 600, and in the 147th year of Nabonassar’s 
era. 

The Assyrian empire rose, flourished, and fell, while the 
world was yet in its infancy: Few maxims of its govern- 
ment have reached our times; few incidents have escaped 


ee «A ERS OS RTS IF eel 
* Upper Asia included Armenia, Pontus, Colchis, and Iberia—~ 


>. * 


18 THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 


oblivion ; and those which have are doubtless tinctured with 
the stream of tradition, passing through long and bewilder- 
ing tracts of time. From what we can gather from such du- 
bious lights, we are led to conclude, that the fabric of the 
ancient monarchical governments, was very simple. It may 
be expressed in few words, sovereign power, and absolute 
subjection. Where the monarch chanced to be an amiable 
character, the condition of the subject was very tolerable ; 
but power so unrestrained, in the hands of a bad man, pro- 
duced the most dreadful tyranny. 

In every form of government, sovereign power must be 
iodged somewhere. Power, considered merely as corpo- 
real strength, is naturally, in the hands of every man, 
nearly alike; and the machine of government is a device, 
by which the power of many is combined and called forth 
by consent, in one great exertion. To call forth and exert 
this combination, the monarch has the sole power. He 
therefore can do whatever all his people, collectively, can 
do. His will directs their whole strength. In mixed gov- 
ernments, especially in republics, this national exertion is 
obtained, not by the will of one, but of many, who are 
chozen by the people for that purpose. But, in this latter 
case, individuals commonly find means to obtain the real, 
while, in the former, the monarch often holds only the nom- 
inal sovereignty. : 

The splendor and greatness of Nineveh, as of all other 
great cities in early times, consisted chiefly in their public 
buildings. The dwellings of the great mass of the people 
were little better than wretched hovels—without,* unorna- 
mented, and within, unfurnished. Indeed, this is still the 
case in most of the great cities of Asia. Nineveh and Bab- 
ylon contained little worthy of notice, except their walls, 
towers, temples, palaces, and superb structures of royalty. 
How incomparably more magnificent is the modern city of 
London or Paris, when viewed as the abode of men! Here 
are seen monuments of every art and science; the aston- 
ishing effects of commerce; opulence and independence 
reigning among all classes; the diffusion of knowledge; the 
reign of science, freedom, and plenty. The private houses 
of modern cities appear to be the residence of a free peo- 
ple, enjoying no small portion of wealth, independence, and 
E5*7iness. 


. 


THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 19 


CHAPTER III. 


THE ASSYRIAN OR BABYLONIAN EMPIRE, FROM THE DE- 
STRUCTION OF NINEVEH, TO THE TAKING OF BABYLON BY 
CYRUS. 


BasBYLon now remained unrivalled and alone. The city 
consisted of a mighty assemblage of the most amazing struc- 
tures, temples, towers, palaces, and walls—works of incred- 
ible labour and expense, where millions had toiled, and 
groaned in painful servitude. ‘These buildings were rather 
admirable for their stupendous greatness, than for elegance 
and due proportion in architecture. As for the rules and pro- 
portions in building, they were in a great measure unknown ; 
and the different orders of architecture were yet to be dis- 
covered. They had nothing comparable with the temple of 
Minerva, er of Balbec. For the noble science of architecture, 
the world is indebted to the strong and mathematical genius 
and elegant taste of the ancient Greeks. 

Nebuchadnezzar was now on the throne of Babylon; and 
the extent of his dominions was answerable to the splendor 
of his capital. But there were two cities, whose fame and 
opulence rendered them objects worthy of his ambition; one 
was Jerusalem, the other was Tyre; the latter of which was 
one of the strongest cities then known. 

The siege of Jerusalem employed him two years; 
which, however, he at length terminated by the utter mae 
destruction of that noble city. In the 19th year of 
his reign, he burnt Solomon’s temple, and carried the Jews 
to Babylon, where they remained 70 years. Four years after, 
he besieged the city of Tyre; the reduction of which was 
the most arduous enterprise of his life. Tyre had stood, from 
its foundation, 660 years; having never been taken by any 
foreign power. After the Chaldean army had suffered in- 
credible hardships, and consumed 13 years in infinite labors, 
the city was taken; not, however, till the inhabitants had 
removed their principal effects to an island about half a 
mile from the shore. Here a new city rose, which soon 
eclipsed the glory of the former; a striking proof of the 
power of commerce. This new Tyre still flourished, and 
even far transcended its former state. When attacked by 
Alexander the Great, nearly three centuries afterward, it 
was able to resist the impetuous valor and unrivalled skill 


\ 


x 


20 THE ASSYR{AN EMPIRE. 


of that great commander; nor is it probable he ever eculd 
have taken it, but by makiug himself master of the sea. Of 
this siege we shall speak hereafter. 

Nebuchadnezzar reigned prosperously 43 years. Some- 
thing of his history and character may be collected from 
the sacred writings. He found no equal among the neigh- 
boring contemporary princes; he extended his conquests 
far and wide; was the greatest monarch of his time, and 
doubtless the greatest that ever ruled the Assyrian em- 

ire. 

Babylon had now seen the zenith of her glory, and was 
soon to suffer a final and total eclipse. Four princes in 
succession, after Nebuchadnezzar, are remembered only to 
perpetuate their infamy, and to merit the just reproach of 
bringing ruin on themselves and their people. Evil-Mero- 
dach, Nebuchadnezzar’s son and successor, was taken off 
by insurrection. He was succeeded by Neriglissar, his 
brother-in-law. This prince was soon slain by the armies 
of the Medes and Persians. His successor, Laborosoar- 
chod, reigned only nine months, and fell by conspiracy.. To 
him succeeded Belshazzar, in whose reign Babylen was 
taken by Cyrus. This great city, justly considered as 
impregnable to every open and direct attack, was taken by 
stratagem; which we shall relate in speaking of the 
Medes and Persians. Belshazzar’ was surprised in the 
midst of a public feast; was slain in the gate of his palace; 
and the kingdom of Babylon became extinct, being the 
last branch of the ancient Assyrian empire, 210 years after 
its separation from Nineveh. 

Thus ended the second Assyrian empire, 1668 years after 
the foundation of the first by Nimrod. Babylon, however, 
still the noblest of cities, about twenty years after it was taken 
by Cyrus, revolted from Darius Hystaspes, then in the fifth 
year of his reign, and made preparations for a long and des- 
perate resistance; but was again taken by stratagem: Zo- 
pyrus, the general of Darius, suffering his nose and ears to 
be cut off, fled into the city, pretendedly as a deserter. 
His military skill soon procured him a command in the 
city; he opened the gates, and let in the Persian army. 
A traitor should be suspected, but never trusted. Alex- 
ander intended to: have made Babylon his capital. It 
only furnished. him with an untimely grave. It has been 
desolated for many ages. The pleasant country around 
it becoming a morass by the overflowing of the Eur 


THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 21 


phrates, its place is not exactly known ;* and it has lain 
wholly desolate, and without inhabitant, from generation. to 
gencration ; literally fulfilling the predictions of. Isaiah the 
prophet. 

The ancient Assyrian empire, exclusive of its extensive 
conquests, comprehended much of what is now called Tur- 
key in Asia; territories lying about the rivers Euphrates and 
Tigris. It stretched northward tawards the Caspian and 
Black Seas, with a dubious boundary on Circassia; west 
and north-west, it spread towards the Mediterranean Sea, 
and met Syria and Palestine ; south and south-west, lay the 
Persian Gulf and Arabia; and east, the ancient Media and 
Persia; though, indeed, all these territories, and many more, 
were, at times, subjugated to that monarchy, 

In glancing an eye at the rise and fall of the ancient 
nations, it would be highly useful and interesting, could we 
develope, with certainty, the sources of their prosperity, and 
the causes of their fall. But if this mquiry is attended with 
inexplicable difficulties, in instances the most recent, how 
remote from investigation is it in the first governments which 
ever existed! National prosperity may be considered in 
two points of light; t. When a nation, considered as a body, 
is powerful, respected, rich, and eminent in the view of sur- 
rounding nations; or, 2. When a nation is in such a state, 
that the individuals, who compose it, are prosperous, happy, 
and secure, 

In some instances, these two kinds of national prosperity 
have united for a time; but those instances have been rare, 
and that union of short continuance. History presents 
many examples of the first. Such, indeed, were all the 
ancient monarchies; such was the empire of Constantine 
the Great, of Charlemagne, of Ghenghis Khan, of Charles 
V., of Louis XIV.—and we might come still nearer our 
time. But what histories shall we consult to find examples 
of the second ? If we judge from the most probable sources 
of conjecture, concerning individual happiness, in those em- 
pires of most splendid figure in history, our conclusions will 
not be very favorable. “Where millions are subject to the 
control and arbitrary direction of one, however good may 
be his intention, yet he will err, yitbien vanity, srenue 


* It is supposed that the place and yuins. of ancient Babylon have 
been recently discovered. See Hellah in Worcester’s Universal 


Gazetteer. —Ed. 
‘ 


22 PERSIA. 


weakness, through passion; but, above all, through igno- 
rance. Vainly relying on his own sagacity, prudence, and 
foresight, he will use his power to its extent; he will form 
designs, and strike out projects, in the compass of which, the 
rights, if not the lives, of thousands and millions, will be 
crushed, and their sighs and groans never heard. 

But nothing is more uncertain, than any comparison we 
can make of the happiness of nations; for, in all govern- 
ments, sovereign power must be exercised by certain hands, 
either hereditary or elective; and, as all men are ambitious 
of power, it is a question, what form of government contains 
the most of private happiness. If popular governments are 
more equitable, they are, at the same time, most feeble, 
most liable to convulsions and revolutions, and of shortest 
duration. 


ee 


: CHAPTER IV. 
MEDIA AND PERSIA. 


THE PBRSIAN EMPIRE, FROM ITS FOUNDATION TO THE BIRTH 
OF CYRUS. 


Tue Medes and Persians are considered as the descend- 
ants of Shem, the son of Noah, and of the family of Elam. 
There is little known of that great and powerful people, 
but from Herodotus, Xenophon, and the sacred writings. 
Their empire, in its full extent, reached from India to 
Ethiopia, and from the waters of India and Arabia to the 
Caspian and Black Seas. It was with them as with all the 
great empires of ancient times; their boundaries were 
frequently dubious, and always varying. Indeed the present 
empire of Russia is a similar instance, the emperor himself, 
and his ministers, scarcely knowing its real limits and ex- 
tent; for which there is good reason. Their boundaries 
may be compared to those places, where the land and sea 
dispute for empire, and prevail by turns. Their subjection 
is but nominal; and such is their distance from the seat of 
government, so wild and ferocious their manners, that cor- 
rect intelligence can hardly keep pace with the rapidity of 
their revolutions. 

The Assyrian empire, the centre of avhich was about the 
river Euphrates, early subjugated all the different tribes 


PERSIA. 23 


and nations, from. the river Indus to the isthmus of Suez. 
Of course the Persian territories were included. But before 
the revolt of Media from that empire, the history of the 
Medes and Persians is unknown. It has been already no- 
ticed, that Arbaces, governor of Media, taking advantage of 
tbe weak administration of Sardanapalus, king of Assyria, 
formed a conspiracy, and concentrated a combination of 
powers against him, which proved his overthrow, and the 
dismemberment of his kingdom. 

Babylon, Nineveh and Media became distinct and inde- 
pendent governments.* Of the history of the two former, 
we have drawn the outline. Indeed, little more has escaped 
oblivion, and reached our times. While those great powers 
were going to decay, the Medes and Persians, like most 
nations in their youth, acquired a military spirit; and, being 
uncorrupted with luxury and vice, they adopted happy 
methods of discipline and internal order, which could not fail 
of giving energy to their counsels, and success and renown 
to their arms. 

Some time after the separation of Media from the As- 
syrian empire, Dejoces, a powerful chief of that coun- “9” 
try, erected it into a monarchy. He was a wise and 
politic prince.. His characteris highly celebrated by Hero- 
dotus and others. It is worthy of remark, that most nations, 
in the first of their career, are led and ruled by great and 
good men. We might instance Romulust and Numa in 
Rome; Themistocles, Aristides, Lycurgus, Solon, Epaminon- 
das, in Greece; Cyrus, in Persia; David and Solomon, in 
Judea; and, in later times, Charlemagne, in France; Alfred, 
in England ; and we may add, Washington, in America. 

Dejoces employed a long reign of more than fifty years, 
in civilizing his subjects, promoting the arts of peace, and 
reducing to practice an. excellent system of policy, and 


* The opinion of Prideaux, that Nineveh and Media remained 
united under Arbaces, appears much more probable. “The ancient 
empire of the Assyrians, which had governed Asia above thirteen 
hundred years, being dissolved, there arose up two empires in its 
stead; the one founded by Arbaces, governor of Media, and the 
other by Belesis, governor of Babylon ;—Belesis had Babylon, Chal- 
dea, and Arabia, and Arbaces all the rest.” Prideaux’ Connection ; 
Vol. I. p. 1.—Ed. 

t Some of these characters are by no means to be ranked among 
the good; especially Romulus, who was a fratricide, a robber, and 
finally 2 tyrant. Well might such a character be regarded by a nation 
of plunderers, as their father and their god. —Ed. 


24 PERSIA. 


thereby showing himself worthy to reign. He left behind 
him a grateful memorial in the minds of his subjects, and a 
son and successor of a warlike, ambitious, and enterprising 
temper, Phraortes succeeded his father in the kingdom of 
Media. Few circumstances are recorded of him: He 
carried on wars with various success; subjected the Per- 
sians to bis power; made war with Nabuchodonosor, the 
king of Nineveh, in which he was unfortunate, and termi- 
nated his career, together, with his life, after a reign of 
twenty-two years. : 

This Nabuchodonosor is thought to have been the mon- 
arch of that name mentioned in the book of Judith, who 
sent Holofernes to invade Judea. The Assyrian empire 
was then much weakened, and fast declining, but was still 
too powerful for the Mezes. In those ages, when the 
safety of a nation depended more on personal valor and 
military skill, than on riches and artful negotiations, the 
loss of a general battle produced very different effects on a 
rising nation, composed of hardy warriors, inflamed with a 
desire of conquest, and just beginning to be dazzled with 
the splendors of empire, from what it did on an ancient na- 
tion, immensely rich, voluptuous, effeminate, and drowning 
in its own luxuries. While, on the one hand, the Medes 
soon recovered their loss, and rose more terrible after the 
defeat and death of Phraortes; on the other, the defeat of 
the Assyrians before Bethulia, and the loss of a general and 
his army, seemed to break their spirit, and hasten on their 
final subversion. ) 

Cyaxares I. succeeded his father Phraortes. He 
soon collected and drew after him an army composed “¢3,”° 
of the fiery and unconquerable spirits from the moun- ' 
tains of Media. He pushed his conquests in every direction, 
united the barbarous tribes of Media under his standard, and 
soon became formidable to all the neighboring nations. But 
as his conquests lay chiefly among tribes and clans of unciv- 
ilized barbarians, we shall pass them over in silence. 

The good fortune attending his arms, and the remem- 
brance of the shameful defeat and death of his father in the 
Assyrian war, now roused him to seek revenge on that 
proud empire, which had so long tyrannized over many 
nations. He marched at the head of a powerful army 
toward Nineveh, encountered and defeated an Assyrian 
army thrown in his way, and, laid close siege to the city. 
As the Assyrians were utterly unable to keep the field, 


PERSIA. 25 


their only safeguard and dependence was the strength of their 
capital. But as nothing now remained of that warlike char- 
acter, which distinguished and exalted their nation in former 
ages, the siege was likely to be of short continuance, and 
ruust have ended in the speedy reduction and utter ruin of 
that city, had not Providence designed to procrastinate their 
doom for a few more years. 

Cyaxares was suddenly recalled to defend his own territo- 
ries from the Scythians, who had poured down upon Media, 
and were likely. to overrun all Western Asia. This is the 
first irruption of that barbarous people mentioned in history. 
It was upwards of 600 years before the Christian era. The 
history of that people is curious and wonderful. They seem 
to have been designed as the instrument of Providence, to 
scourge the nations of the earth. 

The northern and eastern wilds of Europe and Asia gave 
birth to a race of men in early ages, more properly called 
an immense collection of wandering tribes and families, 
than a nation. Their manner of life, both in war and peace, 
has been uniform and perpetual. Their courage was 
invincible, their armies innumerable, and they seemed to 
spring from sources inexhaustible. Though extremely 
fierce, and devoid of mental cultivation, yet their policy, 
in its kind, was keen, artful, and profound. Their invasions 
resembled the emigration of an entire province. They 
carried with them their families and effects; and the shock 
of their impression was adequate to the overturning of the 
greatest empires. In the most vigorous periods of the 
Roman empire, they shook its foundations; and, finally, in 
one tremendous inundation, desolated the whole civilized 
world. 

As ancient Media lay nigh the Caspian Sea, and bordered 
on what is now denominated Circassia, the dominions of 
Cyaxares lay directly in their way into the interior of 
Western Asia. He therefore marched with all speed, and 
zave them battle; but was totally defeated, and obliged to 
fly before a victorious enemy. But, as the circumstan- 
ces of this war between the savage Scythians and the 
Medes, not much more civilized, are but slightly known, 
and would be wholly uninteresting, were they otherwise, 
we shall not dwell upon them. It shall suffice to say, 
that Cyaxares, after struggling several years, with various 
fortune, found means to destroy or expel them from his 
dominions. He is said to have caused them to be invited 

3 


96 PERSIA, 


to feasts, made in various parts of his .kingdom, where, in 
the midst of intoxication, his guards, and other emissaries, fell 
upon them, and caused them to perish in a general massacre. 
The difficulties, however, attending so extensive and deep a 
conspiracy, leave room to doubt the authenticity of the 
story. 

Cyaxares at length found leisure to renew his invasion of 
Nineveh. He met with little obstruction in opening the 
siege; and, as his efforts were aided by the king of Babylon, 
a powerful and warlike prince, with whom he had formed 
an alliance, the reduction of the city soon followed, as we 
have formerly noted. 

Cyaxares pursued his conquests, leaving only Chaldea to 
the king of Babylon; and, having extended his territories, 
and enriched his armies with treasures and spoils of immense 
value, he returned to Media in great glory; where the ener- 
vating influence of Assyrian luxury soon became visible, 
and, among other causes, concurred in transferring the em- 
pire from the Medes to the Persians. __ 

Cyaxares was succeeded by his son Astyages, whose reign 
was long and prosperous. Astyages was succeeded by his 
son Cyaxares II., called in the Bible Darius the Median. 
Dan. v.31. Astyages had also a daughter, named Mandane, 
who married Cambyses, king of Persia. These were the pa- 
. rents of the great Cyrus, who put a period to the latter As- 
syrian, and effected the union of the Median and Persian 
empires. 

—-_ 


CHAPTER V. 


THE PERSIAN EMPIRE, FROM THE BIRTH OF CYRUS, TO THE 
CONQUEST OF THE LESSER ASIA. 


Tue legal heir to a splendid fortune, or to an imperial 
throne, has little honor in comparison with him, who, by the 
force of his genius, breaks the power of depressing circum- 
stances, bears down all impediments, removes the various 
difficulties and embarrassments, with which weak men are 
encompassed, and carries along with him a whole nation 
to the elevated summit of empire. However much we 
may be disposed to ascribe it to a fortunate concurrence 
of events, it will appear, on careful attention, to arise from 
that astonishing power, some men have over others, of 


PERSIA. 7 


combining and directing their exertions to proper objects— 
from their great energy of character—from their commanding 
and comprehensive views of human affairs—from their quick 
discernment in the choice of expedients—from their bold and 
masterly projection of grand schemes, and from their dili- 
gence and perseverance in every pursuit. 

With such a genius Cyrus was endowed. He found his 
native country but small, and inhabited by an inconsiderable 
people. The territories of the ancient Persians, it is said 
by good authorities, comprehended but a small part of that 
vast country now bearing. their name; which extends from 
the river Indus to the Euphrates. They were allies and 
dependants of the Medes, who, under Cyaxares the First, 
the great grandfather of Cyrus, had destroyed Nineveh, 
and subjugated many neighboring countries, as already 
noticed. West of them lay the kingdom of Babylon, 
immensely opulent, and still powerful, but declining under 
the administration of a dynasty of weak and vicious mon- 
archs. 

As the Medes had put a period to the first Assyrian 
empire, the Assyrians of Babylon viewed them with an eye 
of jealousy, and waited only for a convenient time to make 
war on so powerful and dangerous a neighbor. This soon 
presented; and Neriglissar, king of Babylon, having drawn 
into his alliance Cresus, king of Lydia, and many neighhor= 
ing princes and tributaries, took the field. Cyaxares the 
Second had, just before this, succeeded to the throne of his 
father Astyages. He was alarmed at the prospect of so 
formidable a war, which seemed likely to overwhelm his 
dominions. He immediately sent to Cambyses, king of Per- 
sia, requesting that Cyrus might be sent to his aid at the 
head of the Persian auxiliaries. 

Cyrus then first appeared as the commander of an army, 
and fully justified the expectation of those who had seen his 
wisdom, discreetness, and valor, on former occasions. He 
displayed all the activity, the humanity, the address, the for- 
titude, and the personal authority of a great commander. A 
general battle was fought, in which the king of Babylon was 
slain, the Assyrian army totally defeated, their allies dis- 
persed, and their affairs rendered desperate. But as the vic- 
tory was wholly owing to the conduct of Cyrus, the king of 
Media was filled with chagrin, envy, and discontent. He 
soon after returned home, and left Cyrus to prosecute the 
war at his own diseretion, 


23 PERSIA. 


The Assyrians were unable to collect another army sufli- 
cient to cope with Cyrus. He therefore penetrated into 
Chaldea, took every fortress that lay in his way, ravaged 
the country, and marched to the gates of Babylon. But the 
stupendous height and impenetrable thickness of the walls, 
the lofty towers, and gates of solid brass, and the multitude 
of men within, seemed to indicate a longer siege and more 
obstinate defence than Cyrus was prepared to undertake. 
Before that city could be taken, he had once more to try his 
fortune in the open field. 

He therefore returned with his victorious army to Media, 
to his uncle Cyaxares; and from thence revisited his father 
Cambyses, in his native country, Persia, after an absence of 
about seven years. ° 

It was now pretty clearly foreseen, that Cyrus was rising 
to the empire of Asia. His great qualities as a general, the 
sublimity and grandeur of his designs, the celerity of his 
movements, the martial order of his camps, and the tremen- 
dous impetuosity of his battles, in addition to the lustre of 
his character in private life, presaged his future greatness, 
and seemed to set him foremost in the first rank of men then 
living; and, as we shall see hereafter, entitled him to the 
highest character of all the monarchs of Asia. 

On his approach towards the borders of Media, as just 
related, his uncle Cyaxares met him with coolness. And 
well might he have been alarmed for the safety of his 
kingdom and the security of his crown, had Cyrus been of 
that dark, perfidious character, which many great con- 
querors have too clearly shown to the world. But Cyrus 
had the address to dispel his fears, quiet his jealousies, and 
conciliate his affections; so that the just apprehensions of 
mankind of a rupture between the Medes and Persians 
were removed; Cyrus, doubtless, well understanding how 
important the strict union of those two warlike powers was 
to the accomplishment of his designs, and also foreseeing 
how likely it was that he should one day reign over both. 

The rapid growth of the Persian arms, under Cyrus, had 
now excited general attention from Egypt to India. A 
league was formed among the principalities of Asia, at the 
head of which was Helohazean, king of Babylon, and Cresus, 
king of Lydia. 

But, before we proceed, it is necessary to draw the 
reader’s attention, for a moment, aside from the line we 
are tracing. ‘The Lydians were an ancient people of Lesser 


PERSIA. 99 


Asia, situated between Ionia on the west, and the greater 
Phrygia on the east. They derived their name from 
Lydus, an ancient king ofthat country. His family, accord- 
ing to ancient authors, was supplanted by the descendants 
of Hercules, who reigned over the Lydians several centuries. 
After various revolutions, we find Cresus on the throne of 
Lydia, the prince just mentioned. He was the friend 
and ally of the king of Babylon. His capital was Sardis, 
where afterwards was situated one of the seven churches of 
Asia. 

Cresus was immensely rich, and the Lydians, though a 
very voluptuous, were yet a warlike nation. This prince, 
notwithstanding the splendor and opulence of his court, and 
the luxurious magnificence of his kingdom, was a consum- 
mate general, as well as a proficient in the Grecian philos- 
ophy. He was perpetually engaged in wars, and made con- 
quests and considerable additions to his dominions. It may 
also be proper to observe, that the Lydians had, on former 
occasions, engaged in wars against the Medes, and were 
their natural enemies, as they were the friends and allies of 
the Assyrians. 

The king of Babylon, whom no emergency of government, 
or national exigence, could now draw from his debaucheries, 
had placed Cresus as the acting head of the league, to con- 
tend with Cyrus; but, in the mean time, had furnished him 
with vast sums of money; had drawn a great army, even 
from Egypt; had collected what forces he could from all 
_ Western Asia, then very populous; and, in a word, had as- 
sembled an army perhaps second to none in those times, 
but the army of Xerxes the Great, afterwards drawn from 
the same populous regions. It consisted of 420,000 men. 
‘This army was assembled at-Thymbra, a place not far dis- 
tant from Sardis, the capital of Lydia. 

Cyrus lost no time in collecting what forces he could. 
His army fell short of 200,000; but his chief dependence 
was on 70,000 Persians, whom, with his own hand, he had 
trained to the art of war, and into whom he had infused his 
own, invincible spirit. Contrary to all expectation, Cyrus . 
put his army immediately into motion, and marched in quest 
of his enemies. Their distance could not be less than a 
thousand miles. It was probably more, and that through 
countries inhabited by hostile nations. No difficulty could 
intimidate Cyrus; no labor nor danger could abate the ardor 
of his troops. By long and rapid marches, he soon came up 

3 * ; . 


30 PERSIA. 


to the place of rendezvous, from which.Cresus had not 
moved, but lay in perfect security. 

Celerity is the first and grandest of all military maxims. 
It was this which gave victory and fame to Cyrus, Alexan- 
der, Hannibal, Cesar, and Napoleon. Though celerity in- 
deed is not the only thing necessary, yet, other things being 
as they should be, it renders invasion irresistible, and victory 
certain. 

The Assyrians were astonished at the intrepidity of Cyrus, 

especially considering the inferiority of his army, and dis- 
tance from his own dominions. But still they placed confi- 
dence in their own resources—their superior numbers, and 
the military skill of their commanders. 
. A spacious plain was chosen, on which the army of 
Cresus displayed a line of battle five milesin- length. Their 
plan was to flank the Persians, and surround them, knowing 
their own numbers to be much superior. Cyrus, aware of 
this, had determined that his army should act in three 
directions; and so sure of victory was he, that he ordered 
the centre of his army not to move, nor strike a blow, till 
he had routed the wings of the enemy. When the signal 
for battle was given, the Persian army stood firm and pro- 
foundly silent, in a line much shorter and deeper than the 
enemy, till the wings of the latter had wheeled round, and 
formed three sides of an encompassing square. At that 
instant Cyrus wheeled the wings of his army, and fell with 
an irresistible shock upon the wings of the enemy; they 
both gave way, and fell into confusion. That was the 
signal for the centre, where commenced a battle, long, fierce, 
and bloody. A hundred and twenty thousand Egyptians, 
ranged in battalions thirty deep, in close order, and covered 
from head to foot with bucklers and cuirasses, formed the 
centre of the allied army. The horse, on which Cyrus rode, 
was killed; and he fell among forests of spears, and showers 
of javelins. How often the fate of battle, and even of whole 
nations, depends on the courage and strength of a general. 
Nothing could bear him down. He defended himself, sword 
in hand, till he was rescued by his guards and remounted. 
This column of Egyptians stood their ground, and fought 
with amazing bravery, till the field was cleared of all other 
enemies. Cyrus then offered them honorable terms of capit- 
ulation, which they accepted, and laid down their arms. 

Never was victory more complete, or battle more de- 
cisive. It decided at once the fate of the Lydians, and all 


PERSIA. 31 


the nations of the Lesser Asia. As Cresus had wantonly 
drawn the Assyrian war into his own kingdom, he now tasted 
the fruits of his temerity. But, determined to protract the dis- 
pute as much as possible, he collected another army, and en- 
countered Cyrus again, with similar success. Finding all was 
lost, he retired into Sardis, and prepared to defend that capital 
against the conqueror, who now commenced a regular 

siege. The city was soon reduced, and Cresus was ‘549° 
condemned to die; but was reprieved and restored to, 
favor, and, it is said, reinstated in his dominions, as a tribu- 
tary prince. Some writers relate, that Solon, the celebrated 
Grecian philosopher, had, in the prosperous days of Cresus, 
visited that prince; and that Cresus, after showing him the 
splendor of his capital and resources of his kingdom, demand- 
ed of the philosopher, whether he did not think him a happy 
man? Solon answered him in the style of a stoic, and con- 
cluded by telling him, that he could not tell whether he was 
happy, till he had heard of his death. Cresus, in a rage at 
the freedom and boldness of Solon, called him a fool, and 
ordered him out of his sight. 

Cyrus, in the ancient barbarous manner, when Cresus 
had become his prisoner, ordered him to be burned to 
death. He was accordingly bound on the pile, which was 
set on fire. While the flames were approaching the 
unhappy Cresus, he suddenly recollected the words of 
Solon, and being now forcibly struck with their jur-ness, he 
cried out, O Solon! Solon! The thing was told to Cyrus, 
who immediately demanded an explanation. Whereupon, 
Cresus related to him the circumstances of his interview 
with Solon, and concluded by saying, that “He will now 
hear of my death, and will indeed pronounce me an unhappy 
man.” 

Cyrus, powerfully affected with the fickleness of fortune, 
and the changes to which men are liable, ordered the royal 
captive unbound, and restored him to his favor. This story, 
however, is said by some writers to be fabulous. 

The voluntary submission of many states, by their ambas- 
sadors, followed the conquest of Lydia; and Cyrus had little 
further use for arms in that country. 


32 PERSIA. 


CHAPTER VI. 


THE PERSIAN EMPIRE, FROM THE REDUCTION OF ASIA MINOR, 
BY CYRUS, TILL ITS SUBVERSION BY ALEXANDER. 


From the conquest of Asia Minor, Cyrus directed his 
march toward Syria and Arabia; and in a few years saw all 
Western Asia subjected to his arms, Babylon alone except- 
ed. This had, from the first, fired his ambition, and had 
been the ultimate end of all his schemes and enterprises. 
With an army adequate to the undertaking, he now advanced 
towards the immense capital. He was met by the king of 
Babylon, with a numerous army, whom he defeated with 
great slaughter. The Babylonian monarch fled into the city, 
shut after him the massy gates, and prepared for a long and 
resolute defence. This siege commenced about nine years 
after the capture of Sardis. 

Cyrus immediately drew ‘his army before the city, and 
commenced a series of operations, in which the whole vigor 
and extent of his genius were aided by the most efficient prin- 
ciples of the art of war, known in his day. But he had diffi- 
culties to encounter, which would have discouraged any one 
but himself. The Babylonians mocked and derided him 
from their lofty battlements ; and seemed secure in a fortress, 
too strong to be reduced by the art of man. 

The height, thickness, and solidity of the walls of Baby- 
lon, rendered them impregnable to every attempt. On the 
top, they were so broad, that several chariots might run 
abreast: and at short distances, there were towers much 
higher than the walls, continually filled with armed men. 
The gates were solid pieces of brass, of such strength and 
weight, as to defy all possible engines of war. The walls 
and towers were guarded by a numerous army; and it was 
thought, with what provisions there were in the city, and 
what might be raised within it in the gardens, that the in- 
habitants might sustain a siege of twenty years. There’ is 
reason to doubt, whether Cyrus could have taken Babylon 
otherwise than by stratagem. For, after having spent 
nearly two years, during which time he tried every mode 
of attack he could devise, he saw no prospect of success, 
nor any reason to expect but that a blockade of many years 
must be his only resort; and even that resort extremely 
dubious in its issue. 


PERSIA. oa. 


But it is a truth, that whatever man can build, man can 
destroy; and it is a truth far more melancholy, that with 
whatever expense, pleasure, and ambition, any thing is built 
by one man, the time may come, when with equal expense, 
pleasure, and ambition, it will be demolished by another. 

His comprehensive genius, however, at length projected 
a plan, by which he gained the city. At some distance 
above the city, had been dug an immense pit, of size suffi- 
cient to receive the water of the river for a considerable 
time. It is said to have been many miles in extent. With 
this lake the river communicated by canals, which were 
closed along the river by dikes of amazing strength. By 
breaking down these, the river would forsake its course, and 
flow into the lake. On the night of a public festival, Cyrus 
caused the dikes to be broken down. The river immediately 
turned out of its channel, which became so dry, that the 
Persian army marched down into it, with little difficulty, into 
the city; and were met by another division of the army, 
who had marched up the channel from the opposite side of 
the city; and, although there was a high wall on each side 
of the river, yet, on that night, the gates leading to the river 
were generally left open. In the midst of revelling and drunk- 
enness, the inhabitants were surprised; and the king, Bel- 
shazzar, hearing the uproar abroad, had only time to advance 
to the gate of his palace, where, fighting sword in hand, 
he was slain. See Dan. vi. 

The city and province of Babylon, without further resist- 
ance, submitted to the conqueror. Thus ended the Chalde- 
an or Lower Assyrian empire. This event happened about 
fifty years after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchad- 
nezzar—209 years from the beginning of the reign of Nabo- 
nassar, or Belesis—more than 1600 years from its founda- 
tion by Nimrod, or Belus; and in the year before the Chris- 
tian era, 538. 

Babylon had now received an irreparable blow. This 
diversion of the river continued to overflow the finest part 
of the adjacent country, and at length turned it into an ex- 
tensive marsh, as loathsome and unhealthy as it was use- 
less. The current of the river through the city was ob- 
structed, and the water shallow. From this period, Baby- 
lon experienced a rapid decay, till it was taken by Alex- 
ander the Great, about two hundred years after. Alexan- 
der, with a view to make it the seat of his empire, had 
determined to restore it to its ancient splendor; but, dying 


34 | PERSIA. 


suddenly, the work ceased. His successors abandoned that 
proud capital for ever, and fixed the seat of their govern- 
ment at Selucia; or, as it was called by some, New Baby- 
lon. The steps of its decline can scarcely be traced to a 
much later period. In the Augustan age, it was nearly 
desolate. 

About two years after the reduction of Babylon, Cyrus, 
by the death of his father and uncle, succeeded to the sove- 
reignty of Media and Persia. His empire now extended 
from the Caspian Sea to the Indian Ocean, and from India 
to Ethiopia. 

To relate the particulars of the reign of Cyrus, would 
conduce little to the general design of this work; and it 
would be still less conducive, and less interesting to go 
into many particulars concerning his successors. The fall 
of the Babylonian, and the rise of the Persian empire, 
present to the reader the first important revolution in the 
annals of history, whose consequences were general and 
permanent. 

Cyrus died at the age of 70 years. If we estimate his 
reign from his assuming the command of the Persian and 
Median armies, it was thirty years; if from the conquest of 
Babylon, it was nine years; and if from the death of his 
uncle, Cyaxares, seven years. He is represented as a 
prince of great abilities and great wisdom; in his council 
and cabinet, as distinguished for profound policy, as for 
bravery and good fortune in the field. He seems to have 
united the happiness of his subjects with his own glory ; 
neg securing the prosperity of his kingdom on its surest 

asis 

Cyrus was an instrument of Providence in accomplishing 
the divine designs towards the Jews, as we shall hereafter 
notice, in speaking of their history; and he had the dis- 
tinguished honor of being foretold, even by name, as the re- 
storer of that chosen people.* 

The Persians, in every age, have been a brave, polite, 
and generous people. Not even the influence of bad gov- 
ernment, the gloomy reign of superstition, or the relaxing 
indolence of a mild climate, could ever debase them to a 
level with their neighbors. But the meridian of their glory 
was in the reign of Cyrus. 


* Isaigh xlv. 1. 
. {| This remark must be taken with some limitation —Ed. 


PERSIA. 35 


The important revolution effected by Cyrus, and the 
splendor of his reign, are rendered famous in sacred his- 
tory, by the restoration of the Jews, and the rebuilding of 
the city and temple of Jerusalem. They had been subdued 
and carried into captivity by Nebuchadnezzar, king of Baby- 
lon, where they had now remained for 70 years. On-the 
accession of Cyrus to the empire of Asia, he issued a decree 
for their restoration; which, with other privileges, allowed 
them to return to Judea, to rebuild their cities, and to restore 
their worship. This decree was issued 468 years from the 
dedication of the temple by Solomon; 955 years from the 
departure of the Israelites out of Egypt and 536 years be- 
fore the Christian era. 

Cyrus was succeeded in his extensive empire by his son, 
Cambyses; who, ina short reign of eight years, did little 
worthy either of the monarch of Asia, or of the great charac- 
ter and actions of his father. He invaded Egypt with some 
success; was guilty of many cruelties; and murdered Smer- 
dis, his only brother, the son of the great Cyrus. He was 
recalled from his Egyptian expedition, to suppress a rebellion 
raised by Smerdis, the Magian, who had usurped his throne 
in his absence. But, on his return, as he was mounting his 
horse, his sword fell out of its scabbard, and gave him a 
wound in the thigh, of which he died. The Egyptians re- 
mark, that it was a judgment of Heaven upon him, because 
he had wounded their god Apis, in the same place. He 
had some military talents, but was remarkable only for rash- 
ness, pride, cruelty, and injustice. 

Smerdis, the usurper, being soon destroyed, was succeed- 
ed by Darius Hystaspes. After him the order of succession 
was as follows, viz. Xerxes the Great, Artaxerxes, Xerxes IT., 
Darius Nothus, Artaxerxes Mnemon, Ochus, Arses, Darius 
Codomanus. From the accession of Cyrus till the conquest 
of Persia by Alexander, was 223 years, their average pige 
being about twenty years. 

In looking over this period of Persian history, from Opn 
to Alexander, there is little to engage the attention. The 
empire was generally on the decline. The vanity and vices 
of the kings who reigned from time to time, were no less 
conspicuous, than their dangerous effects on the empire. 
The former led them often to engage in wars, particularly 
with the Greeks. The latter rendered them unable to con- 
tend with their enemies. Their most memorable enterprise 
was that of Xerxes the Great. His invasion of Greece was 


36 PERSIA. ~ 


rendered famous by the greatness of his army, his dastardly 
conduct, total overthrow, and shameful retreat to his own 
dominions. Of this extraordinary expedition, a brief account 
shall be given. 

The growing power and military fame of the Greeks had, 
before the reign of Xerxes, excited both the jealousy and 
the fears of the Persian monarchs. Xerxes, therefore, no 
sooner ascended the throne, than he began to meditate an 
invasion of Greece; and particularly of the Athenians, for 
their conduct during the reign of his father. Accordingly, 
he levied forces from all parts of his dominions, and made 
extensive preparations, both by sea and land. By means of 
an alliance with the Carthaginians, he drew auxiliaries even 
from Spain, Italy, and”Gaul. The Carthaginians, who, at 
that time, had acquired an extensive military reputation, 
furnished him with an army of 300,000 men, under the 
eommand of Hamilcar. After the most active preparations 
throughout his dominions, tributaries, and allies, he, in the 
sixth year of his reign, put his forces in motion, crossed 
the Hellespont on a bridge of boats, and encamped his 
army at the city Doriscus, by the mouth of the river He- 
brus; near which place he also drew together his naval 
armament. Here he made a general review of all his 
forces; and which, according to many authors, consisted of 
2,641,610 men, with upwards of 1200 ships: and to this 
immense multitude, says Dr. Prideaux, if we add all the 
slaves, the women, the attendants, &c. the number must ex- 
ceed 5,000,000, probably the greatest army ever brought into 
the field.* 

With this assemblage of nations, Xerxes advanced to the 
strait of Thermopyle; where he was met by Leonidas, king 
of Sparta, and about 300 Lacedemonians, and as many Greeks 
as made up about 4000 men. This handful of men defend- 
ed the pass for two days, resisting every form of attack. The 
Greeks, however, growing weary of the unequal contest, at 
length all deserted Leonidas but his 300, and a few others. 
They stood their ground, and fought with amazing bravery, 
till every man was slain; among whom was Leonidas him- 
self. This dear-bought victory cost the Persians 20,000 of 
their bravest men, and two of the brothers of Kerxes; nor 
could they be otherwise than astonished at the valor and for- 
titude of the Greeks. 


* This account of Prideaux is on the authority of Herodotus, Plu 
tarch, and others ; but Diodorus and Pliny make it less. 


PERSIA. oF 


To Leonidas the prize of valor has been allowed by all 
heroes, ail ages and nations. Many warriors have fought 
merely for fame, and have laid down their lives to gratify 
a mad ambition. Leonidas fought for his country. He did 
not expect to conquer; his object was to delay the enemy’s 
progress, till his countrymen could assume a posture of 
defence. This object he gained, though he fell in the con- 
ict. 

Passing the straits of Thermopyle, the Persian army, 
like the progress of a slow but mighty inundation, advanced 
toward Athens.* The Athenians, having consulted the Del- 
phian Oracle, were directed to defend themselves by 
wooden walls. . When all were in doubt concerning the 
meaning of this response, says Cornelius Nepos, Themis- 
tocles, the Athenian general, told them, that the intention 
of the Oracle was, that they should defend themselves by 
ships. Accordingly, the Athenian and confederate 
fleet of Greece, amounting to about 300 sail, drew up “jap 
in the strait of Salamis, where they encountered and ' 
totally defeated the fleets of Persia, destroying many ships, 
and dispersing the rest. This battle has been justly cele- 
brated by all historians. It was gained by the masterly pol- 
icy of Themistocles, who drew the Persians to action ina 
disadvantageous place, and then, by a bravery nearly as mag- 
nanimous, and more fortunate than that of Leonidas, obtain- 
ed a complete victory. 

Xerxes now saw clearly what enemies he had to contend 
with; and, perceiving them entire masters of the sea, he 
was seized with the most alarming apprehensions for his 
own safety, although encompassed by millions. Leaving 
an army of 300,000 men with Mardonius, his general, to 
prosecute the war, he hastened back to the Hellespont, 
lest his bridge of boats should be destroyed, and his retreat 
to his own dominions for ever cut off. On his arrival, as 
he feared, he found his bridge to have been broken by 
storms. Wherefore, in the utmost consternation for his 
safety among enemies so brave and intrepid, and for the 
preservation of his throne, which the news of his ill fortune 
would expose to some aspiring rebel, he crossed the same 
Hellespont, which he had lately covered with his fleets and 
armies, in a fishing-boat, and returned home, covered with 
shame and infamy. 
* This city the Persians soon after took, plundered, and burnt —Ed. 

4 ‘ 


38 PERSIA. 


Still far more complete was the defeat of that part of this 
great invasion, conducted by Hamilcar, the Carthaginian al- 
ready mentioned; for, landing an army of 309,000 men in 
Sicily, he was suddenly attacked by Gelo, king of Sicily, as 
he was celebrating a public feast, and his whole army was 
either slain or made prisoners, and his fleet destroyed. Mar- 
donius now only remained, to resist the concentrated forces 
of Greece, invincible by valor, and now formidable by num- 
bers, although far inferior to the army of the Persians.* The 
Greeks, commanded by Pausanias and Aristides, pursued 
him now retiring out of Attica into Beeotia. They came to 
a general battle near Platza, in which Mardonius was kill- 
ed, and his army entirely cut off. It is remarkable, that, on 
the same day, another battle was fought at sea, in which the 
Greeks were completely victorious, and the remainder of the 
Persian fleet destroyed. 

Thus terminated the greatest expedition found in the annals 
of history. It can hardly be doubted, that, had the Greeks 
carried their arms into Persia, they might, at that time, have 
subverted the Persian empire. 

Xerxes, who deserved the appellation of great for little 
reason, except the greatness of his follies and vices, employ- 
ed the remainder of his reign in inglorious wars—in super- 
stitions destructive to learning and civility, and in intrigues 
and atrocities, as disgraceful to his throne as injurious to his 
subjects. 

It will be found a just remark, that, as most nations have 
risen by industry and virtue, so they have fallen by luxury, 
indolence, and vice. When the Persians were poor, hardy, 
industrious, brave, and virtuous, they enabled Cyrus to con- 
quer and to govern Asia. But conquest and dominion ren- 
dered them vain and secure; wealth made them luxurious 
and effeminate; vice made them weak and contemptible. 
They had no longer a Cyrus to lead them to victory; or, if 
they had, they were no longer a people capable of rising to 
empire by toil and discipline. But the Greeks themselves, 
not far from this period, began to feel the corrupting influ- 
ence of wealth and power. Long before the conquest of 
Persia, they had passed the meridian of their power and 
glory; nor could a hero spring but from the wilds of Mace- 
don, to subdue the Persian empire. 

The conquest of Persia, by Alexander the Great, will be 
noticed under the review of Grecian history. We shall, 


: * 140,000. 


PERSIA, 39 
therefore, close this brief survey, by glancing an eye at the 
state of the Persian territories, subsequent to Alexander’s 
conquest. 

It has been already noticed, that Alexander, king of Ma- 
cedon, above three centuries before the Christian era, in the 
reign of Darius Codomanus, subdued Persia, and became 
master of all Western Asia. At the death of Alexander, his 
extensive dominions were divided among the chief generals 
of his army. Babylon, together with Media and Persia, fell 
to Seleucus. 

The Seleucide, or kings of Syria, held, for a few years, 
the empire of Persia. Some of them even marched armies 
across the river Indus, with a view to maintain and extend 
their authority. But they could not govern what Alexander 
could subdue; they could not even stand, where he could 
advance unmolested. Persia soon began to be governed 
by independent princes. Though under the name of Par- 
thia, it was substantially the same. A dynasty of kings 
commenced with Arsaces, about '70 years after the conquest 
of Persia by Alexander, 256 years before Christ. The 
Arsacide held the seat of their government nearer to - 
Media, than to Persia. They were powerful and warlike 
—were generally more than a match for the kings of Syria, 
and even set bounds to the Roman arms. Mithridates,* 
called the Great, was one of the most warlike monarchs of 
Asia. He flourished about 120 years before the Christian 
era; and, what is remarkable of him, he maintained a war 
with the Romans 40 years, and, according to Cicero’s own 
declaration, among the enemies of Rome, was second to 
none but Hannibal. He was defeated by Pompey, on the 
plains of Pharsalia; where it is remarkable, that the fate of 
Europe and Asia has been decided three times, by three 
great and memorable battles; by Pompey and Mithridates, 
Pompey and Cesar, Tamerlane and Bajazet.t Although 
Pompey triumphed over Mithridates, yet the Parthians sur- 
vived, and were powerful even in the reign of Augustus, 
The Parthian kings of the dynasty of Arsaces were still pow- 
erful, when the Romans began to decline. While the wretch- 
ed and effeminate Heliogabalus reigned in Rome, about 223 
years after Christ, Artabanes, the thirty-second king of the 
Arsacidee, was deposed by Artaxerxes, in whom, it is said, 


* This Mithridates was king of Pontus, and not of Parthia.— Ed. 
+t Tamerlane defeated Bajazet near Ancona, in Asia Minor, at a con» 
siderable distance from Pharsalia—Ed, 


40 ANCIENT GREECE, 


the ancient Persian monarchy was restored. The Persians, 
properly speaking, then flourished; having, like a phenix, 
risen from the ashes of the ancient empire; and the names 
of Sapor, Hormisdas, and Chosroes, make a figure in history, 
and were famous in their times, while the Roman empire 
was in its decline, and after its overthrow by the Goths 
and Vandals. The dynasty of Artaxerxes flourished about 
400 years, under twenty-five kings, until Jesdegirdes, in the 
year of Christ 632, was deposed and slain by the followers 
of Mahomet. They held the government of that country 
till conquered by Tamerlane, the great cham of Tartary, in 
1396. Since that time the Persians have had various mas- 
ters, and some very bad ones, and have undergone numerous 
revolutions, We have seen little of the Persian history dur- 
ing the middle ages. From all we can learn, they must 
have fared better than the Roman empire; and, if we except 
China, no nation has stood its ground, thruugh all ages, bet- 
ter than Persia. ; 

The Persians probably experienced their ultimate point 
of depression before the Christian era; they certainly were 
powerful when Rome’fell; and, though conquered by Ma- 
homet’s followers, and by Tamerlane, they have been able 
to resist some of the most powerful and warlike nations of 
modern times, the Turks and Russians. 


—~-—. 


CHAPTER VII. 


ANCIENT GREECE, FROM THE EARLIEST ‘T{MES, TO THE 
LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS, 


To unite perspicuity with brevity, in drawing the great 
line of Grecian history, will be difficult; especially, if we 
regard separately the states and colonies, the traditional 
history of each, their high antiquity, and their various alli- 
ances, wars, and revolutions. The history of this wonderful 
people is better known than that of those who went before 
them, and is surely of much greater importance. To their 
surprising genius, the world is indebted, in a measure, 
for the knowledge of the arts and sciences. In archi- 
tecture, sculpture, poetry, and oratory, and in the arts and 
sciences necessary to the perfection of those branches, 


ANCIENT GREECE. 41 


they stand unrivalled. We may say of them, they invented, 
improved, and perfected. They so far perfected, that they 
have never been excelled. 

The territories of ancient Greece seem to have possessed 
every advantage which situation, soil, and climate can give 
a nation. Comprehending a great part of what is now 
called Turkey in Europe, they were skirted northwardly 
by German and Scythian nations; eastwardly lay the Black 
Sea, the strait of Bosphorus, the Hellespont, and the Ar 
chipelago ; southwardly their country was washed by the 
Mediterranean, and west by the Adriatic or Gulf of Venice. 
A narrow sea separated them eastwardly from the shores of 
Lesser Asia, where Troy once flourished; which, together 
with many rich provinces, became Grecian colonies. Their 
climate, which was anciently somewhat more cool than it is 
now, was salubrious; their sky, generally serene; their air, 
pure; and their soil, fruitful. Their lofty mountains and 
rugged hills, the variety in the face of their country, the 
abundance and purity of their springs and rivulets, and all in 
a climate and soil so fine and genial, formed an immense va~ 
riety of wild and charming prospects, in which sublimity and 
beauty were united. 

No country was ever better calculated to promote and 
reward industry, to foster genius, to fire imagination, or to 
rouse the mind to exertion. The proximity of seas, and a 
variety of excellent harbors, early prompted the Greeks to 
a spirit of naval enterprise, and enabled them to realize the 
benefits of extensive commerce, wealth, knowledge, and 
politeness. 

The country of ancient Greece was inhabited more than 
eighteen centuries before the Christian era; but for a thou- 
sand years of that period, its history is not only traditional, 
but fabulous, and, for the most part, utterly incredible. The 
Grecian fables and traditions, brought down from the heroic 
age, far excel every thing else of the kind. Nothing, indeed, 
can be more absurd, false, and ridiculous, than most of them 
are; yet the glowing imagination of the Greeks has render- 
ed them an interesting part of Grecian literature to the clas- 
sical scholar. But, as the relation of them would not consist 
with the brevity of this work, so neither would it increase its 
utility. Indeed, as this historical sketch is designed to fol- 
Jow the course of empire, our work would hardly strike into 
the history of Greece, till near the conquest of Persia by 
Alexander. 

4 * 


42 ‘ANCIENT GREECE. 


. The commonwealth of Athens, so renowned for military 
achievements, and so illustrious for improvement in the 
liberal arts and sciences, was founded by Cecrops, about 
1450 years before Christ. Near the same time, Cadmus, 
the Pheenician, introduced alphabetic writing into Greece, 
and founded Thebes in Beotia. Danaus also founded 
Argos; and Pelops, a Phrygian, whose descendants, inter- 
marrying with those of Tyndarus, king of Lacedemon or 
Sparta, acquired to that family the ascendency, for many 
centuries, in the peninsula of Greece. Cecrops and Danaus 
were emigrants from Egypt; Cadmus was from Pheenicia, 
and Pelops from Phrygia; so that the four most ancient 
and powerful cities of Greece, viz. Athens, Sparta, Thebes, 
and Argos, were founded and for a long time governed by 
dynasties of foreign princes. Their names, exploits, and 
misfortunes, are immortalized by the sublime genius of 
Homer. Not far from this period, Deucalion reigned in 
Thessaly. From the name of his son Hellen, a consider- 
able portion of the ancient Greeks were called Hellenes; 
and from Dorus, Eolus, and lon, some of his more remote 
descendants, they were distinguished into Dorians, Eolians, 
and Ionians. 

Before the arrival of Cecrops, Danaus, Cadmus, and other 
adventurers in Greece, its inhabitants were savage, barba- 
rous and unconnected ; living entirely in a state of nature,* 
without laws, civilization, or any forms of social order. 
But those enterprising chiefs, coming from more enlight- 
ened regions, and bringing with them the rudiments of 
science, were able, by policy or by arms, to establish their 
authority among those rude tribes and savage clans. They 
collected them together, built cities, and founded many use- 
ful institutions, tending to ameliorate their barbarous state. 
But if these adventurers found it difficult to reduce those 
tribes into a well regulated state of society, under the mild 
influence of laws, it was still more difficult to defend them 
from the incursions of the more wild and ferocious tribes 
bordering upon them. They were fierce and warlike; knew 
little of agriculture ; roved from place to place, and subsisted 
by rapine and plunder. 

Two circumstances in those times greatly quickened the 


* If by a state of nature is meant astate agreeable to the light of 
naiurs, er natural reason, it is-by no means a savage state; which 
reason abhors. If :. means a state, in which children receive no edu- 
cation from those around them, there is certainly no such state —Ed. 


ANCIENT GREECE. 43 


progress of the Greeks in various useful arts; the discovery 
of the use of iron, and the extension of the knowledge of 
alphabetic writing. The former enabled them to construct 
instruments of agriculture and commerce ; and the latter, to 
diffuse and improve the general means of knowledge. Yet ’ 
the advantages arising from alphabetic writing, were far less 
rapid in those times than one would imagine, since, accord- 
ing to Herodotus, a system of written laws was not promul- 
gated in Greece, till about the sixth century before the 
Christian era—a circumstance truly surprising, considering 
the progress of the Greeks in the science of government, at 
a much earlier period, and the strength and quickness of 
their inventive powers. 

The ancient Greeks’ have the honor of exhibiting to the 
world the first example of a political confederation, found- 
ed in reason, and matured upon principles, whose strength 
and excellence gave permanency to the institution, as well 
as to the several states and governments existing under its 
influence. The country of Thessaly had been governed by 
Deucalion; and his descendants, as already noticed, found- 
ed the Dorians, Eolians and Ionians. This country lay far 
north of the Hellenic tribes, and was continually exposed 
to the incursions of the warlike savages on their borders. 
To provide more effectual means of defence against these 
dangerous irruptions, the leaders of several tribes or states 
entered into a confederacy for mutual defence. Their 
place of meeting, which was semi-annual, was Thermopyle, 
a place rendered ever famous by the unparalleled bravery 
of Leonidas. The king of Thermopyle, at that time, was 
Amphictyon. Hence they were called the Amphictyonic 
council. This combination, while it did not interfere essen- 
tially with the independence of the several states, served 
as a grand political centre, combining the energies, uniting 
the policy, and harmonizing the movements of the whole. 
By means of this, the Greeks were, at length, formed into 
one grand confederate republic; for, although it originated 
without the peninsula, by modern geographers called the 
Morea, its advantages were soon perceived ; and the central 
states of Peloponnesus, the Spartans and Argives, became 
members of it; and by the middle of the fourteenth century 
before Christ, most of the states of Greece followed their 
example. 

The members of the Amphictyonic league, for a consid- 
erable time, were fully employed in regulating their own 


44 ANCIENT GREECE, 


governments, and repelling the invasions of their hostile 
neighbors. But, at length, the restless and active spirit of a 
warlike people began to extend its views to conquest, and 
its desires were expanded with a thirst of glory. About 1260 
years before Christ, took place the celebrated expedition of 
the Argonauts, headed by Jason, a Thessalian chieftain, 
and by the fathers of the celebrated warriors, who shone in 
the siege of Troy. But, passing over this, as also over the 
exploits of Theseus and other warriors of that heroic age, 
we shall, to gratify the taste of the juvenile reader, be a little 
more particular in relating some of the leading circumstances 
of the Trojan war. 

Previously to the commencement of this war, the Greeks 
had made considerable progress in the arts, both of war and 
peace. Their savage manners were softened ; their internal 
policy was regulated by the maxims of justice. In their 
manners, customs, and religion, they were similar; and their 
united counsels gave wisdom, energy, and despatch to their 
movements. Seven independent states occupied, at this 
time, the peninsula of Greece, although it was but 200 miles 
long, and 140 in breadth. These were Messenia, Elis, Ar- 
cadia, Corinth, Achaia, Argos, and the powerful kingdom of 
Sparta. The Grecian territories without the peninsula were 
more extensive, being 260 miles from east to west, and 150 
from north to south; comprehending Thessaly, Attica, A°tolia, 
and sundry other provinces. 

The kingdom of Troy lay on the eastern shores of the 
Hellespont, the southern coast of the Propontis, compre- 
hending the territories of the Lesser Phrygia. The Trojans 
were of Grecian extraction. Their empire was founded by 
Dardanus, about 200 years before this period. Hence, they 
are called Dardans; and their country Dardania. Erictho- 
nius, the son of Dardanus, was succeeded by Tros. Hence, 
they were called Trojans. The son of Tros was Ilus, from 
whom Troy was named Ilion. Ilus was succeeded by La- 
omedon, and he, by his son Priam. Priam, after a long and 
prosperous reign, was destined to see the ruin of his kingdom, 
and the extirpation of his race, and to fall by the victorious 
sword of the Greeks. 

It is generally agreed, that a hereditary enmity had sub- 
sisted between the Greeks and Trojans. Paris, the son of 
Priam, the most beautiful man of his time, having been 
allured by the fame of Helen, the queen of Sparta, went 
over into Greece, and visited the Spartan court. Helen is 


ANCIENT GREECE. 45 


celebrated by the poets, as possessing every personal charm 
in its highest perfection, and as the most perfect beauty of 
ancient times. Her susceptible heart was too easily capti- 
vated by the artful address and polished manners of the 
perfidious Paris. She listened to his insinuations, and, lost 
to a sense of honor and duty, she made her escape with 
him, and took refuge amidst the towers of Troy. The king 
of Sparta, stung with the treachery of his beauteous queen, 
whom he adored, and enraged at the baseness and perfidy 
of the Trojan prince, to whom he had shown all the rights of 
hospitality, loudly complained of the injury, and appealed to 
the justice of his countrymen. His brother Agamemnon, 
the most powerful prince of Greece, seconded his complaints, 
and used his influence and authority to rouse the resentment 
of the whole extensive confederation. He succeeded. The 
princes and people of Greece, no less wounded in their pride, 
than stung with a sense of the atrocious villany, determined 
to extinguish the flames of their resentment in the blood of 
Priam and his people, who refused to restore the illustrious 
fugitive. 

We shall not detail the particulars of this war. Those 
for whom this work is designed, will find them at length in 
their proper place, in the course of reading. It shall suffice 
to say, that a powerful army was sent to wage war with the 
Trojans ; but the enterprise was found to be attended with 
unforeseen difficulties. The Trojans were a brave and gal- 
lant people, of considerable resources, and very great courage. 
Hector, the son of Priam, equalled only by Achilles, com- 
manded the Trojans, and often disputed the field of victory, 
with invincible bravery, and various success; and when, 
after the death of Hector, the Trojans could no longer keep 
the field, the city of. Troy was defended by lofty towers and 
impregnable walls. 

Homer is the chief and almost the only authority on the 
Trojan war, which, if it ever existed, would have been lost 
in oblivion, but for his pen. Among other things in praise 
of Homer, strength and sublimity of genius must certainly 
be ranked; but amiableness of character cannot be reckon- 
ed, nor yet the fair, impartial openness of the historian. 
His partiality is often so glaring, as to involve him in gross 
absurdities. While he seems impatient and loath to allow 
the Trojans any military merit, and is ever disposed to 
accuse them of meanness and the basest cowardice, he 
enrols the Grecian heroes with gods, because they could 


46 ANCIENT GREECE 


conquer them, The honor of the conqueror is commonly 
measured by the greatness and potency of the enemy he 
conquers. Homer certainly loses sight of this principle, 
and especially in the character of Hector, who, in his last 
encounter with Achilles, is compelled, by the merciless par 
tiality of the poet, to act a more pitiful, cowardly part, than 
we should have reason to look for in the conduct of: the 
meanest soldier in a modern army. Instead of fighting 
Achilles, like a man, he is made to turn on his heels, and 
run in a cowardly manner. The mighty Trojan, at length 
run down, like a sheep pursued by a wolf, is quietly butch- 
ered. 

The fortune of Greece prevailed ; not, however, by arms, 
but by stratagem. The Greeks, worn out by a war of ten 
years, determined to risk their hopes on one desperate 
effort, which, if successful, would end the war in victory; 
if not, would exterminate all hope of conquest, for the 
present, if not for ever. ‘They made preparations for re~_ 
turning home, embarked in their ships, and set sail; but 
they left near the city a wooden horse of vast size, in 
which was enclosed a band of their bravest heroes. This 
image they pretended as an offering to the goddess Minerva, 
to be placed in the Trojan citadel. To give effect to this 
stratagem, Sinon is despatched over to the Trojans, with an 
artful and fictitious story, pretending he had made his eseape 
from the Greeks. The superstition of the times gave them 
complete success. ‘The whim struck the Trojans favorably. 
“They laid open their walls, and, by various means, drag- 
ged the baneful monster, pregnant with destruction, into the 
city. 

That night was spent in festivity through Troy. Every 
guard was withdrawn; all threw aside their arms; and, 
dissolved in wine, amusement, pleasure, and repose, gave 
full effect to the hazardous enterprise of the hardy Greeks. 
The fleet, in the night time, drew back to the shore; the 
men landed, and approached the city; the heroes in the 
wooden horse sallied forth, killed what few they met, opened 
the city-gates, and the Greeks entered. The night, which 
was begun in feasting and carousal, ended in conflagration 
and blood. ‘The various parts of this daring plan, liable to 
great uncertainties and embarrassments, were concentrated 
and made effectual by the signal of a torch shown from a 
conspicuous tower by Helen herself, the perfidious beauty, 
who had caused the war. 


ANCIENT GREECE. 47 


This story, as to its leading parts, is probably founded in 
fact: whether it is so or not, it does the highest honor. to 
the genius of the poet, by whom it is related, if true, or in- 
vented, if fabulous. 

Never was national vengeance more exemplary, or ruin 
more complete. The destruction of Troy took place 1184 
years before the Christian era. This fall of the Trojan em- 
pire was final. Independence and sovereignty never return- 
ed to those delightful shores; nor has that country since 
made any figure in history. It continued to be possessed 
and colonized by the Greeks, while they flourished, and fol- 
lowed the fortunes and revolutions of the great empires. 

If the charms of Helen proved the destruction of Troy, 
yet the Greeks themselves, though they were able to punish 
her seducer, had little reason to boast of their conquest, or 
glory in their revenge. On their return, their fleets were 
dispersed, and many of their ships wrecked on dangerous 
coasts. Some of them wandered through long voyages, and 
settled in foreign parts. Some became pirates, and infested 
the seas with formidable depredations. A few, and but a few, 
returned to their homes, where fortunes equally disastrous 
followed them. Their absence, for a course of years, had 
quite altered the scene of things; as it had opened the way 
to conspiracies, usurpations, and exterminating revolutions. 
Their vacant thrones had been filled by usurpers; and their 
dominions, left defenceless, had fallen a prey to every ra- 
pacious plunderer. The states of Greece, which, at the be- 
ginning of the Trojan war, were rising fast to prosperity, 
power, and happiness, were overwhelmed with calamities, 
and seemed returning rapidly to savage barbarity. 

The institution of the Olympic games, their nature, and 
important influence on society, together with the charac- 
ter, laws, and institutions of Lycurgus, next meet the eye, 
in tracing the great line of Grecian history. But these 
events are too far distant in the region of uncertainty, 
where real historical light holds a doubtful reign with fable 
aud fiction, to merit an extended place in these sketches ; 
and, were they differently situated, they would lead us into 
details far too minute and extensive for a work of this 
nature. 

Not to seem, however, utterly to neglect a matter so ex- 
tensive in its influence, and so lasting in its consequences to 
Greece, as the legislation of Lycvrgus, we shall close this 
chapter with a general view of the character and institutions 
of that great man. 


48 ' ANCIENT GREECE. 


We have already seen the deplorable state of Greece 
after the. Trojan war. It will be proper to remark here, 
that the tumults, revolutions, and calamitous events of those 
times, no less encouraged tlie savage enterprises of banditti, 
robbers, and pirates, than they roused the genius and talents 
of men of great and virtuous minds. In the midst of these 
convulsions, the Delphian Oracle had ordered a general 
armistice, and that certain games should be revived, or more 
properly formed into a regular and permanent institution. 
The lively and flexible genius of the Greeks, ambitious, 
fond of amusement, of competition, of pomp and glory, 
was animated with the proposal. All thoughts of hostility 
were immediately laid aside in the general preparation 
for this splendid festival, which was to last five days, and 
to be begun and ended in the worship of Olympian Jove. 
The most important of the Olympic games were, wrestling, 
boxing, pancratium, coit, foot race, horse race, and chariot 
race.. Of these, the pancratium, which united boxing and 
wrestling, was the most dangerous and terrible, and the 
chariot race by far the most honorable of all. Iphitus, 
prince of Elis, seconded by the countenance and advice of 
Lycurgus, the Spartan law-giver, was the second founder 
of this noble institution. A large and beautiful plain near 
Olympia, in the Peloponnesus, was chosen for the purpose. 
Here a gymnasium was erected; and all the plain was 
adorned with gardens, porticoes, columns, and arches, to 
render the scene as delightful and grand as possible. In a 
word, these games were frequented by an assemblage of 
nations; and to be a conqueror here inflamed the ambi- 
. tion of mankind more than the honors of war or governs 
ment. 

Lycurgus, moved by the miseries of his countrymen, and in- 
duced to hope success from his knowledge of their genius 

and character, formed the -grand design of reducing 
BC them to order, under a new form of governme t, and 
RR4, 5 government, a 

anew code of laws; the objects of which seem to 
have been, to promote civil liberty and justice, Puc and per- 
sonal safety, and military glory. 

After regulating the various powers of government in 
reference to those important objects, he proceeded to in- 
troduce an agrarian law, causing an equal division of lands 
among the people. He abolished the currency of gold and . 
silyer, and allowed no money to be used but iron. He pro- 
hilnted every article of luxury, greatly improved the Spar- 


ANCIENT GREECE. 49 


tan soldiery and mode of fighting, and raised the Spartan | 
commenwealth to the highest eminence of military fame. 
But the spirit of his laws, and maxims of his government, 
resembled more the severity of military discipline, than 
the mild and gentle wisdom of civil policy; and, allowing | 
them their utmost merit, they tended rather to convert a 
being of tender sensibilities and fine and noble affections into 
a cold, unlovely machine of reason, apathy, and stern justice. 
But the Greeks, in those times, would have rejected a plan, 
divested of all the errors to be found in that of Lycurgus. 
It is impossible to civilize a nation at once ; and, indeed, the 
laws of Lycurgus, considering the time when they were 
formed, and the effects they produced on society, can be re- 
garded in no other light, thai as an astonishing display of 
wisdom, energy, and virtue. | 


ie 
CHAPTER VIII. 


ANCIENT GREECE, FROM THE LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS, 
TILL THE ISSUE OF THE PERSIAN INVASION, 


Whoever surveys the Grecian history will immedi- 
ately perceive the inequality of the states, of which their 
grand confederacy was composed. Some of them were 
large and powerful; others were small, and perpetually 
exposed to injustice and insult from their haughty neigh- 
bors. The Lacedemonians first, then the Athenians, and 
at last the Thebans, were at the head of the confederacy ; 
directed their counsels; led their armies; often drew them 
into wars; indeed, conquered and enslaved some of them; 
and perpetually aimed at directing the helm in» all public 
concerns. | 

Ambition is natural to man; nor does it ever appear 
more evident, or more odious, than in the conduct of the 
popular leaders of democrati¢ confederacies. They cher- 
ish what they disclaim, and are, in. all respects, what 
they would be thought not to be. The artful demagogue 
has substantial reasons for preferring democracy to mon- . 
archy. In the’latter, he has no hopes; in the former, expe- 
rience suggests to him, that the more noisy he is for liberty, 
the more certainly he shall enjoy all the sweets of powers 
and jie well knows, that the more he flatters his blind 

5 


50 ANCIENT GREECE: 


devotees, the more certainly will they suffer their eyes to 
be closely veiled, and the more implicitly will they obey 
his mandates. 

Among the ancient histories,* none are so important, or 
contain such useful instruction, as that of Greece. There the 
ambition, the haughtiness, the injustice of large states, and 
the inconveniences, depressions, and final subjugation of 
small ones, afford a solemn warning to our own free and 
happy country. In the present chapter, we shall take a brief 
survey of the Grecian history, from the times of Lycurgus, 
till the defeat of the Persians at the battle of Platsa, and of 
the issue of the Persian invasion. 

Neither the benign influence of the Olympic games, of 
the’ laws of Lycurgus, nor the Amphictyonic council, could 
preserve them from the rage of civil war. The power 
and ambition of the Lacedemonians, soon drew on them 
the jealousy of their sister states. A quarrel breaking out 

between them and the Messenians, a rich and popu- 
743. ous province, lying on the south-western shores of 
"the Peloponnesus, a long and desolating war ensued. 
Both parties were exasperated by a series of injuries ; and it 
became at length, on both sides, a war of passion, as well as 
of interest, and of extermination, as well as of conquest. 
The Lacedemonians fought for interest, revenge, and glory ; 
the Messenians, over and above all these, had still more 
powerful motives; they fought for independence, life, and 
fortune. 

Though fortune seemed early to incline to the Spartan 
cause, as they were evidently an overmatch for their adver- 
saries, yet no advantage was gained, but by the greatest ef- 
forts, nor maintained, but by the utmost vigilance. The 
ground was always disputed with the fiercest conflict; and 
every victory was dearly bought. At length, however, 
overpowered by the steady vigor and discipline of the Spar- 
tan armies, the Messenians were driven from the field, and 
besieged in their capital, Ithome, which, after a brave re- 
sistance, was forced by famine to surrender. 

The wretched Messenians, who escaped the sword, went 
into voluntary exile, or became slaves ; and their valuable 
territories were quietly possessed by their haughty con- 
querors. The Lacedemonians, having now glutted their 


. *'The author would doubtless be understood to mean uninspired 
histories —Ed. 


ANCIENT GREECx. 51 


vengeance, and enriched their treasures by the spoils of a 
sister state, enjoyed repose for thirty years. 

How difficult it is to conquer a nation of freemen; to re- 
press the energies, and crush the spirit of a people deter- 
mined to be free! After groaning in servitude, and feeling 
the iron grasp of oppression thirty years, the Messenians re- 
volted, shook off the yoke, and were able to maintain a war 
still more formidable, and by far more doubtful and threat- 
ening on the side of Sparta. They had previously drawn 
into their alliance the Argives and Arcadians, who promised 
them the most effectual aid they could give. 

They were commanded by Aristomenes, a general whose 
wisdom and temperance could only be equalled by his in- 
trepid bravery. But we cannot descend to particulars. 
The dispute was long and bloody, seeming often to threaten 
the existence of the Spartan commonwealth ; but fortune at 
last declared a second time against the unhappy Messenians. 
The steady discipline, and invincible courage, and great re- 
sources of Lacedemon prevailed ; and the Messenians, borne 
down by inevitable destiny, forsook the field, dispersed, 
abandoned their ancient abodes, and sought refuge in foreign 
countries, where a brave and enterprising spirit obtained 
for many of them an honorable settlement. Their brave 
and generous leader, Aristomenes, after a course of adven- 
tures, ended his life at Sardis. ‘‘ Other generals,’’ says Dr. 
Gillies, “‘have defended their country with better success, 
but none with greater glory; other characters are more 
fully delineated in ancient history, but none are more de- 
serving of immortal fame.” The conquest of Messenia, 
by the Spartans, took place about 670 years before the 
Christian era. 

From this period to the defeat of Cresus, king of Lydia, 
by Cyrus, as related in a former chapter, comprehending 
about 120 years, a series of events arose, of high importance 
to the Greeks; and in which vast accessions of light are 
thrown over the histories of Europe and Asia. During this 
period the Assyrian monarchy became extinct; the Persian 
arose to the empire of Asia; and the Jewish monarchy, hav- 
ing been overthrown, had experienced a depression and cap- 
tivity of seventy years. 

The forms of government in Greece had, some time 
previously to this, been changed; and their monarchies, 
or rather tyrannies, had given place to democratic repub- 
lics. The human mind, seemingly slow in the progress of 


52 ANCIENT GREECE. 


discovery, yet rapid in the improvement of discoveries, 
when made, or of hints leading to them, seemed, first 
among the Greeks, and not far from this period, to acquire 
just views of its own natural and inherent rights. As men 
are nearly of equal size and strength of body; as there is a 
general similarity in their mental endowments; as they are 
actuated by like desires and aversions, pains and pleasures; 
so they are naturally entitled to equal rights, privileges, and 
enjoyments. : 

The consideration, that the monarch’s power exists only 
by the consent of his subjects, induced the Greeks, when 
they saw that power abused, to withdraw from it their sup- 
port. Pursuing the same course of thinking, they were able, 
at last, to project various forms of government, resembling 
each other as to the origin, the distribution, and the end of 
supreme power. . As they saw clearly, that all power, in its 
first principle, was in the people, and that it should only be 
exercised for the good of the community, they contrived to 
distribute it among various persons, who should act by dele- 
gation, as servants of the public, and who should be respon- 
sible to the public for their conduct. This may be called a 
government of checks. 

The wars, carried on during this period, by the states of 
Greece, can by no means have a place in this compend ; 
for, although the ambitious, restless, and enterprising Greeks 
were continually agitated by feuds and quarrels, arising 
from their schemes of aggrandizement, both in the grand 
council of Amphietyons, and in the several states, yet they 
were engaged in no wars of considerable moment. ‘The 
sacred war (so called) -became interesting and important, as 
it gave rise to the establishment of the famous Pythian 
games. 

The commonwealth of Crissa, a small state, lay near 
the famous temple and oracle of Delphi. Although that 
oracle was highly venerated by all Greece, and many other 
nations, yet the Crisseans, allured by the immense treasures 
deposited there, as offerings to the god of wisdom, fell upon, 
took, and plundered that sacred place. A thrill of horror 
spread through all Greece, together with the strongest 
emotions of anger, grief, indignation, and revenge. The 
promiscuous blood of age and innocence, and the vio- 
lation of humanity, honor, and modesty, were forgotten 
in the enormous and dreadful guilt of so great a sacriv 
lege. 


ANCIENT GREECE. 53 


To the Amphictyonic council it belonged to prescribe 
what measures should be taken to punish this unparalleled 
outrage. Yet such were the dissensions, the political in- 
terests, and, more probably, the corrupting power of gold, 
that that venerable body were at much difficulty, before 
they could resolve on proper measures. 

At length, however, they were roused by the eloquence 
and authority of Solon, one of the Athenian representatives, 
to punish this crime against religion and mankind. But in- 
decision in their councils rendered their proceedings slow ; 
nor was it till after considerable time was spent, that the 
Crisseans were besieged in their capital, and ultimately de- 
stroyed, their cities demolished, and their soil condemned 
to perpetual sterility. 

In gratitude to the gods for the fortunate issue of the Cris- 
sean or sacred war, the council of Amphictyons instituted 
the Pythian games, which were celebrated with a pomp 
and splendor little inferior to the Olympic. The termina- 
tion of this war, and the institution of those celebrated 
games, took place about 590 years before Christ, in the 
second year of the forty-seventh Olympiad, and about three 
years before the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchad- 
nezzar. 

We are now drawing near to that period, in which Greece 
enjoyed the meridian of her glory. The wisdom of her 
counsels formed a powerful confederacy, equal in strength 
to the greatest empires ; yet, being divided into small, inde- 
pendent governments, the lawless ambition of individuals 
found less room for action, while personal virtue and enter- 
prise were more secure of a due reward. Greece, having 
passed through a long and dubious infancy, began now to 
feel the vigorous bloom of youth, to display a determined 
character, and to assume that commanding attitude, which 
never fails to excite confidence, veneration and respect. 

We have already noticed the soil, climate, and general 
features of that country, which was to cherish the first of 
the ancient nations. No subject is more wrapt in darkness, 
than the origin of the ancient languages ; yet it will scarce- 
ly be allowed to be conjecture, when we assert, that the 
Greek language, from its earliest stages, seems to have 
been the most perfect which nature ever formed, or divine 
wisdom ever inspired. Its copiousness and strength were 
no less adapted to the boldest eloquence, than its variegat- 
ed and harmonious tones to every species of poetry. In 

5 * 


54 ANCIENT GREECE. 


no language was the grave and dignified style of history and 
moral sentiment, the native spirit and life of drama, or the 
wit and pungency of satire, ever better supported. 

All the natural advantages of the Greeks seem to have 
been calculated to expand the mind, to strengthen all its fac- 
ulties, and especially to elevate and imbolden the imagina- 
tion. The country was well formed to yield an easy subsist- 
ence to its inhabitants; their government to cherish genius, 
and their language was that of poetry and oratory. 

Soon after the institution of the Pythian games, the 
genius of Greece began to display its power, and shoot 
forth all its beauties. The works of the immortal Homer 
had been read and admired; indeed, they had marked their 
path with light; enkindling at once the hero, the lover, the 
philosopher, and the legislator, wherever they came. But 
now appeared, in succession, Archilochus, ‘Terpander, 
Sappho, Simonides, Alceus, Stersichorus, Anacreon, and 
Pindar; and many others, whose names and eulogy might 
filla volume. Their variegated strains unfolded every form 
of genius, wandered through every field of fancy, extracted 
sweetness from every blossom of nature, and adapted their 
harmonious numbers to every tone of melody, from the 
thunders of the warlike muse to the melting accents of the 
lyre. 

Astonishing were the effects produced by the combined 
influence of so many happy causes. The arts and sciences, 
and whatever might be expected to arise from the best in- 
tellectual culture, now began to flourish in manly maturity. 
Perhaps, what we ascribe to superior strength of mind in the 
ancients, was rather the effect of their amazing industry, and 
the energy and ardor with which they pursued the objects 
of knowledge. The moderns, compared -with them in this 
respect, have cause to blush at their own indolence. The 
Greeks, however, invented, improved, and perfected; and 
that especially in those walks of science, where strength and 
sublimity of mind are most needful. As a proof of this, we 
need only mention the names of Homer, Demosthenes, Al- 
exander, Solon, Pythagoras, Miltiades, Praxiteles, and Phid- 
ias. We mention them not in the order of time. 

‘In a former chapter we have given a sketch of the Lydian 
monarchy, founded by Candaules, and ended in the conquest 
of Cresus, by Cyrus, king of Persia. Although the Lydians 
were a nation given to dissipation and the most voluptuous 
pleasures, yet they were, at this period, brave, enterprising 


ANCIENT GREECE. 55 


and warlike; and now, commanded by Cresus, a prince 
highly renowned for military and civil accomplishments. 
The Greeks of Asia, if not those in Europe also, must soon 
have experienced inconvenience from the growing power 
of Cresus, whose conquests, power, and splendor, far eclips- 
ed those of his predecessors. But a much more terrible 
power was preparing, by Providence, to extinguish forever 
the light of Cresus, and to change the whole face of things 
in Western Asia. We have already spoken of Cyrus. In 
this place it shall suffice to say, that his interference forever 
delivered the Greeks from danger, as to the Lydians, but 
gave them a neighbor in himself and successors, much more 
formidable. The states of Greece were duly apprized 
of this, and were unwilling to make so disadvantageous a 
change. 

While the storm of the Persian invasion was gathering, 
‘Cresus had applied to the Greeks, and especially to the 
Lacedemonians, for aid. Willing that the powers of Asia 
should check and balance each other, they were determined, 
with their utmost efforts, to prop his falling throne. But 
the celerity of Cyrus defeated their intentions; for before 
their auxiliaries could arrive, the decisive blow was struck, 
and the kingdom of Cresus at an end. The aspect of things 
now seemed to promise, that there should soon be collision 
of powers between the Greeks and Persians; but it is highly 
probable, that Cyrus was willing to decline an attempt to 
subjugate that hardy race ; and especially, as Greece present- 
ed far weaker allurements than the kingdom of Babylon, and 
the wealthy cities of Asia. 

After the conquest of Lydia, while Cyrus was meditating 
the subjugation of the Asiatic Greeks, he received an em- 
bassy from Sparta, with a message eminently characteristic 
of that bold and intrepid people. The messenger, in a 
style truly laconic, told Cyrus, that, if he committed hostili- 
ties against any of the Grecian cities, the Lacedemonian 
republic would know how to punish his injustice. It is 
said that Cyrus, astonished at the insolence of the message, 
demanded who the Lacedemonians were. This affected ig- 
norance was rather designed to express his contempt, than 
to gain information. He well knew who they were. When. 
he was informed they were one of the states of the Grecian 
peninsula, he made a reply to the ambassadors, which con- 
tained a severe and just sarcasm upon their national char- 
acter. He told them ‘that he should never fear men, 


56 ANCIENT GREECE. 


who had a square in the midst of their city, in which they 
met together to practise mutual falsehood and deception; 
and that, if he continued to enjoy the blessing of health, he 
hoped to afford them more domestic reasons of complaint, 
than his military preparations against the Greeks of Asia.” 

The Greeks of Asia soon fell a prey to Harpagus, whom 
Cyrus left behind him, with a powerful army, to complete 
the conquest of these countries, while he himself, now 
burning with ambition, directed his march towards Babylon. 

For a’period of nearly forty years, ensuing the taking of 
Sardis, the Lydian capital, nothing will be noticed in the 
history of Greece. And here it will be proper to remark, 
that the commonwealth of Sparta, which, since the close of 
the Messenian war, had held the first place among the Gre- 
cians states, was now evidently falling behind that of Athens, 
and that the latter was fast rising in wealth, learning, power 
and influence, to the supremacy of Greece, an ascendency 
owing to her commercial enterprise. 

The short and splendid reign of Cyrus, after the reduc- 
tion of Babylon, seems to have been fully employed in 
settling the affairs of his extensive dominions. Nor is it 
probable, that, in an empire of such extent, he had leisure, 
or much inclination, to direct his attention to so inconsidera- 
ble an object as the Peloponnesus. The Greeks, therefore, 
remained in a measure occupied in their own domestic 
concerns, till, in the reign of Darius Hystaspes, an opportu- 
nity presented for the Asiatic colonies to throw off the 
Persian yoke. That monarch had determined on an inva- 
sion of the Scythians, a warlike race of people, whose first 
irruption into the countries of Asia took place in the reign 
of Cyaxares the First, as already noticed. Darius, medi- 
tating revenge for ancjent, as well as recent injuries, at the 
head of '700,000 men, traversed Asia Minor, crossed the Bos- 
phorus of Thrace, and was presently seen on the banks of the 
Danube. Over that broad river he laid a bridge of boats, 
and, crossing it, plunged with his immense army into the 
wilds of Europe. Having spent several months in fatiguing 
marches, vain pursuits, ‘incessant labors, and continual 
alarms, he found his army greatly impaired, their numbers 
diminished, and their spirits wasted. On his return, being 
entangled by mountains, forests, rivers and morasses, flying 
parties continually hung upon his rear, and formidable 
hordes often throwing themselves in his way, threatened to 
cut off his retreat. Thenews of his disasters reached the 


ANCIENT GREECE 57 


Danube, where he had posted strong guards, to defend the 
bridge he had thrown across that river. Several of the 
commanders stationed there advised to break up the bridge, 
and thereby prevent his return, that his ruin might be com- 
pleted. Among the foremost of those advising that measure, 
was Miltiades, the Athenian, who considered this as an 
opportunity, which ought not to be lost, of restoring the 
Asiatic Greeks to their liberty. But, the plan failing of 
success, Miltiades was compelled to seek safety in Athens, 
to escape the resentment of the Persian monarch. This 
celebrated advice of Miltiades, of which a particular account 
is given by Cornelius Nepos, was defeated by the counsel 
and authority of Histzus, the Milesian, who thereby saved 
the life of Darius, and brought himself into great favor with 
that prince. Darius, on his return to his own dominions, 
formed the design of punishing, not Miltiades alone, but the 
Athenian commonwealth. 

The conquest of the states of Greece seems to have 
been a favorite object with the Persians from the time of 
Cyrus. Their growing power, their independent spirit, 
and especially the lofty and commanding attitude they as- 
sumed and preserved, was wounding to the pride, and even 
alarming to the fears, of the monarchs of Asia. But the 
short reign of Cyrus was employed in matters judged to be 
of greater moment. The arms of his son Cambyses were 
carried in a different direction; nor was it till the reign of 
Hystaspes, that an invasion was carried into effect. Darius 
returned from his invasion of Scythia, covered with shame, 
and exasperated with disappointment. But, finding himself. 
reseated on his throne, he considered it as a matter equally 
dictated by revenge, interest, and honor, that he should now 
chastise the Greeks, who, during his unfortunate expedition 
to Scythia, had shown but too clearly their pleasure in his 
disgrace, and their readiness to co-operate in a plan for his 
destruction. 

Inflamed with resentment, the Persian king, therefure, 
resolved to make the Athenian republic, now regarded as 
the head of Greece, the first object of his vengeance. He, 
therefore, after extensive preparations, considerable delays, 
and some discouraging disasters, fitted out a-very great 
armament, the command of which he gave to Datis and 
Artaphernes, men eminently skilled in military command. 
This mighty army contained the flower of his empire, and 
was conveyed in a fleet sufficient to shade the Grecian seas. 


58 ANCIENT GREECE. 


The majestic armament, after hovering awhile among 
the islands of the Archipelago, at length, with solemn gran- 
deur, slowly approached the shores of Attica. The flower 

of the Persian army landed on the plain of Mara- 
490, thon, about ten miles from Athens, where they pitch- 

ed their camp. In this interesting moment, destin- 
ed to confirm the glory of Greece, and to elevate the Athe- 
nians to immortal renown, that brave but small republic stood 
alone; the other states refusing their aid, from republican 
jealousy, superstition, and perhaps the paralyzing shock of 
dubious expectation. Whatever it might have been, 10,000 
Athenians, and a few men from Plataa, appeared in the field, 
to cope, as it is allowed by all historians, with ten times their 
number of chosen warriors. 

The Greeks, though few in number, were completely 
armed, and were generally men of strength, courage, and 
tried skill in the gymnastic exercises. The celebrated 
Aristides, who was present in this battle, and who had a 
right, as general, to share in the command, magnanimously 
resigned his right to Miltiades, as did the other commanders 
of Athens. On the morning of the decisive day, Miltiades 
formed his line of battle with the utmost skill and fore- 
sight. 

The heroes of Athens (for such every man of them might 
be called ) took the right, and those of Plata the left wing 
af the line, which was formed on the side of a hill; down 
which, when the signal for onset was given, the Grecian 
army moved with order and rapidity. When they came 
within the reach of the Persian slings and arrows, they 
ran and closed with the enemy with the most impetuous 
shock. 

The conflict was severe, but short. Nothing could resist 
the valor of the Greeks, or equal the celerity of their ev- 
olutions. The Persians were dismayed, broken, routed 
and dispersed. ‘They fled to their ships in the utmost con- 
sternation, leaving 6000 of their best troops dead on the 
nel of battle. The loss of the Greeks was inconsidera- 

e. 

[Just after the battle of Marathon, an Athenian soldier, 
whose name was Lucles, still covered with blood and 
wounds, quitted the army, and ran to Athens, to carry his 
fellow-citizens the news of the victory. His strength just 
sufficed to reach the city. On his arrival he uttered three 
words, Rejoice, we triumph ; and instantly expired. | 


ANCIENT GREECE, 59 


The death of Darius soon puta period to further prepa- 
rations against Greece; nor was the invasion renewed till 
the expiration of ten years. 

From this period, Athens held unrivalled the ascendency 
im Greece; but even the cursory reader will not refuse a 
tear over the relentless fate of the brave and illustrious 
Miltiades. For, soon after this, failing in an attempt against 
the Isle of Paros, he was tried for his life, fined an immense 
sum, and flung into prison, where he expired of the 
wounds he had received in defending his country. He gave 
liberty and empire to his country; for which they rewarded 
him with chains and adungeon. Nor yet can we pronounce 
with certainty, concerning the reasons the Athenians had to 
doubt his integrity, or to suspect him of maintaining a 
clandestine correspondence with the court of Persia. Many 
men, whom nature has made brave and virtuous, will at 
length become intoxicated with power, blinded with self- 
interest, bewildered with dazzling theories, and liable to 
the deepest seduction. 

The Persians felt so severe a rebuke with sorrow, anger 
and indignation; and a second invasion was resolved on, as 
the only expedient to wipe away the disgrace of this signal 
defeat, which must otherwise remain indelible. The son 
and successor of Darius Hystaspes, was Xerxes, surnamed 
the Great. We have already spoken of his famous 
expedition into Greece, in our review of the history “yaq” 
of Persia. We there particularly noticed the victory, 
obtained over his fleet, by the policy and bravery of Themis- 
tocles, in the battle of Salamis; and his precipitate retreat to 
his own dominions. We also noticed the defeat of the army, 
which he left under the command of Mardonius, in the 
great and memorable battle of Platea, by the combined 
armies of the Greeks, under the command of Aristides and 
Pausanias. 

At Marathon, a single state of Greece had conquered the 
united armies of Persia; at Salamis, the Greeks had shown 
their superiority by sea; and at Platea, the combined forces 
of Greece had destroyed the most efficient force, which 
could be drawn from the Persian empire, commanded by 
their ablest generals. The dispute, which for ages had 
subsisted between the Greeks and Persians, was now decid- 
ed; and it was well for the latter, that the former were 
satisfied without pushing the demonstration further, by 
arguments still more unpleasant. 


60 ANCIENT GREECE. 


The Persians, doubtless, meditated no more invasions of 
Greece. The latter was left in the possession of unrivalled 
glory; and the former were compelled to set bounds to thei 
schemes of ambition. 

If the first part of Grecian history conducts the reader 
through a period of fiction, the part which we are now 
upon opens to the mind a period of virtue, genius, merit, 
and lasting fame. They could boast of a Homer, whose 
amazing genius was able to construct an epic poem, not 
only the first,* but the noblest ever formed; a poem, from 
which the mythologist, the legislator, the historian, the 
prince, the soldier, and even the geographer, could draw 
appropriate instructions; a poem, whose form has ever 
since been regarded as an immutable rule and model of 
perfection; a poem, which has tinged the whole current of 
poetry in all polite nations, and the lofty flights of whose 
muse have never been outsoared. They could boast of an 
Amphictyon, whose wise and comprehensive mind had 
originated the first political confederacy, to whose benign 
influence the prosperity and grandeur of Greece may be 
clearly traced, and to which all free, deliberative, repre- 
sentative, legislative bodies do homage, as their grand 
parent. They could boast of a Lycurgus, whose powerful, 
projecting mind could control the licentious savage with 
laws, which, if not the most amiable and humane, yet 
displayed an energy almost more than mortal; and which, 
if they did not produce the most happy, certainly produced 
the most masculine, determined and brave society of men 
ever known. | 

But if the institutions of Lycurgus were deficient in mild- 
ness and urbanity, they could boast of'a Solon, who united 
in one system, and condensed into one body, the scattered 
rays of political wisdom and experience, gleaned up from 
the wisest nations of his time; who mingled mercy with 
justice, and the sternest precepts of philosophy with the 
softer dictates of sensibility and compassion. 

In short, as we approach to the final issue of the Persian 
mMvasion, we are surprised at a group of great characters, 
which suddenly crowded the scene. Our minds are struck 
with the lustre of their virtues and actions. Miltiades, 
whose talents, as a soldier and commander, availed him 


* It is by no means certain that Homer’s epic poem was the first 
that was ever composed.— Ed. 


ANCIENT GREECE. 6} 


iustead of a host, first comes forward; then Leonidas and 
his adventurous companions, whose souls appear like so 
many bright flames of courage and love of glory; then 
Themistocles, whose deep penetration enabled him to pre- 
dict and ward off approaching danger, and as by his fore- 
sight, so by his courage and conduct, to be the savior of his 
country. But their names and due praises would fill a 
volume. So far are we from being able to do them justice, 
that we hope only to awaken in the reader a desire to trace 
them at large in the pages of ancient history. 


a 


CHAPTER IX. 


ANCIENT GREECE, FROM THE PERSIAN INVASION, TILL THE 
DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 


In the preceding view of the history of Greece, the 
reader will perceive, that little mention is made of any of 
the states, except Lacedemon and Athens. For this omis- 
sion, two reasous are to be assigned; first, the brevity of 
this work requires, that but few things be noticed, as we 
pass through a field of such extent; and, secondly, the other 
states, whether in the Peloponnesus, or out, whether in 
Europe or Asia, were generally animated by the same views 
and motives, governed by the same politics, and followed 
by the same fortunes. , 

Greece had now acquired the summit of her glory and 
happiness; but still she continued to exhibit unquestionable 
proofs, that no community can either boast of unsullied vir- 
tue, or can enjoy unmingled happiness. Many of those 
great men, whose talents and virtues raised their country 
to its present greatness, either by their own vices or the 
ingratitude and envy of their countrymen, were doomed to 
experience the most painful reverse of fortune. Disgraced 
by their country, they descended in poverty, ‘sorrow and 
infamy, to their graves; leaving it for posterity to do justice 
to their memory. 

It will be remembered, that Pausanias and Aristides com- 
manded the Greeks at the celebrated battle of Plata, 
where the Persians received their last defeat under Mardo- 
nius. Pausanias afterwards, lost to all true sense of recti- 
tnde and honor, became a traitor, and suffered the punish- 

6 


62 ANCIENT GREECE. 


ment he deserved. His colleague, Aristides, though once 
banished upon suspicion, was recalled, and was able fully 
to demonstrate his innocence. He lived to a great age, 
enjoying the highest honors of public confidence, and was 
surnamed the Just. But to no commander did the Greeks 
owe more, than to Themistocles. Historians generally 
allow that after the defeat of the Persian invasion, under 
Darius Hystaspes, the Greeks were of opinion, that there 
would never be another invasion. Themistocles assured 
them to the contrary. He clearly foresaw, that what ad- 
vantage had been gained over the Persians would rather 
rouse their resentment, and stimulate their ambition, than 
break their spirit. He said, therefore, that the battle of 
Marathon was but a prelude toa more glorious contest; and, 
by his counsel and authority, the Athenians were prevailed 
upon to forsake their city, which they could’ have de- 
fended, and risk their fortune at sea. That was doubtless 
their salvation, as their naval skill far excelled that of the 
Persians; and even when their fleets were drawn up in 
sight of each other, the policy of Themistocles brought on 
an engagement, contrary to the wish of both fleets, and, by 
that means, gave the victory to Greece, which did in reality 
decide the fate of the war. 

To the superior genius of Themistocles, therefore, 
Greece was indebted for her liberties, and her existence as 
a nation; and to the same the world is indebted for pre- 
serving a nation, who were the fathers of literature and 
government. But his services, however important to his 
country, or to the world, could not save him. The Spartans 
regarded him with the most implacable hatred and malice. 
They implicated him, as being concerned in the treason 
and treachery of Pausanias, and caused him to be banished. 

[More particular account of Themistocles.—Themistocles 
acted a most distinguished part upon the theatre of Greece, 
in one of the most eventful periods of her history. His 
qualities were rather dazzling than amiable. They were 
calculated to excite the admiration, rather than gain the 
confidence, of his fellow-citizens. 

Of his ambition and love of glory, a striking waibe is 
recorded by Plutarch, who relates, that after the battle of 
_ Marathon, in which Miltiades gained so splendid a victury, 
Themistocles was observed to retire from society, and spend 
many successive nights in pensive solitude. When his 

friends anxiously inquired into the cause of this denression 


ANCIENT GREECE. 63 


of mind, he replied, that “the trophies of Miltiades would 
not permit him to sleep.”? Indeed the great object of his 
life seems to have been, to acquire and maintain a superior- 
ity, not only in Athens, but through all Greece. This was 
the secret spring of all his political measures. If he exert- 
ed himself to procure the banishment of the virtuous 
Aristides, it was not from any conviction, that that decided 
patriot was dangerous to the commonwealth, but merely 
from a dread of his inflexible justice, envy at his growing 
popularity, and a desire to exclude a formidable rival, who 
stood in the way of his ambition. If he proposed to the 
Athenians to collect a powerful fleet, it was manifestly in- 
tended to prepare, not only for the approaching conflict with 
Persia, but for a yet more arduous struggle,- which his 
discerning mind foresaw, between his own country and the 
rival states of Greece, in which Athens would owe her 
superiority solely to her maritime strength. If he sug- 
gested to the Athenians the propriety of quitting their city, 
of fortifying the Pireus, and of greatly augmenting their 
fleet—if he continually urged the Athenians to some new 
enterprise, whether just or unjust—all these measures were 
obviously the result of seifish and unprincipled ambition, 
though, in some instances, they were eminently beneficial 
to his country, and might, at first view, be ascribed to patri- 
otic motives. 

But the most conclusive evidence of his willingness to 
sacrifice every thing to glory, may be drawn from the nefari- 
ous design he communicated. to Aristides, of burning the 
ships of the allies, at a moment in which they were engaged 
in defending the common liberties of Greece—a proposal, 
at which that upright statesman started back with horror, 
pronouncing it the most unjust and perfidious of projects. 
Through his whole administration, indeed, he evinced a 
total disregard to justice in the means he adopted for the 
attainment of his wishes. If a system of duplicity and dis- 
simulation, carried on under the disguise of truth and honesty, 
be essential to state-policy, the world has scarcely ever seen 
a more finished statesman than Themistocles, who was a 
perfect masier in all these arts. 

His artifices were, for a time, successful. He saw the 
republic of Ather:s flourish ; his own authority was unbound- 
ed; not a rival could stand against him; he was the 
popular idol, whom all Greece consented to worship. His 
‘insatiable ambition could scarcely desire more homage and 


64 ANCIENT GREECE. 


applause, than was rendered him by the Greeks, who had 
assembled for the celebration of the Olympic games, after 
the victory at Salamis. This pinnacle of fame was a dan- 
gerous eminence to a character so susceptible of flattery, 
so fond of admiration, as Themistocles’; an eminence from 
which he was shortly afterwards suddenly precipitated. The 
people of Athens grew tired of their idol, and threw it down 
from the lofty pedestal on which they had placed it. The- 
mistocles, in his turn, became an object of jealous suspicion. 
He was pronounced dangerous to the commonwealth, and 
banished for ten years. 

Themistocles retired first to Argos; but was soon obliged 
to withdraw from the territories of Greece, on account of 
the suspicion generally entertained of his having been im- 
plicated in the treason of Pausanias. It sufficiently appeared 
in the trial, and after the death of that traitor, that Themis- 
tocles was informed of the conspiracy, and concealed it; 
while, in his private letters to Pausanias on the subject, he 
rejected, with indignation, every proposal to join in the 
enterprise. The Lacedemonians were, on many accounts, 
highly incensed against him, and left no means untried to 
procure a sentence of death against one, whom they had ever 
considered the secret enemy of Sparta. From the persecu- 
tion of his enemies, he fled to Admetus, king of Molossus, 
who had previously entertained the deepest resentment 
against him; but, now he saw his cread adversary a wretched | 
exile, supplicating his protection, he generously forgot all his 
former enmity, and made his own palace the asylum of the 
distinguished outlaw. 

Yet, even here Themistocles did not consider himself 
beyond the grasp of his enemies. He escaped to Persia, 
and sought the protection of Artaxerxes. When the un- 
fortunate exile was arrived at the palace of that monarch, 
he waited on the captain of the guard, requesting, as a 
Grecian stranger, to have permission to speak with the king. 
The officer informed him of a certain ceremony, without 
which none were allowed that honor. Themistocles prom- 
ised to comply; and, falling on his face before the king, 
declared his name, his country and misfortunes. ‘‘I have 
done,” said he, “my ungrateful country services more 
than once, and am now come to offer my services to you. 
My life is in your hands. You may now exert your elem- 
ency, or display your vengeance. By the former, you 
‘will preserve a faithful suppliant. By the latter, you will 


ANCIENT GREECE, 65 


destroy the greatest enemy to Greece.”’? The king was struck 
with admiration at his eloquence and intrepidity. He even 
gave him three cities for his support, and had him maintained 
in the utmost splendor. 

In this manner, he lived in affluence and contented slavery, 
until the king thought of sending him, at the head of an 
army, against Athens. The consciousness, that he should 
be instrumental in overturning a city, which had been made 
to flourish by his counsels, gave him inexpressible pain. 
He found himself, at last, unable to sustain the conflict be- 
tween his gratitude to the king, and his love to his country ; 
and therefore resolved upon dying, as the only means of 
escaping from his perplexity. He prepared a solema sacri- 
fice, to which he invited all his friends, when, after embracing 
them, and taking a last farewell, he swallowed poison, which 
soon put an end to his life. He died at Magnesia, aged 
threescore and five years. | 

In a former chapter, it has been said, that the great line 
of history (i. e. if we follow tue course of empire) would 
scarcely strike into Greece, till the era of Alexander. But 
this remark must be understood in a sense extremely limit- 
ed; for at the close of the Persian invasion, and ever after-. 
wards, nothing remained with the Persians but the shadow 
of empire. For, being compelled to acknowledge the supe- 
riority of the Greeks, both by sea and land, they were will- 
ing to accept of peace on any terms. 

By a most vigorous system of war, arts, agriculture and 
commerce, the Grecian empire now spread in every direc- 
tion; and the coast of Asia, from Syria to the Bosphorus of 
Thrace, owned her sovereignty, including all the adjacent 
islands. It extended also on the shores of Europe, from 
Epirus round the peninsula of Greece, and stretching to 
Macedon, Thrace and the Euxine Sea. 

Soon after the close of the Persian war, the Athenians 
rebuilt their city, which had been destroyed by Xerxes; or 
rather built it anew, and enclosed it with walls, whose 
height and solidity rendered them impregnable to any 
common form of attack. They also built the famous harbor, 
called the Pirzeus, which lay about five miles from the 
citadel of Athens. This harbor was large, and convenient 
for the whole Grecian navy. Here a new city directly 
arose, nearly of equal size with Athens. This new city, 
the harbor, and the intermediate buildings, were soon after, 
in the administration of Cimon, the son of Miltiades, enclosed 

6 * 


66 ANCIENT GREECE. 


in walls of amazing strength, extending from the old city; 
so that the enclosing walls of Athens were upwards of 
eighteen miles in length. 

Under the administration of Cimon and Pericles, these 
and various other public works were completed; so that 
Athens now began to assume a form and aspect exceed- 
ingly magnificent and splendid. If Babylon, Nineveh, or 
Persepolis, covered a greater extent of ground, if they 
contained structures of greater dimensions, still their real 
glory and magnificence bore no comparison to the superb 
structures, to which Grecian architecture gave birth; and 
their internal decorations, in comparison with those of 
Athens and of other Grecian cities, were like the huge 
caverns and gloomy vaults formed by the hand of nature. 
Not far from this period, the republic of Elis built the cele- 
brated temple of Olympian Jupiter; a work equalled ‘in no 
subsequent age. To afford diversity to the young reader, 
we shall here give a brief description of this famous temple, 
abridged from Dr. Gillies. 

There had long subsisted a contest between the Eleans 
and Pisans, concerning the right of superintending the 
celebration of the Olympic games. This quarrel resulted 
in a war, in which the Pisans were conquered, and all their 
effects were appropriated to the building of a temple to 
Jupiter, by whose assistance the Eleans were supposed to 
be victorious. 

This temple was of the Doric order, built of stone re- 
sembling the Parian marble, and encircled with a superb 
colonnade. Its dome was 60 feet in height, 90 broad, and 
230 long. It was covered with a rare kind of marble, cut 
in the form of tiles. At each extreme of the roof stood a 
golden vase, and in the middle a golden Victory; below 
which was a shield embossed with Medusa’s head, of gold. 
On the pediment stood Pelops and Oenomaus, ready to 
begin the Olympic race in the presence of Jupiter. _This 
vault was adorned with the battle of the Centaurs and 
Lapithe. The labors of Hercules distinguished the princi- 
pal entrance. 

After passing the brazen gates, you discover Iphitus, who, 
as we have seen, founded the Olympic games, crowned by 
his spouse, Echechiria. Thence the way led, through a 
noble portico, to the majestic creation of Phidias, the Athe- 
nian; which formed the grand ornament of the temple, as 
well as of Greece. The god was sitting on a throne, and 


ANCIENT GREECE. 67 


of such colossal stature that his head reached the roof, 60 
feet in height. This mighty image was composed of gold 
and ivory. In his left hand was a burnished sceptre, in 
his right an image of Victory, and on his head an enamelled 
crown of laurel. His robes and sandals were variegated 
with flowers and animals of gold: His throne was of ivory 
and ebony, inlaid with precious stones. The feet which 
supported it, and the fillets which joined them, were adorn- 
ed with innumerable figures, among which were the Theban 
children torn by sphinxes, and Apollo and Diana shooting 
the beautiful and once flourishing family of Niobe. Upon 
the most conspicuous part of the throne were eight stat- 
ues, representing the gymnastic exercises, and a beautiful 
figure, resembling young Pantarses, the favorite scholar of 
Phidias, who, in the contest of the boys, had lately won 
the Olympic prize. On the four pillars, which between 
the feet sustained the throne, were delineated the Hes- 
perides, guarding the golden apples; Atlas with mighty 
effort sustaining the heavens, with Hercules ready to assist 
him; Salamine with naval ornaments in her hands, and 
Achilles, supporting the beautiful expiring Penthesilea. 

But the ornaments of this temple and statues were in- 
describable; presenting at once to the eye, a scene of ele- 
gance, beauty and majesty, which no words can paint. 
There were in Greece, and Asia Minor, four other temples, 
if not equal in all, yet far superior to this, in some respects, 
(viz.) that of Ceres and Proserpine, at Eleusis in Attica; of 
Diana, at Ephesus; of Apollo, at Miletus, and of Jupiter, at 
Athens. 

During this period, the Greeks seemed to unite every 
thing in their character and actions, which was bold, enter- 
prising or great; but we cannot add, every thing, that was 
just, generous and humane. Many of their greatest men they 
banished; some on real conviction, but.more, it is presumed, 
on suspicion, from the base motives of jealousy and envy; 
and the season of happiness and glory for the Greeks scarce- 
ly arrived, before it was forever past. They now began to 
feel the corrupting influence of wealth, power and prosperity. 
Luxuries, like an overwhelming flood, rolled in from every 
quarter; and the insolence of prosperity, and pride of em- 
leh struck at the heart of public morals and virtue, and 

egan secretly to undermine that power, which had raised 
the Greeks to such an exalted height. ; 


68 ANCIENT GREECE. 


The career of those great men, we have just mentioned, 
was scarcely past, when the administration of Pericles open- 
ed scenes more splendid, more flattering to the vanity, and 
more corrupting to the virtue, of Athens, than any, which 
had been before his day. Pericles was endowed with 
every accomplishment necessary to enable him to influence 
and to govern. The most persuasive and commanding 
eloquence, added to the greatest personal attractions and 
intellectual powers, rendered him the mest extraordinary 
man of his time. He was artful, bold and magnificent. 
He was a friend to every thing great and elegant in the arts 
and sciences; a professed republican; an accomplished cour- 
tier; capable of building cities; of commanding armies; of 
leading men’s understanding by the force of his reasoning, 
however fallacious, and of inflaming their passions by his 
oratory. It is said, that he thundered when he spake. 

Ambition was his ruling principle. His schemes, which 
were generally concerted with policy, and executed with 
success, tended uniformly to sink the states of Greece inte 
one general mass, on which he might raise, adorn and 
glorify the Athenian empire. In short, his aim was to make 
Athens the supreme arbiter of Greece, and himself the head 
of Athens. 

The history of Greece, from the battle of Platea till the 
Peloponnesian war, is, in. a great measure, the history of 
governments, and of arts and sciences. We shall pass over 
this, therefore, a period of about 50 years, and proceed to 
a brief survey of that war; and we shall see its causes early 
planted, and its effects, gradually forming the theatre for the 
Macedonian conqueror. 

The warlike Medes were inebriated by the wealth and 
luxuries they found in the first Assyrian empire, which they 
subdued. The Persians drank the same deadly draught from 
the conquest of the second. The Greeks were effeminated 
by the conquest of the Persians; and the Romans, as we 
shall see in tracing our line, experienced the same, in the 
conquest of Carthage and Greece. Throughout all ancient 
history, we see virtue, industry and bravery combined with 
ambition, raising nations to empire; and we see wealth, 
luxury and vice, undermining and plunging them down to 
destruction. 

We have already notieed the ascendency, which the 

Spartans gained among the states of Greece, in the first 


ANCIENT GREECE. 69 


ages of those republics. At first, it was real; at length, only 
nominal; but after the battles of Marathon, Salamis and 
Platza, it existed no longer. The Athenians seem to have 
been superior to their sister states in genius, enterprise and 
local situation. The gradual, but powerful operation of 
these, together with many other advantages, more particular 
and accidental, rendered them superior to all. . But by what- 
ever causes they acquired superiority, one thing is certain,— 
they used it with far less moderation than the Lacedemoni- 
ans had done before them. The menacing tone, and haugh- 
ty air, they assumed, were but ill calculated to promote their 
ancient union; and indeed they now seemed only solicitous 
to extort, by force, from their neighbors, degrading acknowl- 
edgments and humiliating concessions. 

This haughty and overbearing spirit clearly appeared in 
the administration of Pericles. His lofty and aspiring genius, 
his bold and animated eloquence, prevailed on his country- 
men to throw off the mask, and assert their right to suprem- 
acy. The consequence was, the extinction of all union, 
general resentment, combinations, conspiracies, and civil and 
desolating wars. In the general calamities, Athens shared 
largely. The Peloponnesian war was productive of incalcu- 
lable evils; evils of which Greece never recovered ; equally 
subversive of morals, liberty and empire; and which pre- 
pared the way for its conquest by Philip. 

The states of Greece, with equal astonishment and indig- 
nation, received ambassadors from Pericles, together with 
a mandate, that all the states and colonies should, by their 
deputies, assemble at Athens, to adopt measures for rebuild- 
ing ruined temples, and paying due respects to the immortal 
gods, for their assistance in the Persian war. An order so 
extraordinary, in so imperative a tone, was received by many 
with deep disgust, and secret murmurs; by the Spartans, with 
resentment and derision; and by none with due submission, 
but those states, whose dependence had already ensured 
their acquiescence. The tendency of this measure was, to 
render Athens the source of authority, and the centre of de- 
liberation, action, power and honor. 

When Pericles understood how this requisition was re- 
ceived at Lacedemon, he is said to have exclaimed, with 
his usual forcible and figurative style, ““I behold war 
advancing, with wide and rapid steps, from the Pelopon- 
nesus.”” In this conflict of power, policy, wealth and ambi- 
tion, it was perceived, that Athens and Sparta must form 


70 ANCIENT GREECE. 


the two rallying points; and both those powers had endeay- 
ored, by every artifice of open and secret negotiation, to 
strengthen their cause by leagues, alliances and auxiliaries. 

This memorable war was begun by the Corinthians and 
Corcyreans, a colony from Corinth, about 439 years before 
the Christian era. 

Corcyra is an island near the entrance of the Adriatic 
Sea. East of it lies the kingdom of Epirus; and west, the 
bay of Tarentum. This island has been famous even from 
the times of Homer, who calls it Pheacia. Its present 
name is Corfu. From remote antiquity, this island has been 
celebrated for its wealth, beauty, and, at times, for its naval 
and military character. The republic of Corinth had early 
sent a colony to Corcyra, which soon grew into a. wealthy 
and powerful state, and was able to resist the haughty and 
imperious requisitions of the mother country. Nor shall we 
find a more convenient place than this, to notice an essential 
blemish in the moral and political character of the ancient 
Greeks. 

The spirit of emigration and colonizing prevailed more 
with the Greeks than with any other nation, ancient or 
modern. It was, indeed, the natural result of their national 
character, form of government, and local situation. Enlight- 
ened, free, independent and enterprising, the defenceless 
state of many of their more barbarous neighbors invited 
their aggressions ; and the numerous islands of the surround- 
ing seas gave ample room and full scope to the indulgence 


of their roving and restless propensities. They emigrated, 


invaded, conquered and colonized. And, before the com- 
mencement of the Peloponnesian war, could their powers 
have been brought to a common focus, by a plan of policy 
sufficiently strong and combining, they would have formed 
the most powerful aud warlike nation,ever known. But, in 
this respect, they were far behind the Romans. Divided into 
small independent governments, they were distracted and 
torn by mutual jealousies; and their caprice, tyranny and 
vengeance, were often wreaked upon their refractory colo- 
nies, towards whom they made it a point to preserve an 
attitude the most commanding and supercilious. A predom- 
inance of this unhappy temper occasioned perpetual broils, 
and, at last, brought on an eventful struggle, from the deplo- 
rable consequences of which Greece never recovered. 

After some battles and various success, the Corcyreans, 
finding themselves in danger of being overcome, applied 


———e 


ANCIENT GREECE. 71 


to Athens for aid, which was granted. In the mean time, 
the war is prosecuted with vigor; the Athenians send aid 
to Corcyra. Corinth is over-matched, and applies to Sparta 
and the Peloponnesian states; and they, at length, fall in 
on the part of Corinth. Thus, instead of Corinth 
and Corcyra, were seen Athens and Lacedemon in 
the field of action, the states of Greece divided, and 
the devastations of war spreading over their fairest provinces. 

The Spartans, if in any degree less warlike than in former 
times, were certainly more “enlightened, more politic, and 
directed by maturer counsels. Their bravery and fortitude 
were still terrible to the haughty Athenians; and Pericles 
himself might have seen reasons for wishing, that he had 
been satisfied with a more tacit acknowledgment of Athenian 
greatness; especially, when he now often saw that proud 
capital tottering on the brink of destruction, exposed to the 
fortune of a most eventful war, and severely distressed by 
pestilence. ® 

While the confederate armies were ravaging the country 
of Attica, even almost to the gates of Athens, a dreadful 
plague broke out in that city. As its first appearance was 
at the Pireus, it was generally believed to have been im- 
ported from abroad, in the Athenian vessels. This was 
about the year before Christ, 430. 

[ Some particulars of the Peloponnesian War.—W hen it was 
perceived, that the first object of the Spartan league would 
be, to invade Attica with an overwhelming force, Pericles 
prevailed upon the Athenians to retire into the city, which 
had been strongly fortified, and leave their villas and fields 
exposed to the ravages of the invading army. While the 
thus stood on the defensive at home, he proposed, that the 
Athenian fleet, which was mistress of the seas, should make 
reprisals upon the territories of Sparta and her allies, by 
committing similar ravages on their coasts, and oblige them 
ultimately to withdraw their forces from Attica. 

A temporary clamor was excited against Pericles, when, 
from the walls of their city, the Athenians saw their man- 
sions consumed by the flames, and the fruits of their fields 
reaped by hostile hands—when the melancholy tidings 
reached them of the total devastation of their late fertile 
borders. But that statesman, relying on the success of his 
plan of defence, made no reply either to their menaces or 
entreaties. The result, he had anticipated, quickly follow- 
ed. ‘Phe confederate army under Archidamus, king of 


431. 


rp ANCIENT GREECE, 


-Lacedemon, straitened for supplies, and unequal to the 
siege of Athens, was recalled, to defend their own coasts 
from the aggressions of the Athenian fleet. In consequence 
of the naval superiority of the Athenians, and the inexpe~ 
rience of their adversaries in conducting sieges, the balance 
of success, during several years of the war, was greatly in 
favor of the former. But an enemy of a far different 
description awaited them, whose fearful ravages it was 
impossible to resist. In the second year of the Peloponne- 
sian war, just at the time in which the whole population 
of Attica had taken refuge from a second invading army, 
within the walls of Athens, a plague broke out in that city, 
than which a more terrible is scarcely recorded in the annals 
of history. It is related, that it began in’ Ethiopia; whence 
it descended into Egypt; thence into Lybia and Persia; 
and, at last, broke like a flood upon Athens. This pesti- 
lence batiled the utmost efforts of art. The most robust 
constitutions “were unable to withstand its attacks. No 
skill could obviate, nor remedy dispel, the terrible infec- 
tion. The instant a person was seized, he was struck with 
despair, which quite disabled him from attempting a cure. 
The humanity of friends was fatal to themselves, as it was 
ineffectual to the unhappy sufferers. The prodigious quan- 
tity of baggage, which had been removed out of the country 
into the city, increased the calamity. Most of the inhabi- 
tants, for want of lodging, living in little cottages, in which 
they could scarcely breathe, while the burning heat of the 
summer increased the pestilential malignity. They were 
confusedly huddled together, the dead as well as the dying ; 
some crawling through the streets; some lying along by 
the sides of fountains, whither they had endeavored to 
repair, to quench the raging thirst, which consumed them. 
Their very temples were filled with dead bodies; and 
every part of the city exhibited a dreadful image of death, 
without the least remedy for the present, or the least hopes 
with regard to futurity. It seized all with such violence, 
that they fell one upon another as they passed along the 
streets. It was also attended with such uncommon pesti- 
lential vapors, that the very beasts and birds of prey, though 
famishing round the walls of the city, would not touch the 
bodies of those who died of it. Even those who recovered, 
it left such a tincture of its malignity, that it struck upon 
their senses. It sometimes effaced the notices and memory 
of all the passages of their lives; and they knew neither 


ANCIENT GREECE. 43 


themselves, nor their nearest relations. Its moral influence 
has been represented as still more deplorable. The unhap- 
py citizens became hardened and licentious, dreaming only 
of present pleasure, while dropping hourly into their graves. 

Amid these complicated miseries, arising from the ma- 
lignant influence of pestilence and war, the firmness of 
Pericles remained unshaken. He was even able, by his 
eloquence and courage, to revive the drooping hopes of 
the Athenians. They were preparing to renew, with 
vigor, the plans of conquest, which had been interrupted by 
this dire calamity, when their admired leader was himself 
cut off by the plague, which broke out afresh, and commit- 
ted new ravages. When he was on his deathbed, his 
friends expatiatedj@in his hearing, on the success of his 
army, and the many trophies he had erected in commemo- 
ration of splendid victories obtained over the enemies of 
his country; “Ah!” exclaimed the expiring chief, ‘“ dwell 
not of these actions, which are’ rather to be aséribed to for- 
tune than skill. You have forgotten the most valuable 
part of my character, and that alone on which I can now 
reflect with pleasure—that none of my fellow-citizens have 
been compelled, through any action of mine, to assume a 
-mourning robe.” It is no doubtful proof of the distinguish- 
ed talents of this illustrious Athenian, that he administered 
public affairs, either conjointly with Cimon or alone, during 
upwards of forty years, and those, too, the most critieal and 
perilous in thélannals of the republic. 

The third year of the war was chiefly occupied with the 
sieges of Potidea by the Athenians, and of Platea by the 
Peloponnesians. The former of these places was soon 
taken; but the latter made a most vigorous defence. 
Though a small city, and containing but comparatively a few 
soldiers, the garrison, consisting of 500 Plateans and Athe- 
nians, withstood the whole strength of the Spartan confed- 
eracy nearly five years. When at length they were com- 
pelled to capitulate, the conditions granted them were 
most honorable; but no sooner had the allied army obtain- 
ed possession of the citadel, than they disgracefully violated 
the treaty, and put to death all the garrison, that had sur- 
rendered themselves, in reliance upon the faith of Sparta. 
What would Lycurgus have said to these degenerate 
children? 

During the siege of Platea, Lesbos revolted from Athens 
This island was the most flourishing and valuable of all her 

7 | 


74 ANCIENT GREECE. 


provinces. Spartan emissaries had seduced the Lesbians 
to this dangerous revolt. These deluded islanders were 
soon reduced with shame and degradation. 

This insurrection was followed by new disturbances at 
Corcyra, attended with the most dreadful carnage. To the 
disgrace both of the Athenians and Spartans, they interfered 
in this civil discord, not to conciliate, but to inflame the 
passions, and strengthen the animosities of the two conflict- 
ing parties. For a considerable time, the principal city 
was one continued scene of atrocious murders. The tem- 
ples, the altars of their gods, as well as the habitations of 
their citizens, streamed with blood. Eurymedon, the Athe 
nian commander, not only was the spectator of this lamenta 
ble tragedy, but continually urged th® enraged populace 
to greater enormities. Such cruelties were practised, that, 
in future times, all sanguinary scenes were compared to “a 
Corcyrean sedition.” | 

About this'time, the public opinion at Athens was divided 
between two individuals of widely different character, but 
whose influence in the republic was nearly balanced. 
One of these was Nicias, who was a most able and success- 
ful commander, yet a strenuous advocate for peace. Though 
he had frequently led to victory both the fleets and armies 
of the Athenian ‘confederacy, he used every advantage as 

additional argument for an immediate negotiation ; and 
still urged his countrymen to lose no time in terminating 
- those hostilities, which he deplored as the héaviest calamity, 
that could have befallen them. But, in all his benevolent 
efforts to procure a cordial reconciliation, he was constantly 
opposed by Cleon, a turbulent demagogue, who, by the 
most daring effrontery and infamous vices, inflamed the 
* passions of the multitude,.and elevated himself from the 
lowest condition to the highest rank in the republic. This 
bold and arrogant declaimer lost no opportunity of censuring 
the tardy measures and timid policy of Nicias, and even 
charged him with cowardice and corruption. 

An incident occurred, which tended greatly to increase 
the self-importance and popularity of this pretended patriot. 
The Spartans had committed an oversight in transporting 
a considerable number of their most distinguished citizens 
to Sphacteria, a small and barren island, opposite to Pylus, 
which had recently been taken by the Athemians. Here 
they were blockaded, and reduced to the utmost extremities, 
by an Athenian squadron. In the first moment of conster- 


ae 


ANCIENT GREECE. 7a 


nation, the Lacedemonians. sued for peace, and Nicias 
strongly recommended to his fellow-citizens to embrace so 
favorable an opportunity of obtaining advantageous terms. 
But Cleon contended with vehemence against the measure, 
at a time in which the Spartangmobility were at. their mercy. 
He offered to go with a small force to Sphacteria, and take 
possession of the Spartan prisoners immured there. He was 
taken at his word; and by accident, rather than by skill, ac- 
complished the enterprise he had undertaken. The Spartan 
garrison was compelled to surrender at discretion. Inflated 
with this unexpected and unmerited success, Cleon now 
aspired to the most important stations, and promised speedily 
to repair the losses, which had been sustained in remote proy- 
inces, by the victories of Brasidas over the Athenian gene- 
rals, Demosthenes and Thucydides. 

But Cleon little knew ,the difficulty of the task he had 
imposed upon himself, or the character of the distinguished 
warrior, with whom he was to contend. With heedless 
presumption, he rushed forward to.meet the brave, the skil- 
ful, the victorious Brasidas. 

The two armies met, and fought under the walls of Am- 
phipolis. In this engagement, both the commanders were 
slain. The Athenian fled at the commencement of the 
action, and was killed by a private soldier, that. happened 
to meet him in his flight; the Spartan received a mortal 
wound towels its conclusion, and expired in the arms of 
victory. | 

The principal obstacles to peace being now removed by 
the death of Brasidas and Cleon, and both the contending 
powers having been instructed by the sufferings they had 
endured, as well as exhausted by their continued labors, 
a sincere desire of mutual accommodation was expressed. 
The Athenians were anxious to recover their Thracian and 
Macedonian possessions, which the arms of Brasidas had 
wrested from them, and the Spartans no less anxious to 
regain the distinguished prisoners that had been captured 
in Sphacteria. Nicias was appointed by the former, and 
Pleistonax by the latter, with full powers to negotiate. A 
truce for one year was first proposed; then a treaty of 
peace was concluded for fifty years, and, finally, a league 
offensive a - defensive was ratified by both parties. The 
olive branch of peace was hailed with the utmost demon- 
strations of joy. This is generally denominated the Peace 
of Nicias, from the great influence exerted by that excellent 


‘« | i 


2 


76 ANCIENT GREECE. 


man in procuring it. This event took place in the tenth 
year of the war, B. C. 421. 

This alliance between Athens and Lacedemon gave 
offence to the greater partiof the remaining states of 
Greece, who considered it @ formidable combination of 
those powerful states against themselves. Corinth was the 
first to remonstrate against the treaty; by which it was 
contended, that the weak were left wholly at the mercy of 
the strong, and virtually deprived of their independence. 
The Argives entered so far into the views and feelings of 
the Corinthians, as to form a league for the protection of 
the liberties of Greece; and invited all the other republics 
to unite with them. In the mean time, mutual jealousies 
revived between the ancient rivals, Athens and Lacedemon, 
who accused each other of having failed to perforin the 
conditions of the late treaty. The Athenians had refused 
to surrender fhe Island of Pylus, which they had gaken 
during the war; and the Spartans had entered into a sepa- 
rate alliance with the Beotians, contrary to the late con- 
tract, in which it was stipulated, that “no treaty shoald be 
made without the concurrence of both parties.” ‘These. 
grounds of complaint would easily have been removed if 
the peaceful Nicias had possessed unlimited powers. Buta 
youth of illustrious birth, of fascinating manners, of seductive 
and brilliant talents, then began to make a figure at Athens, 
and aspired to the direction of the republic. This youth 
‘was Alcibiades, the relative and pupil and exact counterpart 
of Pericles; the intimate friend and beloved companion of 
Socrates; but, it is necessary to add, the worst enemy of 
the Athenian state. He first prevailed on the Athenians to 
enter into the Argive alliance; and afterwards, by a dis- 
honest artifice, outwitted the Lacedemonian ambassadors, 
who came with full powers to settle differences and explain 
misunderstandings. He persuaded them, under a color of . 
friendship, not to let the people know, at first, what full 
powers their commission gave them; but to intimate, that 
they came only to treat, and make proposals; for that, 
otherwise, the Athenians would grow insolent in their 
demands, and extort from them unreasonable’ terms. They 
were so well satisfied with the prudence and sincerity. 
of this advice, that he drew them from Nicias, to rely en- 
tirely upon himself; and, the next day, when'the people 
were assembled, and the ambassadors introduced, Alcibia- 
des, with a very obliging air, demanded of them, with what 


ANCIENT GREECE. TT 


powers they were come. ‘They made answer, that they 
were not come as plenipotentiaries. Upon which, he in- 
stantly changed his voice and countenance, and, exclaiming 
against them as notorious liars, bid the people take care 
how they transacted any thing with men on whom they 
could place so little dependence. The people dismissed the 
ambassadors in a rage. 

Unable to rest till some object, commensurate to his dase 
ambition, presented itself, Alcibiades procured his election 
to the chief command of the Athenian army, and prevailed 
upon his fellow-citizens to undertake the invasion and con- 
quest of Sicily. 

When the question was debated in the Athenian senate 
and before the general assembly, it was strenuously opposed 
by Nicias, who used many arguments to prove the impolicy 
and hazard of the projected expedition; and concluded with 
warning the magistrates and elder citizens against the wild 
ambition of Alcibiades and his youthful companions, whose 
measures, he predicted, would lead to the overthrow of the 
state. But ineffectual were his remonstrances and entrea- 
ties, when the youthful orator arose, and drew a flattering 
picture of the wealth of Sicily, the ease with which it might 
be subjugated, and the door it would open to further and 
more splendid conquests. Already he imagined Sicily and 
Carthage and Africa prostrate at the feet of Athens, or pour- 
ing their riches into her treasury. Dazzled with these bril- 
liant prospects, the assembly decreed war with Sicily, and 
appointed Nicias, Alcibiades and Lamachus joint comman- 
ders of the expedition. 

The last attempt of Nicias to dissuade his countrymen 
from this fatal enterprise, by magnifying the difficulty of its 
execution, produced an opposite effect. The obstacles, 
which were unable to conquer, only animated the courage 
of the assembly; and it was determined, that the generals 
should be invested with full authority to raise such sums of 
money, and to levy such a body of troops, as might ensure 
success to their arms, ; 

The magnitude of the preparations increased the hopes 
and the ardour of all ranks of men in the republic. The old 
expected that nothing could resist such a numerous and 
well-equipped armament. The young eagerly seized an 
occasion to gratify their curiosity and love of knowledge in 
a distant navigation, and to share the honors of such a’ glo- 
rious enterprise. The rich exulted in displaying their 

ai 


78 ANCIENT GREECE. 


magnificence; the poor rejoiced in their assurance of pay, 
suflicient to relieve their present wants, and in the prospect 
of obtaining by their arms the means of future ease and hap- 
piness. Instead of finding any difficulty to complete the 
levies, the great difliculty consisted in deciding the prefer- 
ence of valor and merit among those who solicited to serve ; 
and the whole complement of: forces, to be employed by sea 
and land, consisted of chosen men. 

Amidst the general alacrity felt, or at least expressed, by 
the people of all descriptions, (for the dread of incurring 
public censure made several express what they did not feel ,) 
Socrates alone ventured openly and boldly to condemn the 
expedition, and to predict the future calamities of his coun- 
try. But the authority of the sage was unable to check the 
course of their enthusiasm. 

When the appointed day arrived, the whole inhabitants 
of Athens, whether citizens or strangers, assembled early in 
the Pireus, to admire the greatest armament ever collected 
in a Grecian herbor. A hundred galleys were adorned with 
all the splendor of naval pomp; the troops destined to em- 
bark vied with each other in the elegance of their dress 
and the brightness of their arms. The alacrity painted in 
every face, and the magnificence displayed with profusion 
in every part of the equipage, represented a triumphal show, 
rather than the stern image of war. But the solidity and 
greatness of the armament proved, that it was intended 
for use, not for ostentation. Amidst this glare of external 
pageantry, which accompanied the adventurous youth, their 
friends and kinsmen could not suppress a few parting tears, 
when they considered the length of the voyage, their va- 
rious dangers by flood and field, and the uncertainty of be- 
holding again the dearest pledges of their affection. But 
these partial expressions of grief were speedily interrupt- 
ed by the animating sounds of the trumpet, which issued 
at once from a hundred ships, and provoked sympathetic 
acclamations from the shore. The captains then offered 
solemn prayers to the gods, which were answered by cor- - 
responding vows from the spectators. The customary liba- 
tions were poured out in goblets of gold and silver; and 
after the triumphant Pean had been sung in full chorus, the 
whole fleet, at once, set sail, and contended for the mee of 
naval skill and celerity. 

Scarcely had they arrived in Sicily, when Alcibiades was 
recalled, to take his trial for alleged impieties and sacrilege. 


ANCIENT GREECE. 79 


The conduct of the Sicilian war then devolved on Nicias, 
whose military talents had stood a long and severe test. 

Nicias was at first successful, as he had hitherto always 
been. But the tide of success soon turned. The Syra- 
cusans were animated by the presence and aided by the 
talents of Gylippus, a Lacedemonian general, who had forced 
an entrance into the besieged city, at the head of a few 
Spartan troops. From the time of his arrival, the Athenian 
invaders met with nothing but a train of defeats and calam- 
ities. In one of the first engagements with the Syracusans, 
Lamachus was killed; a brave and enterprising general, 
whose loss, at such a crisis, was severely felt. Soon after, 
an epidemic disease, which spread through the Athenian 
camp, and with which Nicias himself was affected, commit- 
ted fearful ravages. This malady, added to the harassing 
and destructive warfare, in which he was engaged, obliged 
the Athenian general to write, in the most pressing terms, 
for immediate supplies. An attempt was made to retrieve 
their losses, by a powerful reenforcement, under the com- 
mand of Demosthenes* and Eurymedon. But the attempt 
was fruitless. _Gylippus attacked them in separate bodies ; 
and, having reduced them to fhe most distressing extremities, 
.compelled the several divisions of*the Athenian army to sur- 
render. Such was the fury of the Syracusans, that they 
doomed all the Athenian prisoners to labor in the quarries, 
or sold them as slaves, except the generals Nicias and De- 
mosthenes, who were put to death, notwithstanding the ear- 
nest entreaty of Gylippus to save their lives. 

One circumstance, that serves to enliven the gloom, and 
diminish the horrors, of this calamitous scene, is deserving 
of particular notice. ‘The Sicilians were so enchanted with 
the tenderness and melody of the verses of Euripides, when 
recited by their Athenian captives, that they liberated all, 
who were able to repeat his most beautiful passages. These 
emancipated captives hastened back to Athens, and cast 
themselves at the feet of the venerable poet, and hailed him, 
with tears of joy, as their deliverer from dreary bondage and 
lingering dat. 

The news of the defeat being carried to Athens, the 
citizens, at first, would not believe it, and even sentenced 
to death the man who first published the” ‘tidings; but when 
it was confirmed, all the Athenians were seized with the 


* Perhaps great-grandfather of the immortal orator. 


80 ANCIENT GREECE. 


utmost consternation. The venerable members of the 
Areopagus expressed the inajesty of silent sorrow; but the 
piercing cries of wo extended many a mile along the lofty 
walls, which joined the Pireus to the city; and the licentious 
populace raged with unbridled fury against the diviners and 
orators, whose blind predictions and ambitious harangues 
had promoted an expedition eternally fatal to their country. 
The distress of the Athenians was too great to admit the 
comfort of sympathy; but, had they been capable of receiy- 
ing, they had little reason to expect that melancholy conso- 
lation. The tidings so afflicting to them gave unspeakable 
joy to their neighbors. Many feared, most hated, and all 
envied a people, who had long usurped the dominion of 
Greece; and the consequence was, that many of the allies 
and dependents prepared to assert their rights. Cicero had 
reason to observe, speaking of the battles in the harbor of 
Syracuse, that it was there the troops of Athens, as well as 
their galleys, were ruined and sunk ; and that, in this harbor, 
the power and glory of the Athenians were miserably ship- 
wrecked. 

The disasters experienced by the Athenians in Sicily, 
and their more recent sufferings under the cruel tyranny of 
the Four Hundred,* were soon forgotten, when Alcibiades 
turned the tide of success in their favor, by a short but 
triumphant career of victory. But no sooner was that 
consummate general dismissed and exiled, than the state of 
the Athenian republic became more hopeless and desperate 
than ever. A few efforts, indeed, were made by the Athe- 
nians, which resembled the faint struggles of an expiring 
warrior. But, from that time, it was evident to every 
observer, that the ancient and once flourishing republic, 
which had alone withstood the legions of Persia, was upon 
the brink of ruin. Two things accelerated this event, the 
divided counsels of the Athenians, and the renewed vigor 
of the Spartans. The former appointed no less than ten 


* The tyranny of the Four Hundred was a temporary change, that 
took place in the government of Athens, about the time in which 
Alcibiades was recalled. The conduct of this aristocracy was most 
sanguinary—their measures most oppressive. Every day of their 
short reign was characterized by new atrocities; every vestige of 
freedom was abolished; and Athens was on the point of being sold, 
by her unprincipled rulers, into the hands of the Spartans. From 
the tyranny of the Four Hundred, the Athenians were delivered by 
Thrasybulus. : 


ANCIENT GREECE. 81 


commanders, with equal powers, to succeed Alcibiades in 
the command of the fleet. Some of these were men of 
approved valor and patriotism; but others were either little 
known, or noterious only for their vices. These counter- 
acted each other, and gave additional energy to the decided 
measures of Lysander, who had been recently appointed to 
the command of the Spartan forces by land and sea; a gene- 
ral of pre-eminent talents, but disgraced by the most sordid 
avarice, and a total want of integrity. 

As Lysander acted so conspicuous a part in Greece, at 
that time, and was the means of producing a fatal change in 
the character and laws of Sparta, it will not be improper 
to describe, more particularly, the principles on which he 
acted, in his brilliant administration. Nothing could be 
more remote from genuine Spartan integrity, than the 
political conduct of Lysander, through every step of his 
public life. His ruling passion was avarice; but the means 
of gratifying this insatiable desire were matters of perfect 
indifference to him. Justly or unjustly, by force or fraud, 
he was bent upon aggrandizing himself and enriching his 
country. He scrupled not to pursue this unworthy object 
by the adoption of measures the most perfidious and unjust. 
Not content with the spoils of war, and what are usually 
considered the legitimate fruits of conquest, he wrested, 
with the hand of violence, the property of the defenceless, 
or obtained, by craft and intrigue, those treasures, which he 
was unable to seize by force. Now he was seen levying 
contributions on the Ionian cities and states, with the assumed 
authority of an eastern despot; and now most obsequiously 
soliciting pecuniary aid at the subordinate courts of: Persian 
satraps, submitting tamely to their insults, and flattering their 
vices, with the hope of securing their wealth. Having suc- 
ceeded beyond measure in his avaricious designs, he pre- 
vailed on the senate of Sparta, by bribery and corrupt 
influence, to repeal those laws of Lycurgus, which had 
forbidden the introduction of gold and silver coin into the 
republic; and then poured a stream of ill-gotten wealth 
into his country, which soon enervated and destroyed it. . 
The perfidiousness of his character may be gathered from 
the favorite maxim ascribed to him, and in which he glo- 
ried; “‘ Children,” said he, “ should be deceived with toys, 
but men by oaths.” 

Such was the general character of the person who was 
chosen by the Spartans to prosecute the war in a season of 


82 ANCIENT GREECE. 


public danger, and when more than ordinary vigor was 
necessary. Nor were they disappointed in the expectations 
they had indulged of his success. After having, in the first 
year of his command, gained several victories both by sea 
and land, he was superseded by another general; since, by 
the laws of Sparta, no commander, however successful he 
might have been, could retain his appointment longer than 
one year. Callicratidas, who succeeded him, was a genuine 
Spartan, not unworthy of the purest days of the republic, 
a perfect contrast to the unprincipled and avaricious Lysan- 
der. Ignorant of the language and manners of a court, 
unaccustomed to flatter those whom he despised, and too 
independent to brook the insolence of wealth and Bs 
Callicratidas soon found it was vain to solicit the Persian 
court for supplies; nor could he, like his predecessor, 
extort them from those who were in alliance with them. 
Counteracted in all his efforts by Lysander, who had unwil- 
lingly resigned the command to him, and cut off from all 
‘ resources ‘for the prosecution of the war, he found it ne- 
cessary to risk an engagement with a very superior force, 
near the islands or rocks of Arginusae, south of Lesbos. 
All that determined valor could accomplish, was done by 
Callicratidas, before he received his mortal wound; but, 
after that event took place, the Athenians took and destroy- 
ed a great part of the Spartan fleet. The victory they 
obtained was dearly purchased, but complete. Yet such 
- was the base ingratitude of the Athenians to the conquerors, 
that they tried the ten commanders of the fleet, on a charge 
of having neglected to pay funeral honors to the slain, 
eight of whom were condemned, and six executed; none of 
the senate, except Socrates, having dared to oppose this 
unjust sentence. 

In consequence of the death of Callicratidas, the command 
of the Spartan forces was again intrusted to Lysander, who 
soon afterwards seized a favorable moment, near Egos Po- 

tamos, when a great part of the crews of the Athenian 

405, Ships were on shore, to bring up his fleet, and, almost 

“without resistance, take possession of the whole fleet 

of Athens, consisting of upwards of a hundred and fifty gal- 

leys. Five thousand prisoners were taken, all of whom were 
massacred by Lysander. 

The total’ annihilation of their fleet decided the fate of 
the Athenians. The only staff, on which they had so fre- 
quently leaned in the hour of extreme debility, was now 


ANCIENT GREECE. 83 


broken. Their last resource had failed them. There 
remained nothing to impede the victorious progress of 
Lysander, who boasted, with truth, that, in one hour, he 
had, and almost without bloodshed, terminated a war of 
twenty-seven years. After having occupied the few re- 
Taaining cities and fortresses, that still adhered to the 
Athenians, he besieged Athens both by sea and land. Its 
inhabitants, unshaken by adversity, and gathering energy . 
from despair, resolved to defend the city to the last ex-~ 
tremity, and even passed a decree to punish those, who 
should first propose to surrender. Famine and disease, the 
inevitable consequences of a protracted siege, at length 
prevailed, and compelled this high-minded people to 
negotiate with their ancient rival. The eloquent The- 
ramenes and nine others were deputed-as ambassadors, with 
full powers, to conduct the negotiation. The terms, 
proposed by the Spartans, and to which the Athenians were 
ultimately obliged to accede, were most humiliating. The 
city was to be surrendered, and occupied by a Spartan 
garrison ; the walls and fortifications of the city and harbor 
to be demolished; all their ships of war, except twelve 
galleys, to be given up; and they were to enter into a 
league, to serve the Lacedemonians in all their military or 
naval expeditions, to the utmost of their power. No sooner 
was this treaty ratified, than Lysander entered Athens in 
triumph, and demolished the wails to the sound of martial 
music, which celebrated the deliverance of Greece from the 
tyranny of Athens. | 

Thus on the 16th of May, 404 years before Christ, at the 
end of 27 years from the commencement of this unhappy 
conflict, Athens, the glory of Greece, the mistress of the 
arts and sciences, was taken by the confederate armies, and 
her walls, her. towers and her fortresses, levelled to the 
ground. 

The day, says Dr. Gillies, was concluded, by the victo- 
rious confederate armies, with a magnificent festival, in 
which the recitation of poems, as usual, formed a part of 
the entertainment. Among other pieces, was rehearsed 
the Electra of Euripides, and particularly that affecting 
chorus, “We come, O daughter of Agamemnon, to thy 
rustic and humble roof.”” These words were scarcely 
uttered, when the whole assembly melted into tears. The 
forlorn condition of that young and virtuous princess, ex- 
pelled the royal palace of her father, and inhabiting a 


84 ANCIENT GREECE. 


miserable cottage, in want and wretchedness, recalled to 
mind the dreadful vicissitudes of fortune, which had befallen 
Athens, once mistress of the sea, and sovereign of Greece, 
but deprived, in one fatal hour, of her ships, her walls and 
her strength, and reduced from the pride of prosperity and 
pcwer to misery, dependence and servitude, without exert- 
ing one memorable effort to brighten the last moment of her 
destiny, and to render her fall illustrious. 

The Peloponnesians vainly boasted, that the fall of Athens 
would be the era of Grecian liberty. Athens, indeed, tasted 
that bitter cup, which lawless pride and ambition generally 
present to their votaries. By her situation, her genius and 
promnerite she seemed designed as the guardian of Greece; 

ut her ambition to govern or to conquer, which none inflam- 
ed more than Pericles, was as rash and presumptuous as it 
was foolish and vain. Athens, thus humbled, prostrated, and 
crushed, never rose to her former state; and the powers, 
which triumphed over her, were involved in her destiny ; 
resembling the members of a body, which revolt from the 
head, cast it down, and trample it in the dust. 

{ Socrates.—Socrates, the most distinguished among ancient 
philosophers, was the son of Sophroniscus, a statuary. He 
was born at Athens, B. C. 470. He was educated in his 
father’s profession; which seems to have impressed his 
mind with a taste for proportion and beauty, both as they 
appear in the natural and moral world. But his insatiable 
ardor in the pursuit of knowledge, and the increasing inter- 
est he felt in physical, literary and moral researches, pre- 
vented him from continuing to practise an art, which was 
then in high repute, and in which he would probably have 
risen to eminence. He was endowed with a penetrating 
and comprehensive mind; and became eminently distin- 
guished as an instructer.. He possessed unexampled good 
nature and a universal love to mankind. After attending 
all the public schools, and inquiring diligently into the 
different systems taught in them, he arrived at a decided 
conviction, that they were completely erroneous, and more 
calculated to bewilder, than to instruct. He -rightly 
judged, that the best use of knowledge is to form principles 
of action. The subtilties, the speculations, the theories of 
preceding philosophers, he therefore rejected, as worse 
than useless; and undertook to teach all, who were willing 
to receive his instructions, a more simple, pure and practical 
system of ethics. So attentive was he to the happiness and 


ANCIENT GREECE. 85 


advantage of his country, that he seemed the common father 
of the republic. But as it is so very difficult to correct the 
aged, and to induce people to change long cherished prin- 
ciples, he devoted his labors principally to the instruction 
of youth. He had no open school, like the rest of the 
philosophers, nor set times for his lessons. He had no 
benches prepared; nor did he ever mount a professor’s 
chair. He was the philosopher of all times and seasons. 
He taught in all places and upon all occasions—in walking, 
conversation at meals, in the army and in the midst of the 
camp, in the public assemblies of the senate and people. 
He disputed in a great measure by means of questions. In 
consequence of this, the interrogative method of disputing © 
is still denominated Socratic. By means of his questions, 
he was wonderfully successful in confuting and confounding 
the sophists, in detecting their frauds, and unmasking their 
characters. 

Aristophanes, the comic poet, was engaged to expose 
him upon the stage. He composed a piece called the Clouds, 
in which he introduced the philosopher, suspended in a 
basket, uttering the most ridiculous absurdities. Socrates, 
who was present at this exhibition, showed not the least 
emotion, and as some strangers were present, who desired 
to know the original, for whom the play was intended, he 
rose from his seat, and showed himself during the whole 
representation. This was the first blow struck at him; and 
it was not till twenty years after, that Melitus appeared in 
a formal manner as his accuser, and entered a regular pro- 
cess against him. His accusation consisted of two heads. 
The first was, that he did not admit the gods acknowledged 
by the republic, and introduced new divinities ; the second, 
that he corrupted the youth of Athens. Melitus concluded 
with inferring, that sentence of death ought to be passed 
against Socrates. How much truth was contained in the 
first part of the charge, it is not easy to determine ; but it is 
certain, that, amidst so much zeal and superstition as then 
reigned in Athens, he never durst openly oppose the receiv- 
ed religion. But it is very probable, from the discourses he 
frequently held with his friends, that, in his heart, he de- 
spised and derided their monstrous opinions and ridiculous 
mysteries, as having no other foundation than the fables 
of the poets; and that he had attained to the notion of the 
one only true God. 

8 | 


86 ANCIENT GREECE. 


_ The friends of Socrates too plainly perceived the danger, 
which threatened him, and earnestly desired to exert their 
influence and talents on his behalf. The eloquent Lysias, 
especially, who had been one. of his disciples, and was 
affectionately attached to him, earnestly entreated permis- 
sion to deliver a pathetic oration he had prepared for the 
occasion; but Socrates, while he admired the composition, 
as a display of talent, peremptorily refused the request, 
because its tone was too supplicatory for a character un- 
justly accused. He was at length prevailed upon to under- 
take his own defence, not so much with the hope of pro- 
tracting his life, as in compliance with the pressing solicita- 
tions of his friends. During his trial he employed neither 
artifice nor eloquence. He had no recourse to solicitation 
or entreaty. But his discourse was bold, manly, generous, 
without passion, without emotion, full of the noble liberty 
of the philosopher, with no other ornament than that of 
truth, and brightened universally with the character and 
language of innocence. ‘‘ My whole employment,” said he, 
‘is to persuade the young and old against too much love 
for the body, for riches and all other precarious things ; 
and against too little regard for the soul, which ought to be 
the object of their affection. Pass on me what sentence 
you please, Athenians; but I can neither repent, nor change 
my conduct. I must not abandon nor suspend a function, 
which God himself has imposed on me. He has charged 
me with the care of instructing my fellow-citizens. Should 
you resolve to acquit me, I should not hesitate, for the 
future, to make answer, Athenians, I honor and love you. 
But I shall choose to obey God rather than you; and, to my 
latest breath, shall never renounce my philosophy, nor cease 
to exhort and reprove you, according to my custom, by 
telling each of you, when you come in my way, ‘ My good 
friend, and citizen of the most famous city in the world, for 
wisdom and valor, are you not ashamed to have no other 
thoughts, than of amassing wealth, and of acquiring glory, 
credit and dignities, while you neglect the treasures of 
prudence, truth and wisdom, and take no pains in rendering 
your soul as good and as perfect as it is capable of being?” 
After some further observations, he remarks, ‘ For the rest, 
Athenians, if, in my present extreme danger, I do not imitate 
the behavior of those, who, upon less emergencies, have 
implored and supplicated their judges with tears, and have 
brought forth their children, relations and friends into court, 


ANCIENT GREECE. 87 


it is not through pride and obstinacy, nor any contempt for 
you, but solely for your honor, and for that of the whole 
city. You should know, that there are among our citizens 
those, who do not regard death as an evil, and who give 
that name only to injustice and infamy.” 

Socrates pronounced this discourse with a firm and 
intrepid tone. His air, his action, his visage, expressed 
nothing of the accused. His steady, uninterrupted course 
of obstinate virtue, which had made him, in many cases, 
appear singular, and oppose whatever he thought illegal or 
unjust, without any regard to times or persons, had procured 
him a great deal of envy and ill-will; so that, however slight 
the proofs against him, the faction was powerful enough to 
find him guilty. He was condemned to drink the juice of 
hemlock. i 

Socrates received his sentence with the utmost composure. 
Apollodorus, one of his disciples, launching out into bitter 
invectives and lamentations, that his master should die inno- 
cent; ‘‘ What,” replied Socrates, with a smile, “‘ would you 
have me die guilty? Mlelitus and Anytus may kill, but they 
cannot hurt me.” 

The execution of the sentence was delayed thirty days, on 
account of a law, which prohibited the putting to death of 
any criminal during the absence of the priest of Apollo, who 
annually sailed to the isle of Delos, to offer sacrifices. Dur- 
ing this interval, the prison was continually thronged with 
his affectionate disciples, who came to administer to his com- 
fort, and receive his last instructions. 

The day before his execution, Crito, his intimate friend, 
came to him early in the morning, to let him know, that 
it depended only upon himself to quit the prison; that the 
jailor was gained; that he would find the doors open, and 
offered him a safe retreat in Thessaly. Socrates laughed 
at his proposal, and asked him whether he knew any place 
out of Attica where people did not die? Crito urged the 
thing very seriously, adding argument upon argument, to 
induce his escape. Socrates expressed his gratitude, but 
rejected his offer; because he considered it unjust to escape 
from the laws. 

The day of his death was employed in conversing with 
his friends respecting the immortality of the soul, which he 
endeavored to prove. At sunset the cup of poison was 
brought by a servant of the magistrates, who was so much 
affected that he turned his back and fell a weeping. So 


88 | ANCIENT GREECE. 


crates, having taken the cup, kept silence for some time, and 
then drank off the draught with an amazing tranquillity of 
aspect. 

‘Such was the end of this great philosopher, in the seven- 
tieth year of his age, B. C. 400. 

It was not till some time after his death that the dbople 
began to perceive and lament their mistake. Athens was 
in universal dismay and consternation. All exercises were 
suspended, and his accusers called to account for his death. 

After some time the inhabitants of the city put on mourn- 
ing for him, as if a public calamity had befallen them; and 
all agreed to censure his accusers and judges, some of 
whom were put to death, and others banished. Nor were 
the Athenians satisfied with these transient expressions of 
regret. They decreed the aighest honors to his memory. 
They erected a statue of brass, executed by Lysippus, in 
the most frequented place of resort. They enrolled his 
name among their subordinate divinities, and dedicated a 
temple to his memory. 

[Fine Arts—From the defeat of the Persian power to 
the death of Alexander, a period of 180 years, the genius 
of Greece was displayed in the brightest splendor. The 
name of the painter and the sculptor was celebrated in 
. festivals ; their works were exhibited at the public games; 
and they were reputed to confer, by every specimen of 
their art, distinguished honor upon their country. The 
monuments of their talents reflected lustre upon their char- 
acter, and gave it the highest respectability; as it was 
their noble province to express the likeness of heroes, and 
to imbody the perfections of the gods. To be publicly 
distinguished with higher honors than his competitors, was 
the great object of the artist, and his unremitting and ardent 
efforts to excel them, gave to his works that grace, beauty 
and spirit, that exquisite expression of passions, and that 
appropriate dignity of character, which mark their finest per- 
formances. 

The arts brought to recollection by the most lively 
images the great events and characters of history. Every 
public edifice in Athens was filled with the statues of war- 
riors, magistrates, legislators, philosophers, and orators. In 
one place stood Miltiades frowning destruction on Persia ; 
in another, the placid Socrates, the thoughtful Solon, and 
the impassioned Demosthenes. Every street presented an 
Athenian with some striking example of valor, wisdom, or 


ANCIENT GREECE, 89 


patriotism. Wherever he turned his eyes he saw some mon- 
ument raised to perpetuate the renown of his ancestors; and 
the precious tribute of the arts, so liberally paid to all persons 
of genius, courage and virtue, gave the keenest excitement 
to the display of every species of excellence. ] 

After this period, however, many great men appeared in 
Greece ; but no general bond of union could be formed. 
Intervals of peace were short; and their few virtuous 
characters only shone like passing meteors, for a moment. 
If Alcibiades was famous for his talents, he was no less 
infamous for his vices; and the few splendid actions he 
performed were utterly insufficient to counteract the gene- 
ral effects of caprice, crooked policy, and a total want of 
virtue. 

Athens had scarcely recovered a measure of liberty, by the 
exertions of Thrasybulus,* and begun to respire, after a 
shock so paralyzing, and calamities so dreadful, when war 
again broke out. This is commonly called the Beotian war. 
Instead of rising, as did the former, from the Peloponnesus, 
it now pointed its avenging flames toward that haughty com- 
bination of powers, and menaced them with a fate similar to 
that of Athens. It is remarkable, that, as the sun of ancient 
Greece was still lingering on the western horizon, as if 
loath to set, she at times displayed an effulgence of genius, 
which few nations could boast, when enjoying their meridian 
of glory. In the days of glory which Sparta and Athens had 
seen, it was little expected that Beotia would ever be the 
terror of Greece, would not only excite their jealousies, but 
alarm their fears, and would render necessary their utmost 
exertions, not to say in defence of their honor, but of their 
national existence. 

Historians, without a dissenting voice, allow Epaminondas 
to have been great in the various characters of statesman, 
hero, patriot and commander. The Thebans and their 
confederates were led by this most accomplished general 
into the Peloponnesus. LLacedemon was their mark. They 
ravaged the country of Laconia, even to the gates of Sparta. 
That proud and powerful people had not seen such a day - 
for five hundred years. The skill and valor of Agesilaus 
saved them. 


* After the Peloponnesian war, the government of Athens was usurp- 
ed by 30 men, “the dependants and creatures of Sparta,” who, on ao- 
count of their tyranny, are generally called the Thirty Tyrants. From 
these Athens was delivered by Thrasybulus.—E£d. 

8 


90 ANCIENT GREECE. 


The course of human affairs resembles a revolving wheel, 
some parts of which are perpetually rising, some falling ; 
some are up, and some down. It is incredible that Lacede- 
mon should be compelled to apply to Athens for aid, whom 
she had so lately conquered ; but this she did, and that with 
Bc, Success. The war progressed with vigor, was pro- 
3¢3. tracted, had various turns, and was at length termi- 
nated in a general battle at Mantinea. This battle 
is allowed to have been the most equally matched, the ablest 
conducted, and the most bravely fought, of any one ever 
fought in Greece. [While Epaminondas was fighting in the 
midst of the battle with astonishing ardor, a Spartan gave 
him a mortal wound with a javelin across his breast. He 
was carried into the camp, and the surgeons, after the battle, 
examining the wound, declared that he would expire, as 
soon as the head of the dart was drawn out of it. All pre- 
sent were in the utmost affliction, while the only concern he 
expressed, was about his arms and the fate of the. battle. 
When they showed him his shield, and assured him that 
the Thebans had gained the victory, turning towards his 
friends with a calm and serene air,—“ All then is well,” 
said he; and soon after expired. The death of this “ won- 
der-working man,” however, roused the drooping spirits of 
the Spartan allies, and, at last, rendered the victory doubtful. 
It was claimed on both sides. ] 

With Epaminondas expired the. martial spirit of his 
country; for, although the Thebans maintained the as- 
cendency for some years, and were able for a while even 
to control the decisions of the Amphictyonic council, yet 
they guadually sunk to their former insignificance. This 
great general terminated his career in the 2d year of the 
(104th Olympiad, 363 years before Christ, and may be con- 
sidered as one of the last expiring lights of the Grecian re- 
publics. 

Eight years after the death of Epaminondas, Alexander 
the Great was born, generally acknowledged to be the first 
of heroes and of conquerors. Under his powerful sceptre, 
the Greeks, the Persians, and even the Indians, formed but 
one amazing field of conquest. 

Empire first having taken her flight from Persia and from 
the Grecian republics, seemed for a while hovering on other 
shores and coasts, as in doubt where to settle. 

More than 800 years before the Christian era, a colony 
from the ancient city of Tyre, whose history we have 


ataat ya seis 


ash Sivan pacha sitar 


Page II 2 


ane Se - 
Se nen 2 


Demosthenes declaimaing wpor te Sea shore. 


ANCIENT GREECE. 91 


already noticed, crossed the Mediterranean, and: settled in 
Africa. ‘Those’ enterprising adventurers, conducted by the 
celebrated Dido, founded the city and empire of Carthage. 
The Carthaginians, by degrees, extended themselves along 
the shores of Africa, and ibaved the islands of the Mediter- 
ranean, great part of Sicily, and even many islands in the 
Atlantic ocean. They succeeded, and very far exceeded 
their mother country, in the empire ‘of commerce, and 
were for many years masters of the sea. But the Cartha- 
ginians, like thé ‘Trojans, were. destined, after flourishing a 
while, to enhance the triumph and exalt the fame of their 
conquerors. They were checked — by” the Ca and 
finally subdued by the Romans. 

The Romans, about this time, flourished Py a consular 
administration. Manlius ‘Torquatus, Decius Mus, and others, 
were contemporary with Alexonder:) But the Romans were 


ee 


beyond. the small tribes aie states of Taly for it is remark- 
able, that, after.Rome. had been an independent state 360 
years, her territories did not extend twenty miles from the 
city. 

But a power was now rapidly rising much nearer to 
Greece, which was to change the scene in Europe and Asia, 
and to influence the state of numerous nations to ages 
unborn. . 

Northwestwardly of the head of the Archipelago, and 
separated from that sea by several small Grecian republics, 
lay the country of Macedon. Its exact size, as also its 
boundaries northwardly, were little known even to the 
ancients, and still less to modern geographers. The country 
was rough, mountainous, and, for the most part, wild and 
barren. As early as the. Persian i invasion, these parts were 
little known. They had been colonized and subdued by 
the Athenians, but had revolted in the course of the Pelo- 
ponnesian war. 

Amyntas, the grandfather of Alexander the Great, was 
the first prince’ of that dynasty, of any considerable note in 
history. He is represented. by Quintus Curtius as a man of 
great abilities,.equally brave in the field, and wise in coun- 
cil. But, overwhelmed with difficulties both foreign and 
domestic, he was able only to plant those seeds of greatness, 
which were afterwards to flourish, and influence the destiny 
of half the nations of the earth. During his reign, the 
Macedonians were too wild and barbarous to coalesce in 


92 ANCIENT GREECE. 


any settled plan of policy, civil or military. Of course they 
were kept in perpetual fear from the inroads of the Illyrian 
tribes, which skirted them on the north. 

The Greeks, likewise, though wasting away by swift de- 
grees, in the fires of civil war, were still warlike and pow- 
erful, under the administrations of Cimon, Pericles and 
Epaminondas. The life of Amyntas was strongly imbittered 
by intrigues and conspiracies, in his own palace, carried on 
by his famous, or rather infamous queen Eurydice: a calam- 
ity, which, amid all their greatness, seemed to pursue that 
whole dynasty of Macedonian kings, until it exterminated the 
posterity of Philip, king of Macedon. 

Amyntas had three sons, Alexander, Perdiccas and Philip, 
the father of Alexander the Great. After a troublesome 
reign, he was succeeded by his eldest son, Alexander, who 
found full employment in repelling the invasion of his fe- 
rocious and warlike neighbors. In an unsuccessful war with 
the Illyrians, he was compelled to become tributary, and to 
give a royal hostage. He gave his younger brother Philip, 
who, during his residence with those rude but martial peo- 
ple, gained a knowledge of them, which was afterwards of 
eminent service to him; though he was then but aboy. On 
a similar occasion, being afterwards sent to Thebes, he there 
enjoyed the greatest advantages. 

Epaminondas then flourished; and taking Philip under 
his immediate protection and care, he educated him, together 
with his own son, in the Grecian literature, in which he 
made great proficiency. The school of adversity gives 
lessons of wisdom, and imparts an energy to man, almost in- 
dispensable to greatness. For the most part, the pampered 
and delicate children of easy fortune are enervated in the 
germ and blossom of life, and are forever hushed, on the 
downy lap of prosperity, to inglorious repose. 

It was not so with Philip. In those adverse fortunes, 
which could not break his spirit, he learnt patience, hu- 
mility and wisdom. He found ample resources in his 
own mind, made strong by exertion, and rich by experi- 
ence. 

[ Most important events of the life of Philip.—After spending 
nine or ten years in Thebes, he was called to the throne of Ma- 

cedon by the death of his brother Perdiccas. Possessing 
360. great abilities, and equal ambition, he cast his eyes over 
the wide prospect; and allured by the most brilliant 
hopes of aggrandizing his family, invited by the degenerate 


ANCIENT GREECE.’ 93. 


effeminacy of the Athenians, the discord of the Peloponne- 
sians, and the general weakness of all Greece, he laid the 
plan of an empire, which his son was destined to execute, 
and to exceed. 

[The circumstances under which he ascended the throne, 
were peculiarly unfavorable. The kingdom was surround- 
ed by foreign enemies, and rent asunder by intestine divis- 
ions.| There had been no settled administration; but civil 
War, assassinations, revolutions and anarchy. Thus situated, 
the first care of Philip was to secure the affection, to aug- 
ment the resources, and to improve the discipline of his peo- 
ple. With consummate address he settled the differences, 
that related to the regal succession, till every competitor was 
set aside; and then by bribes, concessions, or vigorous move- 
ments, he induced the enemies who threatened his kingdom 
to retire, and thus freed his subjects f-om the alarm of inva- 
sion. A treaty of peace was concluded with the Athenians, 
and reviving commerce soon poured a stream of wealth into 
his impoverished kingdom. 

About this time two circumstances conspired to augment 
the influence and reputation of Philip; first, a recent predic- 
tion of the Delphian oracle that Macedon would recover its 
ancient dignity under the son of Amyntas; and second, the 
discovery of a gold mine at Crenidae, afterwards called Phi- 
lippi, which produced annually more than a thousand talents. 
To this discovery a great part of his future successes are to 
be ascribed; for he accomplished much more by negotiation 
than by arms; and the success of his negotiations usually 
depended upon the bribes he offered. 

So degraded was the political state of Greece, that there 
was scarcely an orator, statesman, or senate, he did not soon- 
er or later corrupt, even not excepting the once venerable 
council of Amphictyons. He once remarked, “that he de- 
spaired of taking no city, into which he could introduce a 
mule laden with gold.” 

A penetrating mind, like that of Themistocles, would 
have detected, at the commencement of Philip’s reign, his 
design to make himself master of Greece; and an alarm 
would have been sounded from the Ionian to the A¢gean sea. 
But the ambitious prince of Macedon had no such rival 
genius with whom to contend. His fair promises, his 
specious pretexts, and his show of moderation and clemency, 
were sufficient to deceive the degenerate patriots of Greece, 
who saw, in general without alarm, his daily encroachments 


94 ANCIENT GREECE. 


on the rights and possessions of independent states, and his 
interference in all their disputes. It did not occur to them 
that he secretly fomented these dissensions for the purpose 
of rendering them his more easy prey; and the assumed 
lenity, the boasted justice of his conduct, were but design- 
ed to throw them off their guard, and conceal his real in- 
tentions. 

In the third year of his reign he married Olympias, a 
beautiful princess of Epirus, whose personal and mental at- 
tractions made her no less worthy of his regard, than the 
greatness of her family, descended from Achilles, rendered 
her worthy of sharing his throne. 

Nothing could be more favorable to his wishes than the 
contentions of the lesser Grecian republics, which were car- 
ried on incessantly, during the first years of his reign. The 
most important of these was the Phocian or Sacred war. 
This was excited by the council of Amphictyons, who 
claimed the right of keeping the temple of Apollo, its vast 
treasures, and its consecrated possessions, subject to their 
direction,—a right which had been violated by some of the 
inhabitants of Phocis, who had presumed to plough up some 
land sacred to Apollo. For this heinous offence, all Greece 
was summoned to take up arms against them. Sparta and 
Athens, however, not only dared to disobey the mandate, but 
secretly promised the Phocians assistance. 

A desperate but unsuccessful effort was made by Philome- 
Jus, the Phocian general, to defend his country against the 
confederate Greeks. Being defeated, in a fit of desperation 
he threw himself headlong from the rocks, to which he had 
fled from the vengeance of his enemies. 

Fer several years Philip watched the progress of this 
destructive contest, and secretly fanned the flames of dis- 
cord without espousing either party. At length, his assis- 
tance was solicited by the Thessalians, and thus an occasion 
was given to interfere in the concerns of Greece. Religion 
was on this occasion a veil for his ambition. To avenge 
the insults offered to Apollo, and punish a sacrilegious 
people, were his professed designs in joining the allied 
Greeks ; but the result proved, that his real object was to 
gain such an ascendency in their councils, as should pre- 
pare the way for the future sovereignty of Greece. His 
accession to the league soon terminated the Phocian war, 
and was rewarded by a seat in the council of Amphictyons, 
instead of the republic of Phocis, which had been expelled. 


ANCIENT GREECE. 95 


This was an important step towards the accomplishment of 
his ambitious projects, which, in addition to the superinten- 
dency of the Pythian games, transferred to him from the 
Corinthians, enabled him, henceforward, to govern both the 
general councils and the oracles of Greece. 

Upon this system of cautious and well-dissembled policy, 
Philip continued to act, during his reign, continually invad- 
ing the rights and possessions of neighboring states, yet, at 
the same time, justifying his aggressions with so much plau- 
sibility of reasoning, and such apparent equity, that it was 
scarcely possible to condemn the measures, however unjust 
in themselves. 

All the more powerful republics were either deceived 
by his fair professions, or corrupted by his gold. The 
Spartans, though fully sensible of the danger which threat- 
ened Greece, were too degenerate, or too much exhausted, 
to make an effort in behalf of their expiring liberties. The 
Athenians, immersed in luxury and vice, perpetually amused 
with their theatrical entertainments and splendid shows, 
were little inclined to oppose the ambitious views of Philip, 
though they were best able to attempt it with vigor. A 
temporary and successful effort was indeed made by the 
brave and patriotic Phocion, to counteract the designs of 
Philip on the flourishing island of Eubea, to which that 
prince attached so much importance as to call it the fetters 
of Greece. The intrigues of the king of Macedon in that 
colony were detected, and his legions vanquished, by the 
prudence and valor of that illustrious Athenian ; but, having 
attained this object, the senate and people of Athens again 
resigned themselves to indolent security and criminal 
pleasures. 

Among the means employed by Philip to deceive the 
Athenians, the most successful was bribery. He thus 
acquired numerous partisans within the walls, and even in 
the senate of Athens. All the orators, except the cele- 
brated Demosthenes, were in the Macedonian interest. 
Well convinced of the influence, which they possessed over 
the popular assemblies of Athens, Philip had spared no 
expense nor exertions to secure these demagogues, who 
led the public opinion, and governed its decisions. Dema- 
des, a sordid but eloquent orator, Eubulus, a venal flatterer 
of the vices of the common people, and even the energetic 
and sublime Eschines himself, were bought by Macedonian 
gold. Demosthenes, alone, remained inflexible. Neither 


96 ANCIENT GREECE. 
flatteries, nor censures, proffered wealth nor honors, could 
seduce his incorruptible mind. With the most determined 
courage, he sounded the trumpet of alarm, and poured forth 
his philippics, at every fresh aggression of the king of Mace- 
don. Nor did he rest, till, by the force of his eloquence, 
bearing down all opposition, he stirred up his infatuated 
country to make an essay, at least, towards stemming the 
torrent of ambition. 
The attempt of the combined armies of Athens and Thebes 
- at Cheronea was vigorous, but unsuccessful; chiefly on ac- 
count of the want of skill in their commanders, all of 
33¢ Whom were notoriously unfit for their station. Had 
their conduct at Cheronea, in which Philip triumphed 
over the liberties of Greece, equalled either the patriotic 
hopes of Demosthenes, or the valor of the troops employed 
in it; had Phocion been appointed to the command, who 
had already vanquished, in Kubea and Thrace, the legions 
of Philip; or had the heedless impetuosity of the Athenians 
permitted them to estimate more accurately the strength of 
the enemy, the result would probably have been widely 
different, and the ambitious projects of Philip had been com- 
pletely frustrated. But, unhappily for Greece, her heroic 
bands were committed, on this occasion, to the unskilful 
Lysicles, the voluptuous Chares, and the perfidious Thea- 
genes, who fell into the snare which Philip had laid for 
them, and were defeated with great loss. Lysicles was 
afterwards tried and condemned for his failure, on which 
occasion one of the judges thus addressed him: ‘You, 
Lysicles, were general of the army; a thousand citizens 
were slain; two thousand taken prisoners; a trophy has 
been erected to the dishonor of this city; and all Greece 
is enslaved. You had the command when all these things 
happened ; and yet you dare to live, and view the light of 
the sun, and blush not to appear publicly in the forum; you, 
Lysicles, who are born the monument of your country’s 
shame!” The conqueror treated his vanquished foes with 
great clemency, and dismissed many of the prisoners with- 
out ransom. This victory was quickly followed by a treaty 
of peace between Athens and Macedon, which left the The- 
bans at the mercy of the latter, and virtually betrayed the 
whole Grecian empire into the hands of Philip. 
_ Every obstacle being now removed, a general convention 
of the Amphictyonic states was summoned, in which Philip 
solicited and obtained the honor, to which he had long 


ANCIENT GREECE. 97 


aspired, and which he was now able to demand—the ap- 
pointment of generalissimo of Greece, in the projected inva- 
sion of Persia. Here a new theatre of glory seemed to open 
before him; an almost boundless prospect was unfolded— 
when he was suddenly arrested, in the midst of his course, 
by an invincible adversary. At a public entertainment, 
given in honor of the nuptials of his daughter Cleopatra, he 
Was assassinated by Pausanias, an obscure Macedonian, 
whose motives for perpetrating the deed were never devel- 
oped. This event took place in the forty-seventh year of 
his age, and twenty-fourth of his reign. ] 

Philip had been very unhappy in his family; had once, 
at a public feast, drawn his sword in a rage, and rushed 
upon his son to kill him. But Alexander, by a quick motion 
of his body, evaded the blow aimed at his life. It was be- 
lieved by many that he was privy to the assassination of 
his father. 

Thus fell Philip, in the vigor of his life; his fas . 
vorite schemes being as yet accomplished but in part. pe 
When we view his actions, achievements and charac- 
ter, we can entertain little doubt, that he was the ablest 
statesman beyond the Augustan age. 

The Greeks, degenerated from the glory of their ances- 
tors, found their chief resource against the arms and policy 
of Philip, in the sublime and powerful eloquence of Demos- 
thenes. The muses, partial to this delightful land of their 
‘nativity, having long before this done what they could in 
forming the father of poets, now made their last efforts in 
forming an orator never to be excelled. But, alas! in vain 
were the powers of rhetoric displayed. The strongest rea- 
sons and the sublimest descriptions, the most solemn warn- 
ings, the most animated addresses, were antidotes too feeble 
to recover a nation forever lost to virtue. They were arms 
and bulwarks far too weak to resist a powerful conqueror. 
Yet they often seemed to resuscitate ihe dying flame of 
liberty, and co-operating with other impediments to the con- 
summation of Philip’s ambition, that prince left his main 
enterprise to be effected by his son. 

{In Demosthenes, eloquence shone forth with higher 
splendor than, perhaps, in any other that ever bore the 
name of an orator. His first attempts were unsuccessful. 
He was heard with hissing, instead of applause. But his 
strong ambition to excel in the art of speaking prompted 
him to unwearied perseverance in surmounting all the 


98 ANCIENT GREECE. 


disadvantages that arose from his person and address. He 
often shut himself up in a cave for weeks together, that he 
might study without interruption. He declaimed by the 
sea shore, that he might become accustomed to the noise: 
of a tumultuous assembly; and with pebbles in his mouth, 
for the purpose of correcting a defect in his speech. He 
also practised at home with a naked sword hanging over 
him, that he might check an ungraceful method of shrug- 
ging his shoulders, to which he was subject. His example 
is worthy of continual remembrance, and presents a strong 
encouragement to those, who would excel in any important 
pursuit. | 

A letter from Philip to Aristotle, the Grecian philosopher, 
announcing the birth of Alexander, his son, is worthy of 
insertion; ‘ Know, that a son isborn to us. We thank the 
gods, not so much for their gift, as for bestowing it at a 
time when Aristotle lives. We assure ourselves that you 
will form him a prince worthy of his father and of Mace- 
don.” When Alexander was thirteen years old, Aristotle 
commenced this employment, as the young prince was then 
found able to receive and digest his instructions. “It is 
impossible to say how far the greatness of the one was 
owing to the instructions of the other; but it is no more 
certain that the one conquered the world, than that the 
other’s opinions predominated over men’s understandings 
during sixteen centuries.” 

[ BucephalusThere was sent from Thessaly to Philip 
a war-horse, a noble, strong, fiery, generous beast, called 
Bucephalus. 'The owner would sell him for thirteen talents, 
about 7436 dollars. The king went into the plains attended 
by his courtiers, in order to view the perfections of this 
horse. But, upon trial, he appeared so very fierce, and 
pranced about in so furious a manner, that no one dared to 
mount him. Philip, being angry that so furious and 
unmanageable a creature had been sent him, gave orders 
for theit carrying him back again. Alexander, who was 
present at that time, cried out, ““What a noble horse they 
are going to lose for want of address and boldness to back 
him!” Philip, at first, considered these words as the 
effect of folly and rashness, so common to young men; but 
as Alexander iusisted still more upon what he had said, and 
was very muc.t vexed to see so noble a creature just going 
to be sent home again, his father gave him leave to try 
what he cirald do. The young prince, overjoyed at this 


ANCIENT GREECE. 99 


permission, goes up to Bucephalus, takes hold of the bridle, 
and turns his head to the sun, having observed, that the 
thing which frightened him was his own shadow, he seeing 
it dance about, or sink down, in proportion as he moved. 
He, therefore, first stroked him gently with his hand, and 
soothed him with his voice. Then, seeing his mettle 
abate, and artfully. taking his opportunity, he let fall his 
cloak, and, springing swiftly upon his back, first slackened 
the rein, without once striking or vexing him; and when 
he perceived that his fire was cooled, that he was no longer 
so furious and violent, and wanted only to move forward, 
he gave him the rein, and, spurring him with great vigor, 
animated him with his voice to his full speed. While this 
was doing, Philip and his whole court trembled for fear, and 
did not once open their lips. But when the prince, after 
having run his first heat, returned with joy and pride at his 
having broke a horse which was judged absolutely ungov- 
ernable, all the courtiers endeavored to outvie one another 
in their applauses and congratulations; and we are told, that 
Philip shed tears of joy on the occasion, and embracing Alex- 
ander after he was alighted, and kissing his head, he said to 
him, ‘“ My son, seek a kingdom more worthy of thee; for 
Macedon is below thy merit.” 

No one could afterwards mount Bucephalus but Alexander. 
Long did this noble animal share the toils and dangers of his 
master; and this was the horse that Alexander delighted to 
honor. Having disappeared in the country of the Uscii, 
Alexander issued a proclamation, commanding his horse to 
be restored; otherwise, that he would ravage the whole 
country with fire and sword. This command was immedi- 
ately obeyed. So dear was Bucephalus to Alexander; and 
so terrible was Alexander to the Barbarians. One of the 
cities which he founded in India, he named Bucephalia.] 

Alexander immediately after his father’s death as- 
cended his throne; and it was soon perceived, that B. i 
the administration of the government would lose noth- 
ing by the change. 

His first enterprise was against the barbarous and warlike — 
nations that lay north and west of Macedon. Wherever he 
turned his face, all opposition vanished before him. On 
the death of his father, many powerful and independent 
tribes of Thrace had seized the opportunity, expecting to 
avail themselves of the inexperience and youth of his son. 
- But Alexander, although he was now, and from the moment 
of his accession to the throne, preparing for the invasion of 


100 ANCIENT GREECE. 


_ Persia, determined to convince them, that they had nothing 
to hope from his inexperience, nor to expect from his negli- 
gence. At the head of a well appointed army, and with 
generals whom his father had taught the art of war, he 
penetrated into Thrace, and was victorious in several sharp 
encounters. He crossed the Danube, and displayed his tri- 
umphant standard on the northern banks of that river. There 
many neighboring nations, struck with the terror of his arms, 
sent him their submission in the humblest terms. 

But, while he was marching and conquering in the wilds 
of Europe, a report was spread in Greece, that he had 
fallen in battle. Whether the belief of this was real or 
pretended, the perfidious Greeks, though they had just 
before complimented him by appointing him general of 
Greece, began now industriously to foment a war with 
Macedon. Athens, Sparta, and particularly Thebes, were at 
the head of this attempt. The news of this diversion 
reached the youthful conqueror as he was ready to return. 
In eleven days he was seen before Thebes; which ancient 
and venerable city he had destined to utter destruction. He 
took it by storm, put the inhabitants to the sword, and 
levelled it with the ground. Thus ended the city of Cad- 
mus, after having remained one of the heads of Greece 710 
years. 

The Greeks, struck with dread at the fate of Thebes, 
dent ampassauors to appease the resentment of Alexander, 
and to congratulate him on the success of his northern ex- 
- pedition. Never did the character of a nation undergo a 
ereater change, than that of Greece, from the times of 
Miltiades to those of Alexander. They now were as low 
as they had been exalted; as feeble as they had been 
strong ; and as mean and base as they had been noble and 
magnificent. Indeed, so rapid was their declension, that 
the fortune of Alexander was to them rather a favor than a 
scourge. 

But nothing could exceed the decision and despatch of 
his counsels, the energy of his preparations, or the rapidity 
of his motions. He despised all slower counsels, all delays, 
and even the usual precautions, which commonly retard 
warlike schemes. His father’s ablest generals were as- 
tonished at the vigor and success, with which he executed 
the boldest plans. One reason he assigned for invading 
Persia was, a pretended suspicion, that their emissaries 
had been concerned in the murder of his father; although 


ANCIENT GREECE. 101 


the impartial reader of history cannot avoid a suspicion of 
a very different nature. 

Alexander, having intrusted his domestic concerns (for 
such now were those of Macedon and Greece) to Antipater, 
set forward on his Persian expedition, at the head of an 
army consisting of 5,000 horse and 30,000 foot. In twenty 
days, he arrived at the Hellespont, where he crossed with- 
out opposition into Asia. 

With so small an army, says Quintus Curtius, it is 
doubtful, which is most admirable, the boldness, or the 
success, of Alexander’s vast enterprise. His army was truly 
a veteran army, consisting of old men, who had fought in 
the earlier wars of his father and uncle. His soldiers were 
gray headed, and, when imbodied, they resembled the ven- 
erable senate of some ancient republic. Their dependence 
was not on the swiftness of their feet, but on the strength 
of their arms. : 

The extensive regions of the Persian empire were in- 
habited by various nations, without any common bond of 
religion, manners, language, or government. Their capi- 
sal cities were dissolved in luxury; and their provinces had 
long been in a state of real dismemberment, for want of 
any combining system of policy, either civil or military. 
Murders, treasons and assassinations were the usual steps to 
the throne; and, when seated there, the monarch’s business 
was little better. ; 

Although the Persians were abundantly forewarned of 
Alexander’s intentions, yet they suffered him to advance 
into their dominions unmolested either by sea or land. In 
their confusion and alarm, which every day strengthened by 
intelligence of the rapid advances of the Greeks, the advice 
of their ablest counsellors was rejected, either through 
ignorance or envy. The most skilful generals in the ser- 
vice of Darius urged the utter impolicy of risking a general 
battle with Alexander, whose impetuous valor, now enhan- 
ced by the necessity of conquering, would drive him into 
the most desperate efforts. It was therefore advised to lay 
waste the wide country before him, and tame his courage by 
delays. By this policy, Fabius afterwards checked the prog- 
ress of Hannibal, and saved Rome. 

But the foolish and haughty satraps of Persia rejected 
this advice with disdain, as unworthy of the dignity of the 
empire of Cyrus, especially as it came from Memnon, the 
Rhodian; the only general, however, im the armies of 

9 * 


102 ANCIENT GREECE. 


Darius, whose opposition appeared at all formidable to Alex- 
ander. This great man, however, was soon removed by 
death; and Darius was left to the folly and perfidy of men, 
who knew no language but that of flattery. 

The river Granicus issues from Mount Ida, in the Lesser 
Phrygia, and falls into the Propontis: On the eastern banks 
of this river, the Persian commanders assembled their forces 

with the utmost expedition, and determined to resist 
Bog the shock of the enemy; and from this place the 

". seouts of Alexander brought him the desired | intelli- 
gence, that the Persians were. assembled in considerable 
force. Ashe approached the river, he perceived the: Persian 
army on the opposite bank. Determined on an att ick, he 
immediately made dispositions for. crossing the river. ‘His 
cavalry opened to the right and left, and displayed the formi- 
dable Macedonian phalanx of infantry, Be anaes ‘Anto, oo 


sections. A line was s instantly formed: 72 
While these arrangements were making, , Par mel 

eral as celebrated for bravery as for caution, Pemoratreted 
against crossing the river in such, dangerous circumstances. 
The channel, though fordable, was deep and rough, the cur- 
rent rapid, and the bank steep and rocky. The enemy stood 
on the opposite bank; and the river must be forded, and 
the bank ascended, under showers of arrows and darts. 
But nothing could intimidate Alexander. He leaped upon 
his horse, assumed the:command of the right wing, and gave 
the left to Parmenio.” As he dispersed his orders, a fearful 
silence ensued; and both armies expected the onset. In a 
few moments, ‘the Macedonian trumpet was heard from all 
the line, and the whole was seen entering the river. 

As they reached the opposite bank, the shock was 
dreadful; for the Persians, who fought, for life and empire, 
received ‘them with the most obstinate bravery. “Alexander 
was conspicuous by the brightness of his armor, the terror 
of his voice, the astonishing celerity of his. movements, and 
the victory and death which attended his arm. He infused 
his spirit into his army. It was impossible not to be brave 
where he was. But his intrepidity led him into dangers, 
which none but hin self ever seemed destined to escape. 
His spear was broken in_his hand ; “his helmet saved his life 
from the stroke of ab attle s-axe; and the | brave Clitus, whom 
he afterwards murdered in the fury of passion, saved him at 
the same instant from the stroke of a cimeter, which must 
have proved fatal. 


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ANCIENT GREECE. 103 


The fortune of the day was nearly decided, before the 
phalanx of infantry could ascend from the river. Their 
dreadful aspect, glittering with steel, completed the victory ; 
and the Persians were either killed, taken, or dispersed. 
Besides that this battle seemed to presage the future fortune 
of the war, it was ruinous to the cause of Darius, who here 
lost several of his ablest commanders, with about 20,000 
men, while, incredible to relate, Alexander lost only 30 or 
40: than 

The fortune of no conqueror is better known than that 
of Alexander. His only impediment in the subjugation of 
the Persians, seemed to be the great extent of their terri- 
tories, and the distance of their capitals and fortresses. 
Darius Codomanus displayed little else in the course of this 
war, which was to put a period to his empire, but weakness, 
cowardice, the most stupid ignorance, extreme vanity, and 
a total incapacity either of governing a kingdom, or of com- 
manding an army. | 

Between the battle of Granicus and that of Issus, where 
Darius commanded in person, nothing took place worthy of 
insertion in this compend. In general, the masterly policy 
of an extensive plan of operations, united safety with 
despatch, and crowned every movement with success, as 
much to the glory of the invaders, as the ruin of the inva- 
ded. ae 

The defenceless nations of the Lesser Asia, sent their 
ambassadors in throngs to deprecate the vengeance, implore 
the mercy, or court the alliance, of the young hero. But 
he moved from place to place with a celerity, which almost 
denied access to his faint-hearted, but nimble-footed sup- 
pliants. 

Parmenio, the next in command to Alexander, was des- 
patched on various excursions, either to receive submissions, 
or to reduce such strong holds as might dare to stand a 
siege; but the king of Macedon himself held a more regular 
line of march, and halted at the great cities. When arrived 
at ancient Troy, he performed splendid sacrifices and honors 
at the tomb of Achilles, his great maternal progenitor. It is 
allowed by all, that he took that hero for his model. So en- 
amored was he of the character and glory of Achilles, that 
he constantly carried Homer’s Iliad in his pocket, and read 
in it almost every day and hour. 

The delays of the Grecian army led Darius to imagine, 
that fear kept the Greeks at a distance. 


104 ANCIENT GREECE. 


To give the young reader a view of the character of the 
Persian monarch and nation, and generally of the imperial 
pomp of the ancient Asiatics, we shall here descend to a 
brief detail of the preparations of Darius, and particularly of 
the order of the camps and movements, which we translate 
and abridge, from Quintus Curtius’s Life of Alexander. We 
deem this apparent disproportion allowable, both from 
having promised it, in our preface, and from the vast impor- 
tance of the events, to which it leads. 

Darius Codomanus may be compared with Louis XVI. of 
France. If the term innocent or inoffensive is applicable to 
an absolute monarch, they were both among the most inno- 
cent, inoffensive, or harmless of their respective dynasties. 
When Darius perceived, at a distance, the gathering storm, 
rising from Macedon, he sent a splendid and haughty 
deputation to Alexander, in which he declared himself to 
be the king of kings, and the relation of the gods, and that 
Alexander was his servant. This commission was given to 
the satraps of the empire, with orders to seize the mad boy, 
(for so he termed Alexander;) to whip him severely, to 
clothe him in mock purple, and bring him bound to him; 
moreover, to sink his ships, in which he had crossed the 
Hellespont, and to send his*army in chains, into exile, to 
the farther shore of the Red Sea. The Persian lords, in- 
trusted with this gentle office, assembled what they thought 
a sufficient force, on the banks of the river Granicus, where 
they intended to execute, to every punctilio, the orders of 
the monarch of se They found it no easy task to seize 
the MAD Boy. 

The only great military character at this time in the 
service of Darius, was Memnon, the Rhodian. That expe- 
rienced soldier comprehended, at once, the nature and 
consequences of this threatening war; and advised his master 
to the only expedient, which could have exhausted the im- 
petuous fire of the mad boy, so much despised at the Persian 
court. Memnon’s advice, together with its rejection, has 
been already noticed; as also the result of the affair at the 
GGranicus. 

The loss of the battle and so great a part of the army* 
of Granicus, for the first time, roused the king of Persia 
from his dreams of security, and opened his eyes on the 
imperious necessity of decisive measures. Without loss of 


* Probably about one tenth part of the Persian army fell in the 
battle of Granicus.—Ed. . 


ANCIENT GREECE. 105 


time, he endeavored to wield and concentrate the strength of 
his empire, on an emergency, which had not occurred since 
the days of Cyrus. | | 

The regions of Asia have always been populous; and 
Darius found no difficulty in assembling an army answerable 
to the dignity of the king of kings. He assembled his forces 
on the plains of Babylon, and determining to command in 
person, made his dispositions accordingly. 

According to an ancient custom of the Persians, he began 
his march, to meet the enemy, at sunrise, and in the fol- 
lowing order. Foremost, went the magi, supporting, on 
altars of massy-silver, what the Persians call the sacred and 
eternal fire. They began to move at the sound of the 
trumpet, given from the king’s pavilion, at the same time 
chanting a hymn, suitable to the grand occasion. The 
magi were followed by three hundred and sixty-five youths, 
a number equal to the days of the year, veiled in Tyrian 
purple. A splendid chariot sacred to Jove, followed these, 
drawn by white horses; and then, a horse of wonderful 
size, which they called the steed of the sun. Behind these, 
were ten chariots, richly embossed with silver and gold, 
which were followed by the cavalry of twelve nations, 
with various arms and ensigns. A corps of 10,000 chosen 
warriors, arrayed in the most superb style of Eastern mag- 
nificence, covered with gold and gems, whom they called 
the immortal band, went next; and they were followed by 
15,000 men, denominated the king’s relations, dressed in a 
style of the most costly and effeminate luxury. Next to 
these went a band called the Doryphori, dressed in royal 
apparel; before whom moved the superb and lofty chariot 
of the king, supported on each hand by divine emblems, 
emblazed with pearls of inestimable value, and bearing the 
images of Ninus and Belus,* the founders of the Assyrian 
empire, with a golden eagle. 

The dress of the king was distinguished by every pos- 
sible mark of the most Juxurious wealth, the most gorgeous 
blaze of gems and gold. Ten thousand spearmen followed 
his chariot, armed with silver spears, and darts of glitter- 
ing gold. On his right hand and left, about 200 of his fam- 
ily connexions attended, and were enclosed in a body of 


* Nimrod was the founder of Babylon, and Ashur of Nineveh. It 
is possible, that Belus might be another name for Vimrod, and Ninus 
for Ashur—Ed, 


106 ANCIENT GREECE. 


30,000 infantry, the king’s body-guards. Behind these, at a 
short distance, Sisygambis the mother, and Statira the wife, 
of Darius, rede in separate chariots. A multitude of women; 
in short, the children and menials and pellices of the king, 
came next, under a strong guard; and the light armed, even 
a multitude of nations, brought up the rear. 

It is said, by our author, that one day, while Darius was 
viewing this immense army, he turned to Charidemus, a 
veteran Greek, who had fled his country, from hatred and 
fear of Alexander, and asked him, whether he did not think, 
that even the sight of such an army would be sufficient to 
affrighten Alexander and his handful of Greeks? Charide- 
mus, forgetful of regal pride and vanity, made answer, 
“This army, so superbly equipped, this huge mass of so 
many nations, drawn together from all the East, may be 
terrible to nations like themselves, may shine in purple 
and gold, may glitter in arms and wealth, so as to dazzle 
the eye, and exceed conception. But the Macedonian 
forces, of stern visage and roughly clad, cover the. impene- 
trable strength of their firm battalions with shields and 
spears. In the solid column of their infantry, which 
they call the phalanx, man is crowded to man, and arms 
to arms. They learn to keep rank, and to follow the 
standard at the slightest signal. Whatever is commanded, 
they all hear. Nor are the soldiers less skilful than their 
officers, to halt, to wheel, to form the crescent, to display 
their wing, or change the order of battle. Think not that 
they value gold and silver. Virtuous poverty is the mistress 
of their discipline. When weary, the earth is their bed; 
by whatever food that comes to hand, they answer the calls 
of hunger; and their repose is shorter than the night. And 
can we think, that these Thessalian, Acarnanian and A“tolian 
horsemen, a band invincible in war, clad in glittering steel, 
can be vanquished by slings, and spears of wood? No. You 
need troops like them, to contend successfully with them. 
From that land, which gave them birth, auxiliaries must be 
sought. Would you, therefore, hope to vanquish Alexander, 
strip off the gold and silver with which your army is adorn- 
ed and hire soldiers, like his, who can defend your coun 
try.” ; 

Darius, though naturally of a mild and gentle temper, 
yet now agitated by fear and jealousy, and of course, be- 
come cowardly and cruel, in a rage at remarks so just, and 
advice so pungent, ordered the unfortunate Charidemus to 


ANCIENT GREECE. 107 


be instantly beheaded ; and it was accordingly done. Like 
all other rash and foolish spirits, he perpetrated in haste, an 
atrocity, which he could not retrieve by lasting and bitter 
remorse. 

The Persian king, soon after, set forward with this vast 
cavalcade, probably of near a million of souls, in quest of the 
hardy band of Greeks, who dispersed, captivated, or slew, 
all who came in their way. How different his army and 
his whole conduct from those of the great Cyrus, when he 
marched from the same countries to encounter Cresus, king 
of Lydia! and how different in the result! 

The death of Memnon, the only general of Darius for 
whose military talents Alexander had the least respect, gave 
confidence to the Greeks, and struck a deadly damp to the 
hope and courage of the Persian monarch. Although Mem- 
non’s advice had been slighted, merely to gratify the vain- 
glorious pride of his haughty rivals, yet his loss was felt and 
- deplored; and Darius perceived himself surrounded by the 
ministers of his pride and folly, from whom he had little to 
expect, but stupidity, treachery and cowardice. 

At the head of this unwieldy mass of people, Darius 
moved from the plains of Asia, northward, toward the 
mountains of Syria, in quest of a handful of Greeks, whom 
still he affected to despise. And well he might have 
despised them, had he not been a stranger to the art of 
war, as well as to the proper use of his own resources. An 
attention to the advice of Charidemus might have saved him. 
By a little augmentation of his Grecian auxiliaries, he might 
have easily opposed to Alexander, a number of Greeks equal 
to the Macedonian army; as he had already in his army, a 
powerful body of Greeks who constituted his most efficient 
force. Nothing could have been more gratifying to the 
Athenians, Lacedemonians, and, indeed, to all the peninsula, 
than the fall of Alexander, from whose triumphs they expect- 
ed nothing but chains, 

Had they seen a power in the field able to resist the 
conqueror, or even to protract the war, they would have 
Jent their aid. But the counsellors of Darius were unable 
to form any regular plan. Inflated with the empty name 
of the empire of Cyrus, from which the spirit and genius 
‘of Cyrus had long since departed, they dictated nothing but 
rashness and folly. They even counselled Darius to put 
the Grecian troops to the sword, for fear they might prove 
treacherous, and desert his standard in the day of battle. 


108 ANCIENT GREECE. 


In the line of Alexander’s march, an entrancé into Cilicia 
was commanded by a pass over a mountain, where a very 
few men might have stopped the progress of a powerful 
army. ‘This pass was commanded by Arsames, governor of 
Cilicia. Instead of defending it, on the approach of Alex- 
ander, the dastardly Persians fled, before the Greeks came 
in sight. 

Alexander, when he gained the height, expressed aston- 
ishment at his good fortune; nor could he but perceive, that 
such an advantage, so readily abandoned by the Persians, 
gave a sure indication of his future success. Yet, in passing 
these mountains, he kept continually before his army, bands 
of light armed Thracians, who might secure him from am- 
buscade and surprise. 

Tarsus, afterward the birthplace of the apostle Paul, a 
principal city of Cilicia, had been set on fire by the Persians, 
in order to plunder it; but the city was saved by the timely 
arrival of Parmenio. The ablest counsellors of Darius urg- 
ed him to return to the extensive plains of Mesopotamia, 
where his innumerable forces might act to advantage ; or at 
least, that his army should be divided, and led on to encoun- 
ter the Greeks at different times and places. 

Darius was especially induced to reject this salutary 
advice, by intelligence that Alexander was dangerously 
sick. He therefore hastened his march, and came up with 
Alexander, at the bay of Issus. . Yet when it was ascertain- 
ed, that the Macedonian army was near and approaching, 
Darius was greatly surprised and disappointed. He had en- 
tertained a vain confidence, that the Greeks would retire at 

_ his approach, and not dare to hazard a battle with an army 
like his. Indeed, had he possessed the talents of Alexander, 
the army of the latter would not have sufficed his innumera- 
ble host for handfuls. 

Darius gave the command of his right wing to Nabarzanes, 
to which he added light troops, composed of slingers and 
archers, to the amount of 20,000. In the centre of this wing, 

é Thymodes was placed at the head of 20,000 Greeks, 

393. 2 power of itself sufficient to cope with the Macedo- 
~ nian phalanx. It was, indeed, the flower and strength 
of his army. The left wing was commanded by Aristode- 
mus, a Thessalian, with 20,000 infantry. To these he add- 
ed the most warlike bands of the allied nations. In this wing 
the king himself fought, with 3000 chosen cavalry, his body 
guards sustained by 40,000 infantry. Near these, ‘were 


ANCIENT GREECE. 109 


ranged the Hyrcanian and Median horse, a powerful body 
of cavalry; and, finally, many thousands of auxiliary forces. 
In front of this array, six thousand slingers and archers mov- 
ed forward to commence the battle. 

The place for the battle was most unfortunate for Darius. 
A narrow, irregular plain, limited on one side by the sea; 
and on the others by mountains and declivities, enabled 
Alexander to display as wide a front as Darius, and gave a 
peculiar advantage to the Greeks, accustomed to manceuvr¢ 
among hills and mountains. 

Alexander drew up his powerful phalanx in front. The 
command of his right wing he gave to Nicanor, the son of 
Parmenio. Next to him steod Cenos, Perdiccas, Ptolemy, 
Meleager and Amyntas; each one destined to a particular 
command. The left wing, which extended to the sea shore, 
was commanded by Parmenio, with Craterus, subject to his 
orders. The cavalry were ranged on each wing; the Mace- 
donian and Thessalian on the right, and the Peloponnesian 
on the left; and before all, as was usual, light armed troops, 
archers and slingers were stationed. 

When the armies now stood in open view of each other, 
_ Alexander passed before the: front of his formidable line, 
addressing his officers and soldiers man by man. He en- 
couraged them to the contest, from motives of safety, interest 
and glory. He reminded them of a series of victories gained, 
when victory was far less necessary, but never when it would 
be more glorious. | 

The conflict for a while was severe and dreadful. Darius 
did every thing he could to sustain his falling throne.  In- 
deed, the Greeks in his army fought with great bravery, and 
in discipline were little inferior to the Macedonians. Had 
their numbers been equal, they might have influenced the 
fortune of the day. But an immense rout and confusion soon 
took place in the Persian army; and when the Greeks saw 
themselves contending alone against a superior force, 
such as were not slain either surrendered, or fled in eae 
despair. Darius soon perceiving all was lost, with 
some difficulty effected his escape. 

In the camp of Darius was found considerable treasure ; 
but what was most inestimable to Alexander was, the family 
of the unfortunate Darius. Among other royal personages, 
were taken Sisygambis, the mother of Darius, his children, 
and his queen, the beautiful and celebrated Statira, con- 


sidered as one of the finest women of antiquity. The 
10 


110 ANCIENT GREECE. 


ardent and youthful conqueror, on this occasion, displayed 
the highest sensibility and honor ofa soldier and a hero. 
And his behavior to those noble captives may be com- 
pared with that of the great Cyrus before, and of Scipio 
afterward, on occasions nearly similar. He treated them 

‘wwith the respect and deference due to the elevated rank 
of their more fortunate days; and strove by commise- 
ration, pity and tenderness, to mitigate the severities of 
their hard fortune. Indeed, his heart, subdued by the 
resistless charms of virtue, innocence "and beauty, of a 
conqueror made him a captive in his turn. He _ after- 
wards married Statira,* and made her a second time queen, 
not of Persia only, but of Asia, Africa and Europe. . Her 
second elevation, however, was soon terminated by a destiny 
more severe and dreadful. On the death of Alexander, she 
fella sacrifice to the cruelty and ambition of those blood- 
thirsty harpies, whose first care was to exterminate the fami- 
ly of Alexander. 

In a former chapter, we have spoken of the siege of 
Tyre by Nebuchadnezzar. * The taking of that celebrated 
city by Alexander was not one of his least brilliant exploits. 
Although conquered and humbled by the Assyrians, that 
queen of commercial cities had regained her former splen- 
dor, and had forgotten her ancient fall and degradation. 
The Tyrians, having sent ambassadors to Alexander, de- 
sired to know his pleasure, and declared their submission 
to his will. But when they were informed, that he intend- 
ed paying them a visit, they, with equal modesty and firm- 
ness, sent him word, that although they were disposed to 
do homage to his will, yet, as they were an independent 
state, they could neither admit him nor the Persians to make 
their city a part in the war. This was enough for that 
ambitious conqueror. He instantly determined to try their 
strength. Tyre was probably the strongest city in Western 
Asia. 

This great city was separated from the shore by a nar- 
row strait of half a mile in width. Its walls were a hundred 
feet in height, and eighteen miles in circuit. Its provisions 
and naval.and military stores were very great. As Alexan- 
der had little hope of taking the city but by land, he con- 
structed a mole across the frith. This was done with vast 


* The Statira whom Alexander married, was probably the daughter 
of Darius, and not his queen; though her name also was Statira. Ed. 


; ANCIENT GREECE. 111 
labor and danger to the Greeks; and. was no sooner. done, 
than burnt by the Tyrians. In this inveterate siege, which 
lasted seven months, every expedient of force and art 
was employed on both: sides; and it may be safely said, 
that no city was ever attacked with greater vigor, or de- 
fended with more resolute bravery. But what could resist 
the genius of Alexander? The city at length was taken, 
and so far destroyed as never again to recover its former . 
splendor. The subjection: of Pheenicia followed the. re- 
duction of Tyre; and, if we except the brave resistance 
of the fortress of Gaza, Alexander met with little more 
resistance, till he arrived in Egypt. There the laid the 
foundations of a city, which was to bear his name. Alex- 
andria, in twenty years, became one of the principal cities 
of the East. | | 

The unhappy Darius was unable to repel foreign invasion. 
His hand was never formed to hold with steadiness, strength 
and dignity, the reins of empire. 7 

Escaped from the battle of Issus, he hastened back to the 
seat of his empire; and, as soon as possible, and with no 
great difheulty, assembled a numerous army. Could the 
spirit and genius of the great Cyrus, have actuated him for 
but a few months, the declining fortune of his kingdom ~ 
would have assumed a different aspect. 

We can say little more in this place, than that the Mace- 
donian conqueror subdued Egypt* and Persia, and even 


* The battle of Gaugamela and the fate of Darius appear to be de- 
serving of notice, even in a compend. 

After Alexander had conquered Egypt, he returned to Phenicia, 
He spent some time at ‘Tyre to settle his affairs in that region. In 
the mean time,’the king of Persia had three times solicited peace 
of Alexander; but in vain. Alexander would sot listen to any 
overtures for peace, but upon condition, that Darius would yield to him 
the whole empire. This, Darius was unwilling to do. He therefore | 
applied himself to make preparations for another battle. Accordingly, 
he collected at Babylon, a vast army of more than half a million sol- 
diers, and taking the field, he marched toward Nineveh. Alexander 
had already taken the field with an army of about fifty thousand, and 
having passed the Euphrates at Thapsacus, was in quest of the enemy, 
whom he had the happiness to find beyond the Tigris, at a small vil- 
lage called Gaugamela, not many miles from Nineveh. At this village, 
a tremendous battle was fought,in which forty thousand Persians were 
slain, and only five hundred Macedonians. This battle was decisive 
against the Persians. It decided the fate of Darius, and transferred the 
empire to Alexander, This battle is generally called the battle of Arbela; 


112 ANCIENT GREECE. 


penetrated far into India. His conquests comprehended 
the most enlightened parts of Europe and Asia, and the 
fairest portion of the habitable globe. After his return 
from the East, his attention was directed to the establish- 
ment of order and regular government throughout his 
extensive empire.” In matters of this nature, he showed no 
Jess capacity, than he had done at the head of his armies. 
But here his designs were never carried into effect. While 
planning the future prosperity of his empire—while re- 
ceiving embassies from all quarters of Europe and Asia, and 
even before he had time to realize to what an elevated 
any height of honor, glory and dominion he had arisen, 
393, he was seized with a raging fever at Babylon, which 

terminated his life in the 33d year of his age, and the 
13th of his reign. 

How sudden and how awful the change from the summit 
of earthly glory to the dreary and silent tomb! No conquer- 
or was ever more fortunate than he; no hero more brave; 
no monarch more splendid. For thirteen years, his life was 
a rapid series of successes, victories, conquests and triumphs. 
But death in an unexpected, untimely hour, closed the 
scene. 

Alexander was said to be of low stature, and not well 
formed; yet in genius, vigor, activity and elevation of 


because Arbela was the nearest town of any considerable note, being 
about twelve miles distant from Gaugamela. The battle of Gauga- 
mela was fought in Oct. 331 years B. C. and almost exactly two 
years after the battle of Issus. After his defeat at Gaugamela, the 
wretched Darius fled to Ecbatana in Media, where he was suffered to 
remain unmolested till the ensuing spring. In the mean time, Alex- 
ander, having settled his affairs in Persia, and burnt Persepolis, the 
ancient capital, pursued after Darius. Upon intelligence of this, Dari- 
us exerted his utmost efforts to make his escape. While with the lit- 
tle army, which he had collected, he was ftying before Alexander’s, his 
protectors became his enemies. By two traitors, Bessus, governor ot 
Bactria, and Naborzanes, another noble Persian, he was cruelly seized, 
bound, confined in a close carriage, and in this manner carried 
for several days. When Alexander drew near, Darius was most inhu- 
manly stabbed in several places, and left weltering in his blood. He 
soon expired, and Alexander, arriving immediately after, wept to be- 
hold the horrid spectacle. Casting his cloak over the mangled body, 
he commanded, that, being wrapped in this, it should be sent to the 
rear relatives of Darius, at Susa; though, being murdered in Bac- 
tria, the distance was probably 1000 miles. To that city, the royal 
corpse was sent, where it was honored with a magnificent funeral by 
the order and at the expense of Alexander.—Ed, 


ANCIENT GREECE. 113 


mind, he was probably never excelled. His father, whose 
administration, Dr. Gillies justly observes, was the first, of 
which we have a regular account in history, certainly was 
one of the greatest of men and of princes; yet for boldness, 
decision, rapidity and grandeur of mind, he cannot be com- 
pared with hisson. To judge of the justness of the grounds 
of Alexander’s leading enterprises, would be unsafe at this 
distance of time. He certainly had many provocations to 
invade Greece and Persia. He was guilty of outrageous 
acts of barbarity, when provocations arose, during his par- 
oxysms of wine and passion; which certainly occurred so 
often, as to throw a shade over his general character. But 
if those acts impaired the lustre of his fame, they no less 
destroyed his happiness; for they were generally followed by 
the keenest remorse and self-condemnation. 

His burning the palace of Persepolis, at the instigation 
of Thais, if the story deserves full credit, though pretended 
as a retaliation upon Xerxes for burning Athens, admits of no 
apology; while, on the other hand, the death of Clitus, as 
related by great authorities, has many palliations. Clitus had 
loaded Alexander with the most abusive and reiterated in- 
sults. They were both in the heat of wine and passion ; 
and the monarch, after being insulted for some time, ordered 
Clitus to be carried out of his presence. Clitus after this 
came back and renewed the attack. Upon this the king 
stabbed him; but was so instantly struck with remorse, that 
he would have killed himself with the same weapon, had 
he not been restrained by the company present. 

If, according to Cicero, the knowledge of war, personal 
authority, bravery and good fortune, are essential to the char- 
acter of the great commander, it can scarcely be doubted, 
that Alexander was second to none. Hannibal seemed 
wanting only in the last article. He had great skill, bra- 
very and authority. His misfortune was, that his country- 
men were corrupt, and the government, under which he acted, 
extremely bad. 

Had Alexander enjoyed a long reign, he would probably 
have introduced a form of government, adapted to the nature 
and extent of the countries he had conquered. But before 
these salutary objects could be accomplished, even before he 
had organized a combining system of policy, or determined 
on 2 successor, he was called from the great theatre of hu- 
man life, on which, while he remained, no mortal ever made 
a greater figure. 

10 * 


114 MACEDON, 


CHAPTER X. 
MACEDON. 


ALEXANDER’S EMPIRE, FROM HIS DEATH TILL ITS SUBJUGATION 
BY THE ROMANS. 


Tue death of Alexander, which took place 323 years 
before Christ, occasioned changes and wars in all parts of 
his extensive conquests. His dominions were divided 
among four of his great officers, viz. Cassander, Lysimachus, 
Ptolemy and Seleucus. Cassander shared Macedon and 
Greece—Lysimachus, Thrace and the countries bordering 
on the Hellespont and Bosphorus—Ptolemy had Egypt, 
Lybia, Arabia, Syria and Palestine; and Seleucus had Chai- 
dea, Persia and the East.* 

The century succeeding the death of Alexander, forms, 
perhaps, the most uninteresting period of ancient history. 
The successors of the great conqueror were ambitious with- 
out abilities; and, instead of power and policy, they dis- 
played little else but treachery, perfidy and cruelty. The 
whole empire was agitated by vain struggles, wars ill-conduc- 
ted, and conspiracies remarkable for nothing but weakness, 
folly and barbarity. Such scenes where exhibited in Bab- 
ylon; such, in Persia; such, in Macedon; and such, in 
Greece. The nations east of Persia soon returned to their 
former state; and felt the shock of Alexander’s conquest, 
only as a wave separated for a moment by the course of the 
ship, that passes through it. Indeed, Persia itself had little 
to perpetuate the memory of that event, except what in- 
delible marks the course of war had left in the destruction 
of several of her noblest cities and greatest families. 

Alexander had united himself to the royal family of Da- 
rius, by marriage. Of course that family, as soon as he was 
dead, fell a prey to the merciless rage of jealousy and ambi- 
tion; not even excepting his beauteous queen Statira, as al- 
ready noticed. So that his posterity shared none of his 
glory, or good fortune. "ye 

Babylon and its vicinity felt longer and more deeply the 
effects of this conquest; only, however, to complete its ruin 
and extinction, by the building of Seleucia on the banks of 


*'This division did not take place till after the lapse of several years, 
peculiarly marked with wars, and crimsoned with blood —£d. 


MACEDON. 115 


the Tigris. The states of Greece held on their course of 
degradation, rapidly declining from their former glory, till, 
together with their liberty, virtue, public spirit and genius, 
their prosperity, happiness and national existence departed. 
But in Macedon, Syria and Egypt, there arose establishments, 
which make some figure in history. 

It has been already noticed, that, in the division of the 
empire, Cassander, one of Alexander’s generals, shared 
Macedon and Greece. This man had little more talents, 
than were sufficient to enable him to perpetrate the black- 
est crimes and the most atrocious villanies. He seems to 
have been designed as the instrument of Providence for 
the destruction of Alexander’s family. He is even suspect- 
ed, and that upon probable grounds, of having poisoned 
Alexander himself. After he had reigned in Macedon 
nearly twenty years, and, with cruel ingratitude, imbrued 
his hands in the blood of the children and friends of his 
benefactor, and had experienced various fortune in the 
wars, which his competitors were carrying on, he died, and 
left three sons to contest for his kingdom. After various 
murders and the most horrid parricide, the sons of Cassan- 
der, whose mother Thessalonice was the sister of Alexander 
the Great, were destroyed, and the kingdom fell into the 
hands of Demetrius, another of the competitors for the em- 
pire, who reigned seven years. And it is remarkable, that 
this revolution completed the extirpation of the family of 
Philip, king of Macedon. 

Sosthenes a Macedonian succeeded Demetrius. But his 
reign was short; and Antigonus was elevated to the throne, 
in the year 276 before the Christian era. The kings of 
Egypt and Syria acknowledging the right of Antigonus to 
the kingdom of Macedon, it remained in his family for 
several successive reigns, till Perseus, the last of that race, 
was conquered by Paulus Emilius, the Roman consul, and 
Macedon became a province of the Roman empire, about a 
century before Christ. 

To speak particularly of the characters and exploits of. 
those princes, in a work of this nature, would afford as little 
pleasure as profit to the reader; who, from the specimens 
given, may form some judgment of the rest. Indeed, it is a 
period of history but little known; and what is known of it, 
is extremely disgusting. 

Before we proceed to the kingdoms of Syria and Egypt, 
it will be proper to observe, however, that this period is 


116 MACEDON. 


adorned with one great character. Pyrrhus was the lineal 
descendant of Achilles, the famous leader of the Myrmidons 
in the Trojan war. Being very early in life forced to 
abandon Epirus, his paternal inheritance, to Neoptolemus, 
a usurper, he followed the standard of some of the compet- 
itors, who fought for Alexander’s empire, till, at length, he 
was delivered over to Ptolemy Soter, king of Egypt, as a 
hostage. His bravery and good conduct soon gained him 
the affection of that monarch, who rewarded his merits with 
the hand of Antigone in marriage, the daughter of Berenice, 
his favorite queen; and furnished him with an army to 
attempt the recovery of his kingdom. This illustrious prince 
soon appreciated the value of these advantages, by the com- 
plete recovery of all his dominions. His course was marked 
with a series of great and noble actions. In Asia, he met 
no equal; and wherever he turned his arms, victory attend- 
ed him. His elevation took place about 297 years before 
Christ. 

Pyrrhus, however, was unable to resist the rising fortune 
of Rome. Unhappily for him, he entered Italy, where he 
was repulsed by a nation of heroes, who united the bravery 
of Leonidas to the uncorrupted virtues of Aristides. Had 
Pyrrhus made Greece and Asia the scene of his operations, 
he might either have avoided a collision with the Romans, 
or, at least, might for a while have checked their growing 
power. It is thought by some, that had Alexander himself 
entered Italy, he would have met the fate of Pyrrhus. But 
Pyrrhus experienced the fortune of war. He is allowed by 
all historians to have been the greatest commander of his 
time, and by some, to have been second to none but Alexan- 
der. His invasion of Italy will be noticed in our view of the 
Roman history. 

From Macedon, let us proceed to notice the kingdom of 
Syria. This country les at the east end or head of the 
Mediterranean, but separated from it by what was anciently 
called Pheenicia, a narrow strip of land, which lies along 
the eastern shores of that sea, the chief cities of which 
were ‘T'yre and Sidon. North of Syria lay Cappadocia and 
some other provinces; east, lay Mesopotamia; and south, 
Arabia and the deserts. Syria was also divided into Upper 
and Lower; a distinction which will be of little use in this 
compend. 

Thirteen years after the death of Alexander the Great, 
and before Christ 312, Seleucus, after various revolutions, 


SYRIA. 117 


found himself able to establish his authority in Syria, over 
which he reigned for 33 years. He was perpetually en- 
gaged in the competitions and inglorious wars of his time, 
without performing any thing particularly worthy of notice.* 
It has been already remarked that Chaldea, Persia, and the 
. East fell to him, in the division of the empire. In those 
immense provinces, to govern which required the genius of 
Cyrus or Alexander, Seleucus was not wiolly inactive. He 
endeavored to complete the conquest of those countries, 
and even invaded India, but with little effect. Instead of 
continuing in the purpose of Alexander, to make Babylon 
the seat of his empire, he built the city of Seleucia, upon 
the Tigris, about forty miles from Babylon; which already 
accelerated the decline of the latter, now dismantled to adorn 
and replenish the new city. Its final abandonment soon took 
place. 

Hither by accident or design, the city of Seleucia obtained 
the name of New Babylon, which name having not always 
been distinguished from that of the old city, abundance of 
confusion has been introduced into ancient history, and many 
historians have been led very erroneously to affirm, that an- 
cient Babylon stood on the river Tigris. 

Seleucus, having reigned 33 years, was treacherously 
murdered by Ptolemy Ceraunus, or the Thunderer, as he 
seems foolishly to have been surnamed; who thereby, for 
a short time, obtained the government of Macedon. But he 
was vanquished and slain by the Gauls—a fate he justly 
merited. 

Seleucus was succeeded in his throne and dominions by 
his son Antiochus, who made Antioch the seat of his empire. 
This city was for many ages, says Dr. Prideaux, the Queen 
of the East. It was built by Seleucus, and stood on the 
river Orontes, in Upper Syria. The Syrian kings reigned 
here; and here afterwards, the Roman governors resided ; 
and after the intreduetion of Christianity, it long remained 


* This is by no means doing justice to the builder of Seleucia, and 
the father of the Seleucidw. The following character of Seleucus, is 
from the respected pen of Gillies, ‘ The designs, as well as actions; 
ascribed to him, confirm his character in history, as an indefatigable 
and just prince, a firm friend, an affectionate father, an indulgent 
master; who gained the love of his Eastern subjects, by governing 
them according to their inveterate principles and habits; and who, 
among all contemporary sovereigns, was pre-eminent in all consistent 

reatness of conduct, flowing from true royalty of soul,’ See Hist, 

orld, Vol. J. p, 482,—Ed, BP a 


118 SYRIA, 


a famous archiepiscopal see. ‘The most considerable enter- 
prise in the life of this prince, was his expelling the Gauls 
out of Lesser Asia. We have already noticed their invasion 
of Greece, whence they were driven by Sosthenes. They 
had now invaded, and in a great measure overrun, all Lesser 
Asia, and threatened to subdue the whole Assyrian empire. 
Antiochus defeated and cut them off so completely, as to de- 
liver his territories from their incursions.* He was thence 
surnamed Soter, or Savior. 

Not far from this period, the fame of the Roman arms, and 
the fortune of that wondrous people, were confirmed in the 
defeat and downfall of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus. 

As the succeeding reigns of the Syrian kings would furnish 
little, either for the instruction or amusement of the reader, 
we shall content ourselves with little more than a mere 
enumeration of them. Antiochus Soter, after a reign of 15 
years, was murdered by his wife Laodice, and was succeed- 
ed by Seleucus Callinicus. This prince reigned 20 years ; 
was perpetually engaged in war, and ended his life in Par- 
thia, by a fall from his horse. He was succeeded by his 
son Seleucus Ceraunus, or the Thunderer; who, after a 
reign of three years, was poisoned by his courtiers. The 
Saviors and Thunderers of that pusillanimous race of kings, 
with all their thunder against their enemies, and salvation 
for their subjects and dominions, did little but waste their 
time and strength in vain enterprises, poorly planned and 
still worse executed; and thus prepared them to become an 
easy prey to the Romans. 

Ceraunus was succeeded by his brother Antiochus, surnam- 
ed the Great: and, indeed, if a great deal of noise and bus- 
ne tle; many expeditions; getting some considerable 
999. ~~ Victories, (which, however, he did not know how to 

_ improve,) and despising some advantages, which 
might have turned to his account; in short, if fighting hard, 
and getting often defeated, and at last overthrown with irre- 
coverable disgrace and ruin—if all this merited for him the 
title Great, surely no one ever earned it more completely. 

We shall notice particularly but a few things in the reign 
of this prince; neither of which very well comport with 
his being styled the Great. The first is his war with 
Arsaces, king of the Parthians, or Persians. This enter- 
prising and warlike prince restored, in some measure, the 


* Multitudes of the Gauls still remained, and settled in Galatia ; on 
account of whom this extensive region was so denominated —Ed, 


SYRIA. 119 


ancient government of Persia, which the Romans never fully 
subjugated. Antiochus had a long war with him, and gain- 
ed some advantages; but could never conquer him. 

The second thing we shall notice concerning Antiochus, 
is his rejecting the advice of Hannibal, the Carthaginian 
general, and thereby failing of the aid of that great and 
warlike genius. The fall of Carthage being now foreseen 
by Hannibal, he saw no power either in Europe or Asia, 
to whom he could apply for aid, or with whom he might 
unite his endeavors against the Romans, except the king 
of Syria. To him, therefore, he went, and tendered his 
assistance and advice. The substance of Hannibal’s advice 
to Antiochus was, that he should make war upon the Ro- 
mans, whose power had now become formidable to all na- 
tions; that they should immediately be invaded in the most 
vigorous manner both by sea and land; and that Italy itself 
should be the seat of war. This advice was no less timely 
and important than it was judicious and practicable ; and a 
conformity to it was of equal moment both to the giver and 
receiver. But the Syrian king, whose views and concep- 
tions wanted that extent and vigor necessary to raise him to 
a level with Hannibal, and actuated by a mean jealousy, lest 
the superior talents of the latter should eclipse his own, 
pursued a quite different course. Antiochus invaded Greece, 
was met by the Roman armies, was defeated by sea and 
land, and that, on the side of the Romans, almost without 
the loss of blood. With the loss of great part of his domin- 
ions, he was compelled to pay an enormous tribute, and to 
accept of the most disgraceful terms of peace; and Lucius 
Scipio, the Roman general, acquired the surname of Asiatt 
cus, in honor to him, as the conqueror of Asia. 

Sometime after this, Antiochus was killed in robbing the 
temple of Elymais, dedicated to Jupiter Belus, having reign- 
ed 36 years. 

The history of Syria, from this period, is virtually but 
the history of a Roman province, although it bore the form 
and semblance of monarchy for 122 years. Seleucus Phi- 
lopater next ascended the Syrian throne; on which he 
maintained a dubious authority for 11 years. After him, the 
succession took place in the following order, Antiochus 
Epiphanes, 11 years; Antiochus Eupator, 2 years; Deme- 
trius Soter, 12 years; Alexander Balas, 5 years; Demetrius 
Nicanor, 5 years; Antiochus Sidetes, 10 years; Demetrius 
Nicanor, 11 years; Zebina, 2 years; Antiochus Grypus, 27 


120 EGYPT. 


years. During the last mentioned reign, and 114 yeurs 
before Christ, Antiochus Cyzicenus established a new king- 
dom at Damascus, which remained independent of tonic for 
30 years. 

Seleucus succeeded Antiochus Grypus, and seignidd 4 
years; after him, Philip, 9 years, in whom ended the 
Seleucide, or the family of Seleucus, after having swayed 
the sceptre of Syria 229 years. ‘This was in the year 88, 
before the Christian era. If poisons, assassinations, con- 
spiracies, treasons; if murder of fathers, mothers, brothers, 
sisters and children ; if the violation of every law of nature, 
reason, and justice, was ever the peculiar characteristic: of 
any dynasty of monarchs, it surely belonged to this. The 
Syrians at length expelled and excluded the Seleucide from 
the government, and elected Tigranes, king of Armenia, to 
be their king. Under Tigranes, the royal dignity of Syria 
became extinct, and that country was made a Roman prov- 
ince by Pompey; of whom we shall speak in our view of 
the Roman history. Syria became a province of Rome 65 
years before Christ. 

With a brief survey of the history of Egypt, from the 
death of Alexander, till the subjection of that country to 
the Romans, we shall close our view of Alexander’s empire. 
If any of the princes of those times deserved the name of 
Soter or Savior, the first Ptolemy must have been the man ; 
since he is allowed, by all ancient writers, to have been a 
prince of great wisdom and virtue. In the division of Alex- 
ander’s conquests, it has already been remarked, that Egypt 
fell to Ptolemy. After a war with the rival princes for seve- 
ral years, he found himself firmly settled in the government 
of Egypt; and his reign commenced in the year before 
Christ, 304—eight years after that of Seleucus in Syria. To 
detail the particular wars between Egypt and Syria, (for 
they were almost incessant,) would not consist with the 
brevity of this work. It shall suffice to say, that the kings 
of Egypt held a respectable ascendency among the succes- 
sors of Alexander. They generally reigned with more dig- 
mity, and certainly preserved their independence longer than 
either those of Syria or Macedon. 

Ptolemy Soter, having reigned 20 years from the time of 
his assuming the title of king, and 39 from the death of Alex- 
ted ander, being above 80 years old, resigned his kingdom 

oa. to Philadelphus his son, a prince famous for his exer- 
tions to promote learning, and for the encouragement 


EGYPT. 12t 


he gave toleamedmen. The celebrated Alexandrian library 
had been begun by his father, who was himself both a scholar 
and philosopher. It was kept in the temple of Serapis, reck- 
oned one of the finest and noblest edifices of antiquity. 

This library consisted of two parts; one of which, con- 
taining 300,000 volumes, was kept in a quarter of the city 
called Bruchium ; the other part, consisting of 200,000 voi- 
umes, was kept in the Serapeum, or temple of Serapis. The 
library of Bruchium, only, was burnt by Julius Cesar. Yet 
in after times, as we have before stated, all was lost. 

This important library or museum drew together the most 
learned society in the world, and raised Egypt once more, 
and probably for the last time, to be the august patroness of 
science. The presidents of this museum were the first 
counsellors of state to the kings of Egypt; and the first 
president, appointed by Ptolemy Philadelphus, was Demetri- 
us Phalereus, a Greek who had been for several years gov- 
ernor of Athens—a man of great learning and abilities.* 

It is remarkable, that the dynasty of Ptolemies, from the 
accession of Ptolemy Soter, till the end of the reign of 
Cleopatra, lasted 294 years; the whole of which period 
comprehended only eleven reigns, and that almost in an 
unbroken succession. Those princes must have reigned, on 
an average, about 27 years. The shortest reign of them 
all was 13 years. Several of them reached nearly 40 years. 

They stand in the following order, Ptolemy Soter, 39 
years; Philadelphus, 38; Euergetes, 25; Philopater, 17; 
Epiphanes, 24; Philometer; 35; Physcon, his brother, 29; 
Lathyrus, 36 ; Alexander, in the right of his wife, 15; Au- 
letes, 13; Cleopatra, 22 years. The Hebrew monarchs, 
from Saul to Jehoiakim, reigned, on an average, 24 years 
each; the Persian, from Cyrus to Codomanus, 18 years; the 
Roman, from Augustus to Constantine XII. emperor of Con- 
stantinople, 12 years; the English, from William the Con- 
queror to George II. 22 years. ‘4 

If long reigns and regular successions may be regarded as 
evidences of the wisdom, good fortune, and mild administra- 
tion of the prince, and of the contentment, tranquillity and 
equanimity of the public mind, the Ptolemies may be reck- 
oned among the most happy and fortunate of the monarchs 
of antiquity. 


* Great indced he must have been, since Cornelius Nepos says, that 
the Athenian senate erected 300 statues to perpetuate his memory. 
11 


122 EGYPT. 


Without noticing particularly the several reigns in this 
period of history, we shall close it with a few general 
observations. 

An event took place about this time, which perhaps serves, 
above all others of a historical nature, to demonstrate the 
very high antiquity and great authority of the scriptures of 
the Old Testament. We have already spoken of Demetrius 
Phalereus, who was the greatest scholar and philosopher 
of his time. Plutarch informs us, that this Demetrius ad- 
vised Ptolemy Soter to make the largest collection he 
could, of books, which treated of the government of states 
and kingdoms, as he would thereby obtain the advice and 
experience of wise men in former ages. Soter accordingly 
engaged in the work; but it was more fully accomplished 
by Philadelphus. Among many other histories and codes 
of laws, they obtained from the high priest of Jerusalem, 
an exact copy of the sacred writings, together with seventy- 
two learned Jews, who were deeply skilled in the Greek 
language, to translate them. These persons proceeded into 
Egypt, and under the inspection of Demetrius Phalereus, 
accomplished that celebrated translation. This was done 
in the eighth year of the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus. 
The concurrent testimonies of many ancient authors estab- 
lish, beyond all possible doubt, the certainty of this trans- 
action; and of course, they also establish other things, (viz.) 
that the writings of the Old Testament existed in the days 
of Ptolemy Philadelphus; and that their credit and authority 
were then great and unquestionable. There is indeed a 
doubt, whether the true Septuagint translation is now extant. 
According to Epiphanius, it was burned in the Alexandrian 
-library of Bruchium, by Julius Cesar. But on the contrary, 
Tertullian affirms it to have been kept in the Serapeum, and 
of course, that it escaped that conflagration. 

From the death of Alexander, to the conquest of all his 
dominions by the Romans, the belligerent powers of the 
known world may be divided into four parts, forming two 
grand theatres of war. The first, and by far the grandest 
scene was made up of the Romans and Carthaginians and 
their several allies; the second was composed of the 
powers we have been considering in this chapter, namely, 
the Macedonians, Syrians and Egyptians. The latter had 
ambition enough, but with little power or policy; the 
former were ambitious of empire, and were nearly on a 
‘footing as to the necessary means of gaining it. For it is 


GREECE. 123 


justly remarked by an able historian, that the genius of war 
forsook the Greeks at the death of Alexander, and went 
over to the Carthaginians. 

Alexander’s-conquest must, on the whote, be regarded as 
a benefit to the world. Had the Persians conquered 
Greece, or the Carthaginians Rome, an age of darkness 
must have ensued, through which the wing of conjecture is 
unable to explore its flight. Those nations, under which 
Rome ultimately fell, although rough and savage, yet had 
great vigor, both of body and mind. The world has, there- 
fore, once more risen to the light of science, reason and 
civility. But the oppressive tyranny of southern climates 
threatens to extinguish reason and virtue, and overwhelm 
men in everlasting darkness. The conquests of the Greeks 
left no nation worse than they found them. It certainly 
left many nations better. Even Greece itself found an 
enemy in Alexander less dangerous than in Pericles. An 
artful demagogue of great talents is the most dangerous 
man the world ever saw, and is the greatest curse to any 
form of government that ever befell it, Alexander found 
the Persians at their lowest ebb. Head ho not conguered 
them, they would soon have conquered themselves. Indeed, 
they had done it already; and were falling into ruin by the 
natural progress of internal debility. The Egyptians were 
regenerated by his conquest; and were never more flourish- 
ing, respectable, enlightened or happy, than under the Gre- 
eian dynasty. | 

Grecian literature generally travelled with their arms, and 
planted itself with their colonies; and before the Augustan 
age had diffused itself through most parts of Europe and 
Asia; and if the military spirit of the Greeks rested on the 
Carthaginians, their love of the arts and sciences surely did 
no less on the Romans. 

| Greece, from the death of Alexander to the Roman conquest. 
The tidings of Alexander’s death spread rapidly through the 
principal cities of Greece, and called forth the most ; 
. rapturous demonstrations of joy. The event was hail- te 
ed by all the Greeks, but especially by the sanguine 
Athenians, as the harbinger of liberty. The orators 
sounded the alarm of war in the public assemblies, and 
many of the enslaved republics promptly replied to the 
summons by rushing to arms, A confederation was quickly . 
formed against Antipater, Alexander’s successor in Macedon, 
and an army raised, the command of which was given to 


124 GREECE. 


lieosthenes. He gained considerable advantages over the 
Macedonian army, and even obliged Antipater to surrender 
at discretion. But the success of the allied Greeks proved 
transient. Antipater raised a second army, with which 
he defeated them, and took possession of their cities, 
efter dictating the terms of surrender. The resentment 
of the conqueror was chiefly directed against the ora- 
tors, whom he considered the principal authors of the 
revolt. Most of these he destroyed by force or fraud, 
among whom was the celebrated Demosthenes. The 
following are some of the circumstances of his death. 
When Antipater obtained possession of Athens, the orator 
fled to the island of Calauria, near Trezen, and took 
refuge in the temple of Neptune. Thither his ene- 
mies pursued him. But fearing to violate a sanctuary, 
they employed every art of persuasion, to induce him to 
come forth and surrender. Fully persuaded, that he had 
nothing to hope from the clemency of Antipater, he with- 
drew into the interior of the temple, and under the pre- 
{ence of writing to his family, put a poisoned quill into 
his mouth, which, in a few moments, terminated his mortal 
existence, and disappointed the meditated vengeance of his 
enemies, is 

Amidst all the violence of contending parties, and the 
frequent change of governors in Athens, Puocion had: long 
remained tranquil and secure. His prudence, wisdom, 
moderation and unaffected humility, rendered him equally 
beloved and feared by his fellow citizens. He had been 
ever ready to obey the call of his country, when his ser- 
vices were claimed, and as ready to retire into a state of 
honorable poverty, when those services were no longer 
demanded. Forty-five times was he elected general of the 
Athenian armies, by the unsolicited and unanimous votes of 
a eapricious people; and, on every occasion, proved him- 
self worthy of the confidence reposed in him. ‘This 
virtuous Athenian was so much respected by Philip, Alex- 
ander and Antipater, that they sought his friendship, yielded, 
in almost every instance, to his solicitation, and constantly 
afforded him protection. But when Antipater was called 
from. Greece, to undertake the regency of Macedon, and 
Polysperchon arrived as his successor, the deluded. citizens 
were induced by their new master to accuse, condemn and 
execute the virtuous Phocion, who had now attained the 
eightieth year of his age. The meekness and serenity af 


GREECE. 125 


his death, crowned the probity and usefulness of his life. 
His dying instructions to a friend, who inquired, what mes- 
sage he should deliver to his son, were, “ Tell him, it is my 
last command, that he forget the injustice of the Athenians 
to his father.”” He was distinguished for his steady opposition 
to the counsels of Demosthenes, at the time when that 
orator would have stirred up the Athenians to oppose the 
power of Philip; and it arose from a principle, which 
proved his extensive knowledge of the real condition of the 
rival states at that period. ‘Since the Athenians,” said he, 
‘“‘are no longer able to fill their wonted and~- glorious sphere, 
Jet them adopt counsels suited to their abilities; and endeavor 
to court the friendship of a power, which they cannot pro- 
voke, but to their ruin.” 

Polysperchon was soon afterward expelled from Athens 
by Cassander, son of Antipater, who appointed Demetrius 
Phalereus governor of the city, and commander of the 
garrison. He was not the tyrant, but the benefactor of 
Athens, increased its revenues, revived its commerce, 
patronised its literature, and adorned it with magnificent 
structures. During the ten years of his government, 
Athens enjoyed perfect tranquillity, and the citizens ex- 
pressed their gratitude by erecting numerous statues in 
honor of his public services. But this tranquillity was in- 
terrupted by Antigonus, one of Alexander’s most enterprising 
generals, and his son Demetrius, surnamed Poliorcertes, or — 
the stormer of cities. They took the city by surprise, and 
under pretence of restoring to its inhabitants their ancient 
laws and government, prevailed on them to desert the 
standard of their former governor, and oblige him to with- 
draw from the place. The fickle Athenians found no diffi- 
culty in transferring their allegiance from Demetrius Pha- 
lereus, to a most depraved and licentious youth, bearing 
indeed his name, but an entire stranger to his virtues. The 
exiled Demetrius, in the mean time, spent his days in 
literary retirement, at the liberal court of Ptolemy Soter, 
king of Egypt, till he was seized and put to death by one of 
his successors. 

Soon after this period, Pyrrhus, king of Dadrani began to 
make a conspicuous figure in Asia, Italy and Greece. His 
whole reign was a series of wars, first with the neighboring 
princes of Macedon, from whom he wrested that empire, 
then, with the Romans, and finally, with the Greeks, whom 
he repeatedly attempted, in vain, to subjugate. 

be Sa 


126 GREECE, 


Amid all the revolutions of Greece, Sparta had retained 
the shadow of independence. She was still governed by 
her own kings and senate; and had not yet submitted to 
the humiliation of receiving a Macedonian garrison within 
her walls. But Pyrrhus formed the design of annexing the 
Peloponnesus to his dominions. He led a large army into 
Laconia, and, having borne down all opposition, encamped 
before the capital. The council proposed, in so dangerous 
an emergency, to send off the women to some place of 
safety; but Archidamia, delegated by the Spartan ladies, 
entered the senate house, with a sword in her hand, and 
thus addressed them: “Think not, O men of Sparta, so 
meanly of your countrywomen, as to imagine, that they 
will survive the ruin of the state. Deliberate not, then, 
whither we are to fly, but what we are to do.” In conse- 
quence of this animating address, it was resolved, that, 
during the night, the women should assist in digging a 
trench round the city, which proved the means of preserv- 
ing it from destruction. Three desperate attempts were 
made by the whole army of Pyrrhus, to force this intrench- 
ment; but so boldly was it defended by the Spartans, who 
were prompted to deeds of valor by the presence of their 
wives and mothers, that the king of Epirus found it neces- 
sary to retire. His next attempt was on the city of Argos, 
where he was slain. 

The republic of Achaia, or Achean League, as it is gen- 
erally denominated, formerly little known, began now to 
make a conspicuous figure. This republic was of high 
antiquity. It consisted originally of twelve inconsiderable 
cities; but so firmly united, as to command the respect of 
their more powerful neighbors. Their first government 
was regal. But in process of time, roused by the tyranny 
of their princes, they threw off the yoke of kings, and 
united in one confederacy, for their mutual defence against 
monarchical oppression. It was agreed, that all should 
have the same interests, the same friendships, the same 
coins, weights and measures, the same laws, and the same 
magistrates. These magistrates were elected annually, by 
a majority of voices in the whole community. Twice in 
the year, or oftener, if necessary, there was a general 
assembly, consisting of deputies from the different cities ; 
and to their decision were referred all questions of peace 
or war, and all foreign and domestic concerns. The equity 
aud humane spirit, which breathed in the. civil constitutions 


GREECE. 127 


of the Acheans, supported by a great simplicity of man- 
ners and good faith, recommended them so effectually to 
the adjoining nations, that they became the arbiters of 
differences among their neighbors. They were deprived 
of their liberties and independence by Philip of Macedon, 
and continued subject to petty tyrants, imposed upon them 
by his successors, till the reign of Pyrrhus, B. C. 280, 
when the Achean League revived; and several of the 
tyrants were expelled, or put to death. After an interval 
of twenty-five years, the adjacent state of Sicyon joined the 
League, chiefly through the influence of Aratus, a native of 
that city. Aratus was the son of Clinias, the most illustri- 
ous citizen of Sicyon, who, after wresting the government 
from one tyrant, had fallen a sacrifice to the cruel. jealousy 
of another. Aratus, then a child, escaped with difficulty to 
Argos. By his father’s friends in that city, he was kindly 
received, and liberally educated; and his proficiency fully 
rewarded their goodness. As he arrived at manhood, his 
mind was continually occupied with the most ardent desire 
. of emancipating his native city from tyranny. This he 
finally accomplished, with the assistance of his friends, by a 
well concerted attack in the night. The next day, liberty 
was proclaimed in the market-place, “in the name of 
Aratus the son of Clinias;” and, soon after, the. state 
obtained admission into the Achean confederacy. The 
valor and wisdom of Aratus now drew on him the attention 
of all that part of Greece; and he was advanced to the 
dignity of General of Achaia. He soon expelled the Mace- 
donians from Corinth ; and that city, called, from its import- 
ance, the key of the Peloponnesus, was added to the confed- 
eracy. This took place in the reign of Antigonus, king of 
Macedon ; who had regained his kingdom after its conquest 
by Pyrrhus. He was succeeded by his son Demetrius; and 
he, after a reign of ten years, by his brother, Antigonus II., 
the only prince, says Gillies, that for many years really 
adorned the Macedonian throne. 

In the mean time, the Achean League received many 
and important accessions. Megara, Megalopolis, Argos, 
and many other cities joined it; and, soon afterwards, 
Athens herself, nearly as populous as when she was the 
proud mistress of Greece. But jealousy, which was the 
evil genius of the Greeks, disturbed the tranquillity of this 
rising state. The restless and ambitious Etolians watched, 
with an anxious eye, the growing reputation and rapidly 


128 GREECE. 


increasing power of the Acheans; and, unmindful of the 
signal benetits they had received from the League, excited 
several Grecian states, and especially Sparta, to declare war 
against them. ‘The Spartans had previously united with the 
Acheans against the Etolians. 

Lacedemon had, before this time, exchanged poverty and 
hardy discipline for opulence and voluptuous manners. 
The conquests of Lysander and Agesilaus poured a tide of 
wealth into their country, which was quickly followed by a 
yet more destructive inundation of luxury, avarice, and 
voluptuousness. The wealth, however, had passed into 
the hands of a few, while the mass of the population were 
reduced to extreme penury. Such was the state of public 
affairs, when. Agis ascended the throne. His family was 
considered the most. opulent in Sparta; and the young 
prince inherited a splendid patrimony. But neither the 
abundance of his wealth, nor the indulgent fondness of his 
mother and grandmother, by whom he was educated in 
luxurious ease, prevented him from forming, in his youth, a 
design, which he never relinquished, of restoring the an- 
ecient discipline of Sparta. He began with reforming him- 
self, by renouncing all habits of self-indulgence, laying aside 
his splendid attire, and partaking of the plainest and 
simplest food. Having procured the support of some pow- 
erful friends, he brought forward a decree for cancelling 
all debts, dividing the lands into equal portions, and 
re-establishing the neglected laws of Lycurgus relative to 
public education and diet. The decree was lost in the 
council of the Ephori. But Agis, not yet discouraged, sum- 
moned an assembly of the people, and advocated the cause 
of reform with so much ability, that the proposed measures 
were eagerly embraced. Before his plan could be com- 
pleted, he was obliged to quit Sparta, and take command of 
the army appointed to act with Aratus, against the Etolians. 
During his absence, his opposers gained strength, and 
matured a conspiracy, which broke out immediately after 
his return. The Spartans were accustomed to the joint 
reign of two kings; Agis fell a sacrifice to the vengeance 
of his colleague Leonidas. Cleomenes succeeded his father, 
Leonidas, shortly after; and entered vigorously into the 
plans of Agis for reforming his countrymen. Convinced, 
that the failure of Agis was to be ascribed chiefly to the 
mildness of his disposition and the clemency of his measures, 
Cleomenes resolved to act with decision. He suppressed 


GREECE. 129 


the council of Ephori, which he considered as the fountain- | 
head of corruption. An assembly was then called, in which 
all the decrees of Agis were adopted, and the constitution 
restored to its pristine simplicity and vigor. A general 
division of lands took place, of which Cleomenes set the 
first example, by giving up his own hereditary estates. 
Public schools were established, in which the Spartan 
youth were trained up according to the severest laws of 
Lycurgus. But the result proved how vain was the attempt 
to reform a people, whose character and habits were 
wholly depraved, and to pluck up abuses, which had taken 
such deep root. No sooner had Cleomenes quitted Sparta, 
to take the command of the army, than the galling yoke 
was thrown off, and the new discipline relaxed. It was to 
this prince, that the Etolians applied for assistance in de- 
pressing the power of the Acheans. He listened to a coun- 
sel highly favorable to his own views; and, by an assault 
as successful as it was unexpected, seized Mantinea and 
some other cities in the Peloponnesus. The Acheans were 
thus reduced to the necessity of repelling the aggressions of 
a commonwealth, which they had once good hopes of incor- 
porating with their own. 

Success, for a time, crowned the Spartan cause. The 
cool and deliberate valor of Aratus could oppose no effec- 
tual resistance to the ardent impetuosity of Cleomenes, 
who took several cities of the confederacy, gained repeated 
victories over the allies, and reduced them to the utmost 
extremity. Both Aratus and Cleomenes wished to unite 
all the nations of Peloponnesus into‘ one commorwealth, 
and, by that means, to form such a bulwark for the liberties 
of Greece, as might set all foreign power at defiance. But 
neither of these great characters could consent to submit to 
the other. 

The last resort of the Achean general was the king of 
Macedon, Antigonus II., for whose assistance he secretly 
applied. A compact was formed, of which the principal 
conditions were, that the citadel of Corinth should be de- 
livered into the hands of the king; and that he should be 
at the head of the Achean confederacy, superintend their 
councils, and direct their operations. The scale of victory 
niow turned. Cleomenes was obliged to retreat towards 
Sparta. The opposing forces came to an engagement 
near Sellasia, in which the Lacedemonians were entirely 
defeated. Of an army of 5000, scarcely 200 remained. 


130 GREECE. 


Cleomenes escaped first to Sparta, and afterwards to Egypt, 
where he lived some years, the friend and counsellor of 
Ptolemy Euergetes; but was treated in such a manner by 
his successor, that he put an end to his life. In this war 
between the Macedonians and Spartans, Philopemen first 
signalized himself, and afforded early proof of those tran- 
scendent military talents, which afterwards rendered him so 
illustrious. 

The alliance which had been formed between Aratus, 
on the part of the Acheans, and Antigonus II., king of 
Macedon, continued through the greater part of the reign 
of Philip, the son of Demetrius, his successor. The pru- 
dent firmness and wise policy of Aratus frustrated the 
intrigues of courtiers and enemies, and rendered even the 
ambition of Philip subservient to the interests and liberties 
of Achaia. The protection of the League was solicited by 
the injured and oppressed in every part of Greece, who 
looked to this, as their last refuge, the citadel of expiring 
freedom. Its enemies were gradually conciliated by the 
wisdom and moderation of Aratus, who, at length, accom- 
plished a general pacification. Soon after this, Aratus had 
the misfortune. to offend Philip, over whom he had long 
possessed an entire influence. The consequence was, that 
an emissary was sent into Achaia, with secret instructions to 
take him off by slow poison. He died in the 62d year of his 
age, greatly lamented, B. C. 213. 

About this time the king of Macedon unwisely involved 
himself in hostilities with the Romans, by proffering and 
affording assistance to Hannibal, in the Punic war. The 
war was continued, with some intervals, for several years, 
till at length, in the reign of Perseus, the son and successor 
of Philip, Macedon was entirely subjected to the Roman 
power. Inthe mean time, the Macedonians and Romans 
struggled for the sovereignty of Greece, which retained 
scarcely a shadow of independence. The Acheans still 
maintained their influence, and displayed great vigor under 
the conduct of Philopemen. This distinguished general, 
_ a native of Megalopolis, improved the discipline of the 
army, inured them to hardship and toil, and taught them to 
feel, that, with him’ at their head, they must be invincible. 
He defeated’ Nabis, the tyrant of Sparta; and, after his 
death, prevailed upon that state to join the League. Phi- 
lopceemen was elected general of Achaia, the eighth time, at 
the age of seventy. Attacking the Messenians soon after, 


GREECE. 131 


he was separated from the main body of his army, taken 
prisoner, and put to death. Thus fell Philopemen, “the 
last of the Greeks,” in the same year with Hannibal and 
Scipio. 

This event was an irreparable calamity not only to 
Achaia, but to the whole of Greece. Notwithstanding the 
efforts of Lycortas and his son Polybius, who served their 
country with zeal and fidelity, the influence of the Acheans 
began manifestly to decline. The other Grecian states, 
blinded by jealousy, and deceived by the false professions 
of the Romans, rejoiced in the decay of a republic once so 
formidable. It was a favorite maxim with the Romans, 
Divide and conquer; and this maxim they practised with 
success in this unhappy country. In almost every city, 
were three parties, the Macedonian, the Roman and the 
independent party. In this distracted state of society, 
without a commanding genius to preside, it would scarcely 
be expected, that a vigorous and determined effort would 
be made by the Greeks, in defence of their liberties. The 
Romans, in the mean time, adopted the most cautious line 
of policy, professing to adhere to the proclamation, which 
the proconsul Flaminius had made of “freedom to all the 
cities and states of Greece.”? But when Paulus Emilius had 
defeated Perseus, the king of Macedon, and taken posses- 
sion of his empire, the mask was immediately thrown off. 
Etolia first felt the weight of the vindictive arm of the 
conqueror. For when her senate was assembled to delibe~ 
rate on the steps they should pursue, after the conquest of 
Perseus, with whom they had formed an alliance, they were 
suddenly surrounded by a Roman legion, and 550 of the sena- 
tors, who were considered friendly to Macedon, were put 
to death. Emissaries were sent into every part of Greece, 
to obtain information of the disaffected, and every artifice 
was employed to obtain possession of their persons, that they 
might be summarily tried and condemned by the commis- 
sioners, sent to settle the affairs of Greece. 

The Achean League was the only remaining obstacle to 
the entire subjugation of the country. It was, therefore, 
determined by the Roman senate, to dissolve the confede- 
racy. Two commissioners appeared before the general 
assembly of Achaia, and accused the principal members, 
including all who had borne any office in the republic, of 
disaffection to Rome. Many of these, conscious of their 
integrity, appealed to the Roman senate, where, they 


132 GREECE, 


flattered themselves, they should find impartial justice. 
The appeal was eagerly accepted; and no less than a 
thousand of the chief citizens were sent to Rome, for trial. 
But instead of being permitted to plead their cause before 
the senate, on their arrival, they were treated as guilty of 
the charge, and banished into different parts of Italy, where 
they languished in captivity seventeen years. At the expi- 
ration of that period, the survivors, amounting to not more 
than 300, were permitted to return to Achaia. One of 
these prisoners, Polybius the historian, was suffered to reside 
at Rome, and treated with the highest distinction by the 
principal families. 

The injustice and cruelty of the Romans to the Achean 
prisoners, produced a strong sensation throughout the 
League, and inclined many of its members to avow them- 
selves openly the determined enemies of Rome. ‘Two of 
its pretors, Critolaus and Diaeus, were particularly active 
in exciting the Achean cities to revolt; and, without con- 
sidering either the vast resources of the enemy, or their 
own inefficiency, rashly enkindled the flames of war, by 
treating with insult and cruelty the Roman ambassadors. 
Aurelius Orestes, Sextus Julius, and Metellus, were succes- 
sively despatched to, Achaia with conciliatory overtures ; 
but the people yielded themselves to the infatuation of 
their presumptuous leaders, and rejected every overture, 
with disdain. The Roman general, Metellus, having tried 
negotiation without effect, led his army into Achaia, met, 
and defeated with the utmost ease, the rash and unskilful 
Critolaus, who was either killed in the engagement, or 
destroyed by his own hand, immediately afterwards. But 
Diaeus, who succeeded him in the presidency of the Ache- 
ans, pursued the same infatuated measures, and employed 
the winter in making feeble preparations for another cam- 

aign. 

A The affairs of Greece having arrived at this crisis, the 
consul Mummius hastened thither to supersede Metellus, 
and reap all the glory of adding another province to the 
Roman republic. He sat down with a numerous army 
before Corinth, and, knowing the impetuous temper of the 
Achean general, suffered him to gain some slight advan- 
tages, that he might the more effectually entrap him. The 
artifice succeeded. Diaeus and his army fell into the 
ambuscade; and the celebrated city of Corinth was taken 
without opposition. 


GREECE. 133 


Corinth had long been the richest city of Greece. It 
xbounded with the most exquisite productions of art, and 
the finest specimens of taste. The most eminent sculptors 
and artists had either resided there, or conveyed thither, 
the happiest effects of their genius, assured of meeting with 
liberal patronage among the refined inhabitants. of that 
luxurious city. Yet this seat of elegant literature, this 
emporium of taste and learning, was devoted to plunder. 
The Romans had not yet attained to so high a degree of 
intellectual refinement, as to value the literary treasures of 
Corinth: anxious chiefly to secure the gold and silver it con- 
tained, the greater part of these works of taste were consign- 
ed to the flames. A few specimens only were secured by 
Polybius, who witnessed the melancholy scene, and who 
transported them to Rome, to excite the admiration of future 
generations and distant ages.. Pursuant to an express de- 
cree of the Roman senate, Corinth was reduced to ashes, 952 
years after it was founded, and in the same year, in which 
Carthage met with a similar fate, 146 B. C. 

Nothing now remained, but to decide on the punishmen 
of the vanquished Greeks. All the citizens of Corinth, who 
were not massacred during the pillage of the city, were 
sold with their wives and children; the fortified cities of 
Achaia were dismantled; popular assemblies were prohib- 
ited, and republican governments abolished, throughout 
Greece; Roman pretors were stationed in every city; all 
the states were consolidated into one provincé, which paid 
an annual tribute to the republic of Rome; and long con- 
tinued to form a department of that flourishing empire, 
under the general name of Achaia. But though the victo- 
rious arms of that republic thus triumphed over the civil 
liberties of Greece, and annihilated her ancient govern- 
ments, that subjugated country retained, for ages, its literary 
pre-eminence. It was still the resort of men of taste and 
Jetters. A Grecian education was considered necessary to 
form the Roman orator, poet, or artist. The philosophers of 
Greece were held in the highest repute, and their writings 
were sought with the utmost avidity. Nor did the literati of 
Rome esteem themselves thoroughly furnished, till they had 
visited Greece, and paid enthusiastic homage to her stately 
ruins. | 

uke the foundation of the commonwealth of Athens, by 
Cecrops, to the death of Cleopatra, the last of Alexander’s 
successors, was upwards of 1400 years. During this period, 

12 


134 ROME: 


the Greeks founded and overturned the greatest etnpires ; 
they excelled all other nations in architecture, statuary, paint- 
ing, poetry and oratory; they gave the world its first hero; 
they exhibited the greatest variety of character, and the most 
astonishing displays of genius; and they may be considered 
as justly meriting the first rank among the nations of the 
earth. Their history, therefore, and their language, open a 
more variegated, rich, beautiful and sublime field of study, 
than those of any other nation. 


ir i Sal 
CHAPTER XI. 


KINGDOM OF ROME. 


[ ALL nations seem willing to derive merit from the splen- 
dor of their original; and, where history is silent, they 
generally supply the defect with fable. The Romans were 
particularly desirous of being thought descended from the 
gods, as if to hide the meanness of their real ancestry. They 
pretended to derive their origin from Eneas, the son of An- 
chises and the goddess Venus. Having escaped from the 
flames of Troy, and passed through unnumbered toils, calam- 
ities and dangers, Eneas was considered as having arrived 
in Italy. Here, at length, he was exalted to a throne, where 
his posterity were supposed to have reigned more than 400 

ears. 
ff Romulus, the reputed descendant from this line of kings, is 
universally acknowledged as the founder of the Roman state. 

Having slain his brother Remus, he laid the foundation of 
nia city, that was destined to become the mistress of the 
~53 world, and, for ages, to give laws to mankind. It was 

called Rome, after the name of the founder, and built 
upon the Palatine hill; though afterwards it covered seven 
hills. 

The city was, at first, almost square, containing about a 
thousand houses. It was nearly a mile in compass, and 
commanded a small territory round it, of about eight miles 
over. Small as it appears, however, it was, notwithstand- 
ing, worse inhabited; and the first method, to increase its 
_humbers, was opening a sanctuary for all malefactors, 
slaves, and such as were desirous of novelty. These came 
in great multitudes, and contributed to increase the number 
of our iegislator’s new subjects. To have a just idea, 
therefore, of Rome’ in its infant state, we have only te 


ROME, 135 


imagine a collection of cottages, surrounded by a feeble 
wall, built rather to serve as a military retreat, than for 
the purposes of civil society; filled, rather with a tumultuous 
and vicious rabble, than with subjects inured to obedience 
and control. We have only to conceive men bred to rapine, 
living in a place, that seemed calculated merely for the secu- 
rity of plunder; and yet, to our astonishment, we shall soon 
find this tumultuous concourse uniting in the strictest 
bonds of society; this lawless rabble putting on the most 
sincere regard for religion; and, though composed of the 
dregs of mankind, setting examples to all the world, of val- 
or and virtue. 

Scarcely was the city raised above its foundation, when 
its rude inhabitants began to think of giving some form to 
their constitution. Romulus left them at liberty to choose 
whom they would for their king; and they, in gratitude, 
concurred to elect their founder. He was, accordingly, ac- 
knowledged as chief of their religion, sovereign magistrate 
of Rome, and general of the army. Besides a guard to at- 
tend his person, it was agreed, that he should be preceded, 
wherever he went, by twelve men, called lictors, armed with 
axes, tied up in a bundle of rods. They were to serve as 
executioners of the law, and to impress his subjects with an 
idea of his authority. 

The senate, consisting of 100 men, who were to act as 
counsellors to the king, was composed of the principal 
citizens of Rome, men, whose age, wisdom, or valor, gave 
them a.natural ascendency over their fellow subjects. As 
they were supposed to have a parental affection for their 
people, they were called fathers; and their descendants, 
putricians. To them belonged all the dignified offices of the 
state, as well as of the priesthood. The rest of the people 
were called plebeians ; and these two orders were forbidden 
to intermarry. The plebeians, who composed the third order 
of the legislature, assumed to themselves the power of 
authorizing those laws, which were passed by the king, or 
senate. 

The first care of the new-created king was to attend to 
the interests of religion. The precise form of their wor- 
ship is unknown. The religion of that age principally 
consisted in firm reliance upon the credit of their sovthsay- 
ers, who pretended, from observation on the flight of birds 
and the entrails of beasts, to direct the presgnt, and dive 
into futurity, Romulus, by an express law, commanded, 


—_ 


136 ROME. 


that no election should be made, no enterprise undertaken, 
without consulting the soothsayers. 

Wives were forbidden, upon any pretext whatever, to sep- 
arate from their husbands; while, on the contrary, the hus- 
band was empowered to repudiate his wife, and even, in 
some cases, to put her to death. His laws relating to chil- 
dren and parents were still more severe. The father had 
entire power over his offspring, both of fortune and life: he 
could sell or imprison them at any period of their lives, or in 
any stations, to which they were arrived. 

After endeavoring, by laws, to regulate his subjects, he 
next gave orders to ascertain their numbers. ‘he whole 
amounted but to 3000 foot, and about 300 horsemen, capable 
- of bearing arms. ‘These were divided equally inte three 
tribes; and to each he assigned a different part of the city. 
Each of these tribes was subdivided into ten curiae, or com- 
panies, consisting of a hundred men each, with a centurion 
to command it, a priest, called curio, to perform the sacrifices, 
and two of the principal inhabitants, called duumviri, to dis- | 
tribute justice. 

By these wise regulations, each day added strength to 
the new city; multitudes flocked in from the adjacent 
towns; and it only seemed to want women to ensure fts du- 
ration. In this exigency, Romulus, by the advice of the 
senate, sent deputies among the Sabines, his neighbors, 
entreating their alliance, and offering to cement the most 
strict confederacy with them. The Sabines, who were then 
considered as the most warlike people in Italy, rejected 
the proposal with disdain, and the answer which they re- 
turned greatly raised the indignation of the Romans. 
Romulus, soon after, proclaimed a feast in honor of Nep- 
tune throughout all the neighboring villages, and made the 
most magnificent preparations for it. These feasts were 
generally preceded by sacrifices, and ended in shows of 
wrestlers, gladiators and chariot courses. The Sabines, as 
he expected, were among the foremost, who came to be 
spectators, bringing with them their wives and daughters. 

In the mean time, the games began, and, while the stran- 
gers were most intent upon the spectacle, a number of 
Roman youth rushed in among them, with drawn swords, 
seized the youngest and most beautiful women, and carried 
them off by violence. In vain the parents protested against 
this breach of hospitality. In vain the females themselves 
opposed the attempts of their captors. Perseverance and 


lated 
4 


ROME. ha 


caresses obtained those favors, which timidity, at first, de- 
nied; so that the betrayers, from being objects of aversion, 
soon became partners of their dearest affections. 

But, however the affront might have been borne by 
them, it was not so easily overlooked by their parents. A. 
bloody war ensued, in which several cities engaged. Tatius, 
king of Cures, was the last, although the most formidable, 
who undertook to revenge the disgrace his country had 
suffered. He entered the Roman territories at the head of 
25,000 men, and, not content. with superiority of numbers, 
he added stratagem also. Tarpeia, daughter to the com- 
mander of the Capitoline hill, happened to fall into the 
hands of Tatius, as she went out of the city, to fetch water. 
Upon her, he prevailed, by means of large promises, to 
betray one of the gates to his army. The reward she 
engaged for, was what the soldiers wore on their arms, by 
which she meant their bracelets. They, however, either 
mistaking her meaning, or willing to punish her perfidy, 
threw their bucklers upon her, as they entered, and crushed 
her to death. The Sabines being thus possessed of the 
Capitoline, after some time, a general engagement ensued, 
which was renewed for several days with almost equal suc- 
cess; and neither could think of submitting. The last en- 
gagement took place between the Capitoline and Quirinal 
hills. The engagement had become general, and the slaugh- 
ter prodigious, when the attention of both sides was suddenly 
turned from the scene of horror before them, to one of great- 
er interest. The Sabine women, who had been carried 
off by the Romans, with disordered hair, and ornamen'‘s 
neglected, flew in between the combatants, regardless of 
their own danger, and, with loud outcries, implored their 
husbands and fathers to desist. The two armies, as if by 
mutual consent, let fall their weapons. An accommodation 
ensued, by which it was agreed, that. Romulus and Tatius 
should reign jointly in Rome; that a hundred Sabines shoukt 
be added to the senate, and that the inhabitants should be 
called Quirites from the Sabine city, Cures. About five 
years after, Tatius was killed by the Lavinians, so that Rom- 
ulus, once more, saw himself sole monarch of Rome. 

Success produced an equal share of pride in the con- 
queror; so that be began to assume absolute sway, and 
attempted to govern those laws, to which he had formerly 
professed implicit obedience. The senate, finding them- 
selves only ut as instruments to ratify the rigor of his 

2 


138 ROME. 


commands, determined to destroy him. The precise method 
which they employed is not known; but it is certain, that, 
from the secrecy of the fact, they took occasion to persuade 
the multitude, that he was taken up to heaven. Thus, him, 
whom they could not bear as a king, they were contented to 
worship as a god. Romulus reigned 37 years. 

After the death of Romulus, the senate undertook to 
supply the place of king, by taking the government each 
of them in turn, for five days. This form of government 
having continued a year, the discontent of the plebeians 
rendered it necessary to choose a king. After much diffi- 

culty, the Romans elected Numa Pompilius a Sabine, 
15, to the regal office. He was now about forty, and 
had long been eminent for his justice, moderation and 
exemplary life. He was skilled in all the learning and _ phi- 
losophy of the Sabines, and lived at Cures, contented with 
a private fortune, unambitious of higher honors. It was not 
without the greatest reluctance, and the most earnest en- 
treaties of his friends, that he consented to forsake his r2- 
tirement, and accept a kingdom. No monarch could have 
been more proper for them, at a conjuncture, when the 
government was composed of various petty states, lately 
subdued and but ill united. They wanted a master, who, by 
his laws and precepts, could soften their fierce dispositions, 
and, by his example, induce them to a love of religion and 
every milder virtue. Numa’s whole time was spent in in- 
spiring his subjects with a veneration for the gods, building 
new temples, &c. That of Janus, which was to be shut in 
time of peace, and open in war, was built, as he pretended, 
by the advice of the goddess Egeria, with whom he profess- 
ed to have intercourse. He divided those lands, which 
Romulus had gained in war, among the poorer part of the 
people, and abolished the distinction between Romans and 
Sabines, by compelling them to live together. He died at 
the age of more than fourscore years, having reigned forty- 
three in profound peace. 

The successor of Numa was Tullus Hostilius; a 
inal monarch very unlike his predecessor, being entirely 
devoted to war, and more fond of enterprise, than 

even the founder of the empire had been. 

Engaging in a war with the Albans, it was proposed to 
settle the controversy by single combat. When it was 
found difficult to fix upon the combatants, they at length 
concluded, that the Horatii, three Roman brothers, who 


ROME. 133. 


werestwins, should contend with the Curiatii, three twin 
brothers, on the part of the Albans; all six remarkable for 
courage, strength and activity. At length, the champions 
met in view of the two armies. Totally regardless of per- 
sonal safety, each one sought the destruction of his oppo- 
nents. ‘The spectators, in horrid silence, trembled at every 
blow, and wished to share the danger. For a considerable 
time, victory appeared doubtful. At length, it seemed to 
declare against the Romans. They beheld two of their 
champions dead upon the plain, and the three Curiatii, who 
were wounded, slowly pursuing the survivor, who seemed, 
by flight, to beg for mercy. At this, the Alban army 
shouted, and the Romans repined at the apparent baseness 
of their countryman. Soon, however, they changed their 
sentiments. His flight was only a stratagem, to separate 
his antagonists. Suddenly he stops, and, one after another, 
lays them all dead at his feet. Agreeably to compact, the 
Albans consent to obey the Romans. Not long after this, 
Hostilius demolished the city of Alba, and removed the in- 
habitants to Rome. 

After a victorious reign of 32 years, Tullus Hostilius was 

succeeded by Ancus Martius, grandson of Numa. 
His election was made by the people, and confirmed Ae 
by the senate. He took his grandfather for his mod- " 
el, and endeavored to persuade the people to return to the 
arts of agriculture, and lay aside the less useful stratagems 
of war. Being forced into a war with the Latins, however, 
Ancus conquered them, destroyed their cities, and removed 
their inhabitants to Rome. He triumphed, also, over the 
Sabines and others, and built a port at the mouth of the Ti- 
ber, called Ostia. 

After a reign of 24 years, Ancus was succeeded by Tar- 
quin the Elder, whose original name was Lucumon. His 
father was a merchant of Corinth, who settled in Italy, on 
account of some troubles at home. Lucumon married 
Tanaquil, a lady of Tarquinio. He had been guardian to 
the sons of the late king; and after his death, he contrived 
to have them set aside, and himself elected. A kingdom, 
thus obtained by intrigue, was, notwithstanding, governed 
with equity. He added a hundred members to the senate, 
making their number three hundred. After reigning 38 
years, he was murdered by two ruffians, at the instigation 
of the sons of Ancus. Servius Tullius, his son-in-law, suc- 
eeeded him. The chief object of his reign, was to increase 


140 ROME, 


the power of the senate by depressing that of the people. 
To ascertain the increase of his subjects, he instituted a 
regulation, called a lustrum, by which all the citizens were 
to assemble in the Campus Martius, in complete armor, 
once in five years, and there to give an exact account of 
their families and fortunes. In the beginning of his reign, 
to secure his throne by every precaution, he had married 
his two daughters to the two grandsons of Tarquin; and as 
he knew that the women were of opposite dispositions, as 
well as their intended husbands, he resolved to cross their 
tempers, by giving each of them to him of a contrary turn 
of mind; her that was meek and gentle, to him that was 
bold and furious; her that was ungovernable and proud, to 
him that was remarkable for a contrary character. By this, 
he supposed, each would correct the failing of the other, and 
that the mixture would be productive of concord. The 
event, however, proved otherwise. Lucius, his haughty 
son-in-law, soon grew displeased with the meekness of his 
consort, and placed his whole affections on Tullia, his broth- 
er’s wife, who answered his passion with sympathetic ardor. 
As their wishes were ungovernable, they soon resolved to 
break through every restraint, that offered to prevent their 
union. Both undertook to murder their consorts, which 
they effected; and were, accordingly, soon after married to- 
gether. A first crime generally produces a second. From 

the destruction of their consorts, they proceeded to 
rah conspiring that of the king; which they at length 

accomplished, with circumstances of savage cruelty, 
after he had reigned 44 years. 

Lucius Tarquin, or ‘Tarquin the Proud, having thus 
placed himself upon the throne, was resolved to support 
his dignity with the same violence, by which it was ac- 
quired. Regardless of the senate’s or people’s approbation, 
he seemed to claim the crown by hereditary right, and 
refused the late king’s body burial, under pretence of his 
being a usurper. All the good part of the community, 
however, looked upon this accession with horror and detes- 
tation; and this act of cruelty only served to confirm their 
hatred. Conscious of this, he ordered to execution all 
whom he suspected to have been attached to Servius. His 
policy consisted in keeping the people constantly employed 
in wars and public works; and thus he diverted their 
attention from his unlawful method of coming to the throne. 
The city of the Gabii gave him much trouble; for having 


ROME. 141 


attempted, with some loss, to besiege it, he was obliged to 
direct his efforts by stratagem, contrary to the usual prac- 
tice of the Romans. He caused his son Sextus to counter- 
feit desertion, upon pretence of barbarous usage, and to 
seek refuge among the inhabitants of the place. By artful 
complaints and studied lamentations, he so prevailed on 
the pity of the people as to be chosen their governor, and 
soon after, general of their army. ‘At first, he was success- 
ful in every engagement, till at length, finding himself 
possessed of the confidence of the state, he sent to his 
father for instructions. Tarquin made no other answer, 
than by taking the messenger into the garden, and cutting 
down before him, the tallest poppies. Sextus readily 
understood the meaning of this reply; and one by one, 
found means to destroy, or remove, the principal men 
of the city, confiscating their effects, and dividing them 
among the people. Thus keeping the giddy populace 
blind to their approaching ruin, till they found them- 
selves, at last, without counsellors or head; and, in the end, 
fell under the power of Tarquin, without even striking a 
blow. 

But while engaged in wars abroad, he did not suffer the 
people to continue in idleness at home. He undertook to 
build, the capitol, the foundation of which had been laid in 
a former reign; and an extraordinary event contributed to 
hasten the execution of his design. It is said, that during 
this reign, a woman in strange attire, made her appearance 
at Rome, and came to the king, offering to sell nine books, 
which she said were of her own composing. Not knowing 
the abilities of the seller, or that she was in fact one of the 
celebrated Sybils, whose prophecies were never found to 
fail, Tarquin refused to buy. them. Upon this, she de- 
parted, and burning three of her books, returned again, 
demanding the same price for the remainder. Being once 
more despised as an impostor, she again departed, and 
burning three more, she returned with those remaining, 
still asking the same price as at first. Tarquin surprised at 
the inconsistency of her conduct, consulted the augurs to 
advise him what to do. These much blamed him for not 
buying the nine, and commanded him to buy the three 
remaining at whatever price they were to be had. The 
woman, says the historian, after selling and delivering the 
three prophetic volumes, vanished from before him, and was 
never seen after. 


142 ROME. 


The people, having been four years employed in build- 
ing the capitol, began to wish for something new, to engage 
them. Tarquin, therefore, upon some frivolous pretences, 
proclaimed war against the Rutulians. Sextus, the king’s 
son, while his father was at the head of the army, besieg- 
ing the city of Ardea, violated the honor of Lucretia, a 
Roman lady of great spirit and still greater virtue.” The 
illustrious heroine survived the disgrace long enough to 
acquaint her husband and friends with her misfortune, 
and to entreat them, as they regarded her memory, to take 
vengeance on her destroyer. She then drew a poniard from 
her robe, and plunging it into her bosom, expired before 
their eyes. 

Collatinus her husband, and her friends stood round her, 
petrified with grief, and distracted with rage and despair. 
But their grief was for a moment arrested and turned into 
astonishment, when Brutus, the reputed fool, seized the 
bloody dagger, and, lifting it toward heaven, exclaimed, “ Be 
witness, ye gods, that from this moment, I proclaim myself 
the avenger of the chaste Lucretia’s cause. From this 
moment, I declare myself the enemy of Tarquin and his 
bloody house. Henceforth, my life shall be employed in 
Cpposiiion to tyranny, and for the freedom and happiness 
of my country.”” He then told them, that tears and en- 
treaties must now give way to the sterner sentiments of 
just revenge; and delivering them the poniard, still reeking 
with Lucretia’s blood, caused each of them to swear the 
same oath, that he had sworn. The Roman people flocked 
from all quarters, and were struck with horror at the 
deplorable spectacle; and were equally amazed to behold 
the authority and wisdom of Junius Brutus. The revolt 
from the tyrant was general; and the senate passed a 
decree depriving the king of all authority, and banishing 
him and his family forever from the Roman state. He lived, 
however, to give his country much trouble; for though a 
detestable tyrant, void of every principle of humanity and 
justice, yet he was bold, active and vigorous, and found means 
to excite frequent disturbances, and even to enkindle dan- 
gerous wars against his country. | 

We have now passed over 245 years from the founding 
of the Roman state. Duing this period, the Assyrian 
empire had fallen; Babylon was become a province of 
Persia; and Cyrus had extended his dominions from the 
Indian to the Atlantic ocean; and a power was already pre- 


ROME. 143 


pared to eclipse forever the glory of the Persians. Greece 
was fast rising; the morning of her brightest day evidently 
dawned. Before the fall of Tarquin, Miltiades, Leonidas 
and Themistocles were born. During this period, also, 
the Jews, having experienced a captivity of '70 years, were 
restored by Cyrus, and had returned, and rebuilt their temple 
at Jerusalem. 


EES 
CHAPTER XII. 


THE ROMAN EMPIRE, * FROM THE EXPULSION OF TARQUIN TO 
THE CONQUEST OF CARTHAGE. 


THE great and vigorous spirit of Lucius Junius Brutus, 
displayed in avenging the death of Lucretia, may be regard- 
ed as a brilliant specimen of that power and grandeur of 
mind, in which the Romans surpassed all other nations, both 
ancient and modern. In variety of genius and taste, the 
Greeks certainly excelled them; but in a masculine bold- 
ness—in @ grave, dignified, martial energy, the Romans were 
never equalled. Brutus and his associates were able to 
dethrone a powerful tyrant; to abolish a monarchy, which 
had existed several centuries; and to organize, and put in 
operation, a new form of government, under which the Ro- 
man people rose to the sublimest heights of power, prosper- 
ity and splendor. 

The Roman government, during the reigns of the kings, 
had, in its original spirit and design, embraced many of the 
principles of freedom. The king was assisted by a coun- 
cil, consisting of a hundred senators, which number was 
increased at various times. These were men advanced in 
years, and venerable for their knowledge, prudence and 
integrity. The most important acts of government were 
generally sanctioned by an assembly of the people, or ple- 
beians, particularly acts relative to peace or war, the raising 
of money, the appointment of chief magistrates, and the 
election of the monarch. 

But the kings, and especially Tarquin, had, in a great 
measure, acted independently of all these salutary checks. 
To avoid these inconveniences, the kingly office was now 


* The word empire is here used in its popular sense, to represent 
merely government, or dominion, without reference to its form. 


144 ROME. 


abolished ; and, in the place of it, two officers were substi- 
tuted, styled consuls. Their power was nearly as great as 
that of the king; but the division of it, and the frequency 
of election, which was once a year, were considered as suffi- 
cient checks. Junius Brutus and Collatinus, the husband of 
the celebrated Lucretia, were first chosen consuls. ; 

This new form of government was brought to the brink 
of ruin, almost in the moment of its formation. The deposed 
monarch found means to organize a dangerous conspiracy 
among the young nobility. of Rome; the object of which 
was to effect a counter revolution, and replace himself on 
the throne; and the brave and patriotic Brutus had the 
unhappiness to discover, that two of his sons were among 
the ringleaders in this daring plot. The nature of his 
office compelled him to sit in judgment upon them; and 
while, in this deeply interesting scene, all the spectators 
were melted into tears, in him the most powerful pleas of 
natural affection were overruled by a sense of duty; the 
parent was lost in the judge, and the agonies of parental 
sensibility disregarded before the tribunal of public justice. 
He pronounced sentence upon his sons, condemning them to 
death. 

But this great man did not live long to enjoy either the 
liberty, which he procured for his country, or the honors, 
which he so justly merited. Tarquin, failing to recover 
his throne by intrigue, next attempted it by arms. He 
prevailed on the Veians, a neighboring state, to espouse 
his cause, and to furnish him with an army. Of this army 
he took the command, and gave the cavalry to be com- 
manded by Aruns, his son. ‘They were met by the consul 
with an equal force; and a general battle was fought, in 
which the Romans claimed the victory, although dearly 
bought; for, together with a number of their bravest 
citizens, the illustrious Brutus fell in the first of the action. 
Aruns, the son of Tarquin, had singled him out; and they 
encountered each other with such fury, that both were slain, 
and fell dead together by mutual wounds. The Veians, 
sufficiently humbled by this rebuke, were willing to make 

eace. 

F But of all the enemies, whom Tarquin brought against 
his country, Porsenna, king of Etruria, was the most for- 
midable. This prince, who was then, probably, one of the 
most powerful in Italy, seems, from motives of jealousy, to 
have been willing to engage in a war with the Romans. 


ROME. 145 


To him Tarquin applied; and was soon furnished with a 
force, which at first bid fair to reseat him on his throne. — 

Porsenna marched immediately toward Rome, at the head 
of a powerful army;. and, meeting with no resistance, 
he laid siege to the city. After several furious assaults 
and sallies, the siege was terminated by one of those singu- 
lar events, which strongly mark the savage ferocity and 
wonderful patriotism of the heroic ages. The length and 
strictness of the siege had reduced the city to the utmost 
distress of famine, when Mutius Scevola, a Roman youth of 
the most daring courage and desperate resolution, approach- 
ed the camp of Porsenna, and finding access to the place 
where the king stood with some of his officers, he proceed- 
ed to the group, and stabbed the person, whom he supposed 
to be the king; but it was the king’s secretary. Mutius 
was seized; and it was demanded of him, who he was, and 
what were his designs. He told them, that he was a Roman, 
and that there were three hundred Roman youths, who, like 
himself, had determined to effect the king’s destruction. 
‘“‘ Therefore,” said he, “‘prepare for their attempts; and you 
shall see that the Romans know how to suffer as well as to 
act.”? At this, he thrust his hand into the fire, and pyltened 
it to burn with great composure. 

Persenna, amazed at such intrepid bravery, was seized 
with a fit of generosity quite as enthusiastic and extraordi- 
nary, and ordered him to be conducted back to Rome, and, 
at the same time, offered the besieged conditions of peace, 
which they accepted; and a period was put to the war. 

The Roman commonwealth, in every part of its duration, 
was incessantly harassed with internal disputes, broils, 
divisions, intrigues and conspiracies; and they were gener- 
ally settled by the mediation of the sword; though not 
always by the sword of civil war. Their bold, restless, ac- 
tive spirits were best gratified, and soonest quieted, in mar- 
tial exercises; and could only be controlled by martial law. 
Of course, theirs was, in most respects, a military govern- 
ment. 

Ten years from the commencement of the Roman. repub- 
lic, Largius was appointed first dictator. The title itself 
explains the general nature of this office. The dictator was 
clothed with power to dictaté, i. e. to direct all the branch- 
es, and all the officers of the government. His pow- 
er was sovereign and absolute, as that of the most un- 
limited monarch. He was only chosen in times of difficulty 

13 


146 ROME. 


and danger, when the utmost energy of the state was to be 
exerted; and his power expired at the end of a certain 
period. ~ 

Soon after the invasion of Porsenna, and 15 years from 
the expulsion of Tarquin, a contention arose between the 
senate and the people, which gave rise to the appointment 
of Tribunes. These were officers chosen annually from 
among the people. They were clothed with considerable 
powers, and where designed as the immediate guardians of 
the people, against the power of the senate and consuls. 
They were at first five, and afterwards ten in number; seats 
were prepared for them near the doors of the senate house ; 
and they were, at times, called in, to ratify the laws, which 
were passed in the senate. 

[ Coriolanus.—The story of Coriolanus appears too impor 
tant to be omitted in this Compend. His original name was 
Caius Martius. The name Coriolanus was added, from his 
victory over Corioli, a city of the Volscians, where, from a 
private soldier, he gained the amplest honors. 

He drew upon himself the resentment of the people, by 
taking part with the patricians, in a public dispute, and by 
insisting, that some rights, which the senate had been 
induced to resign, should be restored. So enraged were 
they, that he was ordered to take his trial before the people, 
as having aimed at sovereignty and tyranny. Conscious 
of his innocence, he appeared before them with the utmost 
dignity. He began his defence by recounting ali the battles 
he had fought, and showing the various crowns, with which 
he had been newarded by his generals; exposing to view 
the scars of the numberless wounds he had received in 
acquiring them, and calling upon those, whose lives he had 
saved, to bear witness to the truth of his recital. These 
persons, with the most moving protestations, entreated their 
fellows to spare that life, by which they lived; and if there 
must be an offering for public resentment, they themselves 
were ready to die for him. A defence like this, supported 
with all that boldness, which conscious innocence inspires, 
moved every hearer to think of pardon. Many cried out, 
that so brave a man deserved a triumph, not death, and 
that this very trial was a national reproach. The giddy 
multitude were going, therefore, to absolve him, when 
Decius, one of the tribunes, a man of fluent eloquence, rose 
up and accused him of having appropriated to himself and 
his friends, the plunder, which he had taken from the 


ROME. 147 


enemy, thus violating the law, requiring him to appropriate 
it to the use of the public. Coriolanus had, in fact, when 
the people refused to enlist, issued out at the head of bis 
clients, and plundered the enemy, who had the insolence to 
make incursions to the very walls of Rome. These spoils, 
which were so justly earned, he never thought of bringing 
into the treasury, as they were the acquisition of a private 
adventure. Being, therefore, unable to answer what was 
alleged against him, to the satisfaction of the people, and 
utterly confounded with the charge, the tribunes immedi- 
ately took the votes, and Coriolanus was condemned to 
perpetual exile. Amid the rejoicings of the people and 
the lamentations of the senate, he alone seemed an uncon- 
cerned spectator. He returned home, to take a lasting 
leave of his wife, his children and his mother Veturia, and 
then left the city, to take refuge among the enemies of 
Rome. He directed his course to Antium, a city of the 
Volscians, where he obtained the friendship and assis- 
tance of Tullus Attius, who was a violent enemy to the 
Romans. | 

War being declared by the machinations of Tullus, he 
and Coriolanus were made generals of the army. - They 
invaded the Roman territories, ravaging and laying waste 
the possessions of the plebeians, but suffering those of the 
senators to remain untouched. At Rome, all was confusion 
and distress. The army, sensible of the superiority of 
Coriolanus, once their own commander, assembled with 
great reluctance; while the Volscians, sure of success, 
flocked to his standard with alacrity. Town after town 
was taken by them. Every day, they advanced nearer ; 
and at last approached the walls, with the intention of 
besieging the city. The senate and people now agreed to 
send deputies to him, with proposals of restoring him, in 
ease he should draw off his army. Coriolanus received 
them with severity, and told them, that he was now general 
of the Volscians, and had only their interest to consider. 
He proposed his conditions, and gave them thirty days for 
deliberation. At the end of that time, he returned, and 
again encamped before the walls. Another embassy was 
sent forth, conjuring him not to exact from his native city, 
aught, but what became Romans to grant. Coriolanus, 
however, naturally inflexible and severe, still persisted in 
his former demands, and granted them but three days to 
decide. The city was now filled with consternation, and in 


148 ROME. 


the general confusion, there was neither discipline, nor com 
mand. 

In this exigence, they determined to send another depu- 
tation more solemn than the former, consisting of the pon- 
tiffs, the priests and the augurs. But all in vain. Though 
he received them with respect, they found him severe and 
inflexible as before. When the people saw them return un- 
successful, they began to give up the commonwealth as lost. 
Nothing was to be heard but lamentation. 

At length, it was suggested to them, that what could not 
be effected by the intercession of the senate, or the adjura- 
tion of the priests, might be accomplished by the tears of 
his wife, or the commands of his mother. Accordingly, 
Veturia his mother undertook the embassy, accompanied by 
his wife and children, and the principal matrons of Rome. 
Coriolanus, who, at a distance, discovered this mournful 
train of females, resolved to give them a denial. But when 
told, that his mother and his wife were among the number, 
he instantly came down from his tribunal to meet and em- 
brace them. At first, their tears and embraces took away 
the power of words; and the rough soldier himself could 
not refrain from sharing in their distress. ‘‘My son,” cried 
his mother, “chow am I to consider this meeting? Do I 
embrace my son? or my enemy? Am I your mother? or 
your captive?» How have I lived to see this day? to see 
my son a banished man? and still more distressful, to see 
him the enemy of his country? How has he been able to 
turn his arms against the place, that gave him life? how, 
direct his rage against those walls, which protect his wife, 
his children and his gods? But it is to me only, my country 
owes her oppressor. Had I never been a mother, Rome 
had still been free. The wretched consciousness of this 
will afflict me as long as life shall last; and that cannot be 
long. But though I am prepared for death, yet, at least, © 
let these wretched sufferers claim some part of your com- 
passion. Think, what must be their fate, when to banish- 
ment, they must add captivity.” Coriolanus, during this 
speech, seemed much agitated by contending passions. His 
mother who saw him moved, still seconded her words by 
the most persuasive eloquence, her tears. His wife and 
children hung round him, entreating for protection and 
pity, while the fair train, her companions, added their 
famentations, and deplored their own and their country’s 
distress. Coriolanus, for a moment, was silent, feeling the 


ROME. 149 


étrong conflict between honor and inclination. At length, 
as if roused from his dream, he flew to take up his mother, 
who had fallen at his feet, crying out—‘O my mother, 
thou hast saved Rome, but lost thy son!”? He accordingly 
gave orders to draw off the army, pretending to the officers, 
that the city was too strong to be taken. Tullus, who had 
long envied his glory, was not remiss in aggravating the 
lenity of his conduct to his countrymen. Upon their return, 
Coriolanus was slain in an insurrection of the people, and 
afterwards honorably buried, with late and ineffectual repen- 
tance. | 

The most eminent character, found in the first part of 
the annals of the ancient republic of Rome, is that of 
Quintus Cincinnatus. His chief services were in the year 
458 B. C. andin the 50th from the fall of Tarquin. We 
have already mentioned the frequent disputes and divisions, 
which prevailed between the two orders of Roman citizens. 
These, which ran high on all occasions, had, but a little 
time before this, come very near to rending in pieces and 
extinguishing the republic forever. The popularity, banish- 
ment, wars, restoration and death of Coriolanus, so famous 
in the Roman history, have been briefly noticed. Those 
events, while they distracted the counsels and exhausted the 
resources of Rome, emboldened her enemies to make new 
aggressions. 

The forces of the AZqui and Volsci had invaded the Ro- 
man territories; had surrounded, and were likely to destroy, 
the consul Minutius and his army, who inadvertently suffer- 
ed himself to be pent in between two mountains, whence he 
could not retreat, but by encountering the enemy. At the 
same time, political disputes were carried on with such 
warmth at Rome, that most men were wholly ruled by the 
most violent party spirit. All union and energy were lost; 
and the more discerning saw the ruin of the commonwealth 
impending. The Romans had, on a former occasion, experi~ 
enced the great virtue and authority of, Cincinnatus. To 
him, therefore, all eyes were now turned, as the most suita- 
ble instrument for delivering their country. 

In the 50th year from the expulsion of Tarquin, a solemn 
legation was sent to Q. Cincinnatus, from the senate, to 
invest him with the sovereign powers of dictator. They 
found him industriously laboring in his field. He had a 
farm, consisting only of a few acres, which he cultivated 
with his own hands, for the support of his family. On the 

13* 


1 50 ROME. 


arrival of the senatorial message, he: showed somé concern 
for the neglect, with which he should be obliged to treat 
his plantation; but manifested no marks of vanity or pride 
at his sudden elevation. He took leave of his family with 
apparent regret, and repaired to the capitol. He immedi- 
ately nominated, as a captain of his cavalry, Tarquitius, a 
man in similar circumstances, and of like character with 
himself. 

He issued his orders with mildness, but with such author- 
ity, dignity and decision, as none can assume, but those 
great and vigorous spirits, which are formed for command. 
He gave orders, that every citizen, who could bear arms, 
should appear before sunset in the Campus Martius, with 
arms, and provisions for five days. His orders were obey- 
ed; and an army was immediately assembled. At their 
head, the dictator began his march that evening ; and before 
day, came within sight of the hostile army. As they ap- 
proached the enemy’s camp, Cincinnatus ordered his men 
to give a loud shout; which was heard by the blockaded 
army, and understood to be a token that relief was near. 
The enemy, finding themselves between two armies, pre- 
pared for battle. A severe engagement ensued; but the 
bravery and conduct of the dictator procured the Romans a 
complete victory. The spoils of the enemy’s camp were 
valuable. These, Cincinnatus ordered to be divided among 
his own army, without allowing the army which he had 
liberated, to share with them im any thing; holding it as a 
maxim, that, as they could not defend themselves, they mer- 
ited nothing. 

But, what is regarded as most remarkable in this transac- 
tion, Cincinnatus, though a poor man, took nothing of all the 
wealth, of which he had the control and distribution, to him- 
self. Nor would he accept any thing from the senate, who 
regarded him as the deliverer of his country; and, from grat- 
itude for his important services, would gladly have bestowed 
upon him the richest presents. Very many have celebrated, 
but very few have imitated, his virtues. He was satisfied 
with the consciousness of having done his duty, and justly 
merited a great and lasting fame. 

The year 451 B. C., about sixty years from the commence- 
ment of the republic, may be considered as an important era 
in the history of Rome. The contentions between the 
various orders of the state, for privilege, prerogative, and 
power, still raged without intermission, till, at length, all 


ROME. 151 


patties, growing Weary of these disturbances, united in an 
expedient, which at once shows the wisdom and greatness 
of the Roman character. They unanimously determined on | 
introducing a body of written laws; whose influence might 
prevent, as well as punish, crimes, and especially, that there- 
by the decisions of the magistrates might be governed by 
known and fixed principles. 

Posthumius, Sulpicius and Manlius, three senators of high 
rank, whom the suffrage of the Roman people had declared 
worthy of so great a trust, were immediately sent to Athens 
and other Greek cities, to consult their laws, to extract from 
them a code of such as were most approved, and report 
them to their fellow-citizens in due time. In the course of 
a year, this business was accomplished. These ambassadors 
returned, and brought with them a body of laws, which they 
had selected from the most celebrated systems of Greece. 
These were formed into ten tables, two others being some 
time after added, making the numbertwelve. This was that 
famous code of laws, known by the name of the “laws of 
the twelve tables.” Many fragments of this body of laws 
remain until the present time. 

Nations in general, when they enjoy good government and 
excellent laws, resemble a body in perfect health—a body, 
in which the various animal and vital functions are complete 
and vigorous. This now began to be the condition of Rome. 
Though it had not experienced much increase of territory, , 
yet its numbers, strength, experience and wisdom, were fast 
rising to power and conquest. It must not, however, be un- 
derstood, that Rome was yet-free from political disputes, or 
even from outrageous infractions of law and justice. That 
time she was destined never to see. 

When the laws of the twelve tables were adopted, a new 
kind of magistracy was created. Ten persons, called 
decemvirs, were appointed to see to the administration of 
government, and to enforce the authority of the laws. 
Their reign was short. It began well; but ended in dis- 
grace and misfortune. The term of their administration 
ended in the consummate villany of Appius, one of their 
number, and in the affecting story of Virginius and his 
daughter; for which the reader must be referred to the 
Roman history. To them succeeded another kind of 
‘magistrates, called military tribunes; and these were again 
succeeded by consuls, according to the first form of the re- 
_public. 


152 ROME. 


But it would be improper, in this work, to attempt to trace 
the Roman government through its tortuous course, or to 
enter into the various controversies of those early times. 
Whoever expects to find a free government without contin- 
ual disputes, divisions, intrigues, innovations and revolutions,” 
must be a stranger to the human character, as displayed in 
the history of nations. Where all power and authority ori- 
ginate with the people, and are under the control and direc- 
tion of their suffrage, there is too wide and alluring a pros- 
pect for ambitious men to neglect. They never did neglect 
it, and they never will. . 

After Cincinnatus, the Roman history presents us with no 
character worthy of particular notice, till the times of the 
illustrious Camillus; nor with any considerable event, till 
the formidable invasion of Rome by the Gauls, under 
Brennus. ‘This will carry us forward through a period of | 
about sixty years, during which the Roman state made con- 
siderable advances in population, territory and the art of 
war. Camillus had afforded the most important services to 
the state; had conquered several cities, and by a long course 
of conduct, had risen to the highest honors among his coun- 
trymen. ‘This was sufficient to draw down upon him a storm 
of envy and jealousy, which all his wisdom, power and popu- 
larity could not sustain. The tribunes, always turbulent and 
_ clamorous, and often unjust and cruel, roused the public 
resentment against him, by pretending, that he had embez- 
zled and secreted much of the plunder taken in the city of 
Veii; and they appointed a day, on which he was to appear 
before the people in his own defence. Conscious of his 
innocence, yet disdaining the mortifying indignity of sus- 
taining a public trial before a people, whom he had laid 
under such high obligations, and whose resentment, he 
knew, had rather sprung from their envy of his virtue, 
than from any other cause, he took leave of his friends, . 
and evaded the approaching storm by going into voluntary 
exile. 

The triumph of the tribunes and the plebeians, on the 
fall of this great man, was of short duration. A storm far 
more terrible menaced the whole state, than he had fled to 
escape. 


* Those who live in the Millennium, will doubtless find such a gov- 
ernment. When the Son of God shall make all the nations free, they 
will be free indeed ; and, certainly, they will be free from continual 
disputes, &c.—Ed. 


ROME. 153 


We have, in a former chapter, had occasion to mention 
the Scythian hordes, which, in ancient times, inhabited the 
wilds of Europe and Asia; which, like an inundation, at 
various times, flowed down upon the more civilized na- 
tions ; or, like swarms of locusts, seemed to darken the sun 
and the air. The ancient inhabitants of Germany and 
France resembled them in those respects, in which they 
were most formidable. France was then called Gau!. The 
Gauls were men of great size and strength. They were ex- 
ceedingly bold, fierce, and terrible in war. It is said, that 
even a glance of their eye was so terrible, as to dismay and 
affrighten armies. A numerous body of these had, two centu- 
ries before this, crossed the Alps, and settled in the northern 
parts of Italy; and had long been a terror to all the country. 
Brennus, their warlike chieftain, was at this time at their 
head, besieging Clusium, a city of Etruria. | 

The martial spirit of the Romans being roused at so near 
an approach of this hostile nation, and being earnestly so- 
licited by that city to send them aid, they despatched ambas- 
sadors to Brennus, to demand of him, what right he had to 
invade that city. The Gaul sternly replied, that the “‘rights 
of valiant men lie in their swords ;”? and demandéd, in return, 
what right the Romans had to the many cities they had con- 
quered. The ambassadors, displeased with the haughty style 
of Brennus, and either forgetful or ignorant of their duty, 
immediately entered the city, and took an active part. in the 
war. 

Brennus was enraged at the conduct of the ambassadors, 
and forthwith raising the siege of Clusium, he marched di- 
rectly to Rome, probably glad of a pretence for effecting a 
preconcerted measure. 

Rome had now stood 364 years, and had been a republic 
119. Its territories were considerably extended; and the 
city itself was become opulent, splendid and powerful. The 
neighboring cities had fallen under its power; and those 
more distant were willing either to pay homage for their in- 
dependence, or seek the alliance of the Romans. The Gal- 
lic king could not but believe, that if he conquered Rome, 
the empire of Italy would follow of course; and, perhaps, 
one much greater. It will be remembered, that the Gauls, 
about this time, attempted both Greece and Asia, and that 
with considerable success. From the former, they “ee ex- 
pelled by Sosthenes; and from the latter, by Antiochus 
Soter; as noticed in our view of Greece and Syria, 


154 ROME. 


The Romans were apprized of the approaching danger, 
and sent an army, composed of the flower of their republic, 
to meet and oppose the Gauls. An obstinate and bloody 
battle was fought, in which the Romans were utterly 
defeated, and their army destroyed. Brennus, elated with 
victory, and still breathing revenge and fury, continued his 
march towards Rome. [He entered the city without re- 
sistance: and marching into the Forum, there beheld the 
ancient senators, sitting in their order, observing a profound 
silence, unmoved and undaunted. The splendid habits, the 
majestic gravity, and the venerable looks of these old men, 
who had all, in their time, borne the highest offices of the 
state, awed the barbarous enemy into reverence. ‘They took 
them to be the tutelar deities of the place, and began to of- 
fer blind adoration. At length, one more forward than the 
rest, put forth his hand to stroke the beard of Papyrius, who 
had lately been dictator. This insult, the noble Roman 
could not endure; but lifting his ivory sceptre, struck the 
savage to the ground. This seemed a signal for general 
BC slaughter. Papyrius fell first; and all the rest shared 
395. ‘his fate, without mercy or distinction. Thus the 
fierce invaders pursued their slaughter for three days, 
sparing neither sex nor age; and then setting fire to the city 
burnt it to the ground. | 

Nothing seemed now to remain of the Roman state capa- 
ble of defending itself, but the celebrated capitol; where a 
body of the bravest of the Romans held out against every 
effort of the Gauls. Brennus, at length, grew weary of the 
siege, and proposed to the Romans, that, if they would pay 
him one thousand pounds weight of gold, he would draw 
off his army, and give them no further trouble. They ac- 
cepted the proposal; and the gold was produced. But while 
it was weighing, some of the Gauls attempted to kick the 
beam, to prevent a just weight. The Romans complained 
of so flagrant an injustice; but Brennus immediately cast 
his sword into the balance, and gave them to understand, 
that their complaints would be useless—that they must think 
of nothing but compliance with the will of their imperious 
conqueror. 

At that moment, intelligence was brought, that Camillus, 
the general, whom they had so unjustly banished, was 
approggning at the head of an army. He had heard of the 
calamities of his country; and, having raised a body of 
forces, was so fortunate, as to arrive at that critical 


ROME. 155 


moment, when his presence was necessary, and his exertions 
effectual, to the salvation of his country. Camillus entered 
the place, where the business was transacting, and immedi- 
ately ordered the Romans to take back the gold whence it 
was brought; telling Brennus, with an air as haughty as that 
of the barbarian, that the Romans were in the use not to 
purchase peace with money, but with iron. 

The presence of this great man revived the drooping spir- 
its of his countrymen. They rallied round his standard ; and 
encountering the barbarians with the most resolute bravery, 
defeated and almost entirely cut them off. Thus Rome was 
delivered from the most dangerous enemy, if we except 
Hannibal, that she was to see for many ages. 

The Roman people, in these ancient times, exhibited the 
strangest mixture of bravery, superstition, barbarity, disci- 
pline, enthusiasm, levity and wisdom. They were contin- 
ually engaged in war, and’ were generally successful. But 
the dreadful chastisement they received from the hand of 
Brennus and the Gauls, was attended by consequences as 
lasting as deplorable. Their territories, still but small, 
were ravaged; their city laid in ashes; many of their bra- 
vest men killed in battle; and their resources severely drain- 
ed, though not exhausted; for their resources, as yet, were 
not money, nor strong fortresses, nor large territories, nor 
numbers, nor powerful allies. Their resources consisted in 
firm, determined spirits; great souls, fearless of danger and 
of death; minds strong, bold, intrepid and persevering. To 
brave danger was to them the field of glory; and their only 
alternative was death or victory. They enjoyed victory, and 
endured defeat, with equal moderation; and this they were 
able to do beyond any other nation; because nature had en- 
dued them with independent, unconquerable minds, and with 
invincible bravery and magnanimity. 

After the invasion of the Gauls, the Romans rose more 
experienced, more warlike, more formidable, than ever. We 
soon see them engaged in a war with the Samnites, the 
most powerful nation then in Italy. This war lasted many 
years, and was attended with various turns of fortune; and 
when it was likely to terminate in complete victory and tri- 
umph on the side of the Romans, an event took place, which 
seemed once more to threaten the existence of the Roman 
nation. € 
The Samnites, overpowered by the bravery and disci- 
pline of the Romans, sent for aid to Pyrrhus, the celebrated 


156 : ROME: 


king of Epirus, of whom we have already taken some no- 
tice. It was generally thought impossible for the Romans 
to contend successfully with this great commander. He 
had been formed, in the art of war, upon the maxims and 
examples of Alexander and Epaminondas; and notwith- 
standing the degeneracy of the Greeks and Asiatics, from 
whom the military spirit had long since departed, had been 
able to inspire the armies he commanded, with his own hero- 
ic virtues. He had found no equal in Egypt, or Asia. Happy 
would it have been for him, had he pursued more closely 
the footsteps of Alexander, and especially had he kept at a 
distance from Italy; though even that might not have sa- 
ved him from a collision with the growing power of the 
Romans. 

Cs Pyrrhus immediately prepared to comply with the 
9g9, request of the Samnites. He embarked from Epirus, 

with an army of twenty thousand foot, three thousand 

horse, and twenty elephants ; but, in crossing the Adriatic, his 
fleet was dispersed in a storm, and many of his vessels were 
lost. Although his armament was greatly diminished, he 
still thought the remnant more than a match for the rude and 
barbarous people of Italy. His judgment of the Romans 
was probably not dissimilar to that formed of the American 
people before the revolutionary war; at which time, some 
imagined, that a few thousand regular troops would strike an 
awe through the continent, and that the semi-barbarians of 
the colonies would never dare to face disciplined and veteran 
troops. “4 

But Pyrrhus found the Romans not so rude and barba- 
rous, as he expected. The first view he had of their military 
order and skill, struck him with surprise; _and the first 
victory he gained, in all probability, utterly extinguished 
his hopes of subduing the Romans. It is worthy of remark, 
how differently the Romans received this invasion of Pyrrhus, 
from what the Persians did that of Alexander. Pyrrhus 
found the Romans ready to receive him; and when he of- 
fered to mediate between them and the Samnites, he was 
answered by Levinus, the consul, that the Roman people 
neither respected him as a mediator, nor feared him as an 
enem 

The first battle was fought on the banks of the river 
Lyrisa, Pyrrhus drew up his army with the utmost skill; 
nor was there a want of skill and discernment in the order 
and movements of the Romans. Here was first seen con- 


ROME. 157 


trasted the Grecian phalanx with the Roman legion; nor 
have the ablest tacticians been positive in determining 
which, on all accounts, was preferable. The loose array 
of the legion gave celerity to its evolutions, and certainly 
admitted of various conveniences; but the close and firm 
strength of the phalanx, by condensing the physical force, 
rendered its impression more certain, and its shock more 
dreadful. 

The field, by both parties, was managed with great skill, 
and was fought with the most determined bravery. Motives 
of safety and of honor wrought powerfully with both generals, 
and both armies; and it is probable, that few battles have 
been more severe. But the Greeks, at length, prevailed ; 
and Pyrrhus, by the aid of his elephants, which were sent 
among the Romans, gained a complete victory. The Ro- 
mans were put to flight, leaving fifteen thousand men dead 
on the field of battle. But the loss of Pyrrhus was not 
much inferior ; insomuch, that, while some were congratu- 
lating him on account of his victory, he is said pathetical- 
ly to have exclaimed, that another such victory would ruin 
him. 

[ Fabricius —The Romans, in a war with Pyrrhus, the 
king of Epirus, sent an embassy to him concerning the 
ransom and exchange of prisoners. At the head of this 
venerable deputation, was Fabricius, an ancient senator, 
who had long been a pattern to his countrymen, of the most 
extreme poverty, joined with the most cheerful content. 
This practical philosopher, who had been formerly consul, 
and was now the ambassador of Rome, had no other plate 
furniture in his house, except a small cup, the bottom even 
of which was of horn. When the Samnites had formerly 
offered him large presents, he refused them, saying, that 
he was already rich, as he had learned the art of lessening 
his wants by retrenching his appetites. Pyrrhus received 
this celebrated old man with great kindness, and, willing to 
try how far fame had been just in his favor, offered him 
rich presents, which, however, the Roman refused. The 
day after, he was desirous of examining the equality of his 
temper, and ordered one of his elephants to be placed be- 
hind the tapestry, which, upon a signal given, raised its 
trunk above the ambassador’s head, at the same time, using 
other arts, to intimidate him. Fabricius, however, with 
a countenance no way changing, smiled upon the king, 
observing, that he looked with an equal eye on the terrors 

14 


158 : ROME. 


of this day, as he had upon the allutements of the preceding. 
Pyrrhus, pleased to find so much virtue in one he had con- 
sidered as a barbarian, was willing to grant him the only 
favor, which he knew would make him happy,—that of re- 
leasing the Roman prisoners. 

Fabricius was again made consul, and marched against 
Pyrrhus; While the two armies were approaching, a let- 
ter was brought to Fabricius from the king’s physician, im- 
porting that for a proper reward, he would take him off by 
poison. Instead of employing the physician to perpetrate 
the murder, he exposed.the intended murderer to his master; 
intimating to Pyrrhus, at the same time, that he had been 
extremely unfortunate in the choice of his friends and of his 
enemies. ‘ Admirable Fabricius !”? cried Pyrrhus, “it would 
be as easy to turn the sun from its course, as thee from the 
paths of honor.’’] 

Pyrrhus once more tried the virtue of negotiation. He 
sent Cineas, a man of great eloquence, who had been the 
scholar of Demosthenes, ambassador to Rome. But this 
attempt, like the former, was without success. The Romans 
were deaf to all proposals of accommodation, short of Pyr- 
rhus’s retiring out of Italy. Neither eloquence, nor bribery ; 
neither threats, nor persuasions, could produce any effect on 
that haughty, determined people. The war was, therefore, 
renewed with great vigor on both sides; and various bat- 
tles were fought, with more success to the Romans; till, 
at length, Pyrrhus was totally defeated, and his army cut _ 
in pieces. Giving up all hopes, therefore, of effecting any 
thing against so brave and powerful an enemy, he was forc- 
ed to embark in haste, and leave his allies to the inevitable 
fate of subjugation by the victorious Romans. Pyrrhus, 
however, left a garrison in the city of Tarentum, and advis- 
ed the Tarentines to support their cause with what vigor 
they could, till he could have time to levy more forces in 
Greece, and return. But he probably had little expectation 
of ever returning to those shores, where he had experienced 
so severe a reverse of fortune. It is certain, he never did 
return; nor did he ever seem to recover the current of his 
former good fortune. 

The Tarentines, who had been the: principal leaders in 
the war of the Samnites, were now left to struggle with 
the Romans; nor would the struggle have been long, had 
they not made application for aid to another foreign power. 
While the garrison left by Pyrrhus tyrannised in the city, 


ROME. 159 


and the Romans were masters of the country round them, 
they applied to the Carthaginians for succor, as their last and 
only resort. 

We have already made mention of the Carthaginians. - As 
early as the invasion of Greece by Xerxes, they were pow- 
erful both by sea and land; and furnished, according to some 
writers, an army of 300,000 men, who operated in conjunc- 
tion with the Persians. They were willing, it appears, to 
interfere with the Romans, of whose growing power they 
had long been jealous. They soon drew a powerful fleet 
into the harbor of Tarentum, with a view to check the pro- 
gress of the Roman arms. It had not, however, the desired 
effect. The Romans found means to corrupt and bring over 
the garrison to their interest ; in consequence of which, the 
city was taken, its walls and fortifications demolished, and 
the inhabitants were granted their liberty and protection from 
the Romans. 

The military spirit, as we have seen in the former part 
of this Compend, passed from the Assyrians to the Persians, 
from them to the Greeks, and from the Greeks to the Car- 
thaginians. Though the origins of Rome and Carthage, 
according to many writers, were not very far distant, in 
point of time, yet the latter rose first to consequence; and 
while Rome was only a single city, and the Romans an 
obscure horde, the Carthaginians, by their fleets, kept the 
shores of the Mediterranean in awe, possessed the islands of 
that sea; had, in fact, passed the strait of Gibraltar; coasted 
down the African peninsula, and up the shores of Europe, 
through the British channel ; and, it is thought, had reached 
the coasts of Norway, if not even the shores of the Baltic 
sea. They form one of the numerous proofs, and one not 
the least splendid, of the power and consequence, which 
commerce will give a nation. 

We shall here digress a moment, by giving a brief sketch 
of the rise and greatness of Carthage; a power, which held 
a long and doubtful contest with Rome for empire; nor 
would she have failed in that contest, if, while her fleets and 
armies, were victorious abroad, she had not been weakened 
by disunion, and rent by factions at home. 

Carthage was founded by a colony from ancient Phenicia, 
a country lying at the east end of the Mediterranean, whose 
chief cities were Tyre and Sidon. If we might rely on 
Virgil’s authority, this famous city was founded by Dido, 
the sister-in-law of Pygmalion, king of Tyre, ahout the 


160 ROME. 


time of the destruction of Troy. According to the story of 
the Latin poet, Acneas, the ‘Trojan prince, who had escaped 
the ruins of his country, was driven by a storm on the coast 
of Africa, and there had an interview with Dido, the founder 
and queen of Carthage. 

That virtuous and lovely queen, whose constancy to the 
memory of her husband, Sichzeus, even surpassed the fame 
of Penelope, received the fugitive ‘Trojans, rescued them 
from the utmost distress, and protected them from the bar- 
barous customs of the hostile people, on whose shores they 
were cast. To reward her for this, a plot was laid in hee- 
ven, among the principal deities, for her destruction. Cupid, 
the god of love, was sent down to assume the form of Asca- 
nius, the son of A‘neas, to inflame the passions of Dido, 
while Venus lent all her aid to the hero himself. As soon 
as the powers of heaven, combined, had enabled him to tri- 
umph in the most complete seduction of his benefactress, 
Mercury comes flying down in all haste to apprize him, that 
it is now time to be gone. And, like all cther villains, 
whose triumph over innocence is followed with indifference 
and disgust, he hastens away. The queen, unable to bear 
his enormous ingratitude and peerless atrocity, kills herself 
in despair. 

Did it accord with the temper and genius of Virgil to 
make his favorite hero the instrument of such distress and 
distraction to innocence and virtue? Did he think it would 
do honor to the gods of his country to father upon them as 
dark a plot as ever was fabricated in hell? Did he think it 
would be an additional gem in the diadem of A®neas, to make 
-him trample on the virtue of the Tyrian queen? Or, in a 
word, did he imagine, that, by the introduction of his wont- 
ed machinery, a veil of sanctity would be thrown over the 
whole, and cover all its deformities ? 

But, though it would seem extraordinary, that Virgil 
should, through ignorance or choice, fall into such a glaring 
anachronism, yet it is certain, that the best authorities 
place the founding of Carthage at a great distance from the 
destruction of Troy. According to the opinion of the 
learned Bochart, the city of Carthage was built about the 
time of Joshua’s conquest of Canaan. The territories of 
Tyre and Sidon were allotted to the tribe of Asher; and 
many of the Pheenicians, at that time, to avoid a war of 
extermination, went on board their vessels, and sought for 
new establishments. A company of them landed, and made 


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Fabricius and the Elephants. 


Lage 779 


SOV 


Cornelius Tewets. 


ROME, 161 


a settlement on the African shore, a few miles from where the 
city of Tunis now stands. ‘There they laid the foundation 
of Carthage. But this was two centuries and a half before 
the siege of Troy. Bochart, in this opinion, has followed the 
best ancient authorities; and he has been followed by the 
ablest chronologers since his time, who, moreover, fix the em- 
igration of Dido to the African shore neatly two centuries 
and a half after the Trojan war. | » ot 

The Carthaginians, descended from a people, whom long 
voyages and extensive commerce had rendered enterprising 
and bold, followed the footsteps of their mother country ; 
and soon went far beyond her. Their commerce, which 
embraced almost, every species of traffic, extended to all parts 
of the known world. Their ships were in the Mediterrane- 
an and Red seas, and in many parts ofthe Indian and At- 
lanti@OCeANs ie | 

But we cannot notice here their wars and revolutions, 
They seem, however, not to have interfered much with the 
great monarchies of Asia; and it is certain, that their power 
by sea was, in general, their security against invasion. The 
first notice we have taken of them, was in the invasion of 
Greece by Xerxes. Him they furnished with an army to 
invade Sicily; which invasion, by means of weakness in 
the directing head, proved unfortunate in all its parts. But 
Sicily, however, and most other islands in the Mediterranean, 
soon after that invasion, fell under the power of Car- 
thage. | 

Under the name of a republic, the Carthaginians were 
generally governed by a set of powerful men, who never 
wanted means to procure their own appointment to the most 
important offices. Nor can it be said, that Carthage ever 
enjoyed the free and independent spirit of Rome. 

The government and policy of the Carthaginians, as 
indeed of all the ancient nations, was interwoven with their 
religion. For the sake of illustrating this by example, I 
have inserted a passage from Rollin’s Ancient History, 
which he has taken from Polybius. The passage is found 
in the words of a treaty between the Carthaginians and the 
king of Macedon, and will show us the solemn manner in 
which their treaties were formed. ‘This treaty was con-. 
cluded in the presence of Jupiter, Juno and Apollo; in the 
Steeae of Daimons, of the Carthaginians, of Hereuies and’ 

olaus; in the presence of Mars, Triton and Neptune; in 
the presence of all the confederate gods of the Cartha- 
14* ‘ 


162 ROME. 


giniaas, and of thesun, moon and earth; in the presence of 
the rivers, meads and waters; in the presence of all those 
gods, who possess Carthage.” 

The government of Carthage, much like that of the 
Roman republic, consisted of three orders.. The Suffetes, 
of which there were two, answered in most particulars to 
the consuls of Rome. They were appointed annually, and 
are called sometimes kings, dictators or consuls. Their 
power was great. The senate consisted of men most 
remarkable for wisdom and prudence, and formed their 
council of state. Their number is not known. The whole 
body of the people composed the lower order. But the 
people generally submitted all matters of government to 
the senate. Towards the time of the conquest of Carthage, 
by the Romans, however, the people grew turbulent, factious 
and rebellious; and being led by aspiring demagogues, they 
interfered, and finally subverted the state. In general, their 
government was sufficiently virtuous to give security to 
private property, and consequently to promote industry and 
enterprise; but it was frequently cruel, tyrannical, tumul- 
tuary and impolitic. When Hannibal was upon the point 
of conquering Rome, a faction in the senate of Carthage 
ruined him. But there must be a cause for the dissolution 
of all governments, states and empires. Even Rome, after 
having flourished her day, fell into disorder, confusion, weak- 
ness and ruin. 

The Romans were now masters of Italy; an extensive, 
fertile, and, in many parts, a populous country. We have 
now no means of coming at the probable number of inhabi- 
tants;» but Italy now sustains twenty millions of people, 
notwithstanding the great degeneracy of morals and want of 
industry, which prevail in that country. From various 
circumstances, which attract our notice in the Punic war, we 
may safely conclude, that Italy then contained several mil- 
lions of people. 

The resources of the two powers we are now consider- 
ing, were very different, but very great. Carthage, by” 
extensive and prosperous commerce, had amassed the 
wealth of the world. She abounded in gold and silver, and 
in every species. of valuable, elegant and luxurious mer- 
chandise. She had also an immense population. The 
northern shores of Africa were then the granary of the 
_ world; they were full of people; they were the fruitful 
nursery of armies; and the number of their vessels was 


ROME. — 163° 


prodigious. But the Africans, at this time, were neither 
inebriated by luxury, nor enervated by their warm climate. 
They had powerful armies; and it was their good fortune to 
have a number of great generals, who were perhaps never 
surpassed in some essential points of the military character. 
They were crafty, intrepid, brave; and especially they 
were impetuous and almost irresistible in their modes of 
attack. 

The Romans were as yet poor; they were actuated by 
patriotism and love of glory. Their courage was cool, but 
firm and unshaken; and was always most thoroughly roused 
by the greatest danger. They were inured to hardships, and 
were, in one word, a nation of soldiers. For, as Cineas told 
Pyrrhus, that every one of their senators was fit for a king, 
so he might also have said, that every one of their soldiers 
was fit for a general. 

Such being the contending parties, it will not be thought 
extravagant, when we observe, that the contest between 
Rome and Carthage was conducted with the firmest spirit, 
and the greatest resolution; that it was the most equally 
matched, and vigorously fought: in short, that it was the 
most severe, whether we regard the extremity, extent, or 
duration of its operations ; and the most illustrious, whether 
we regard the characters concerned, or the consequences 
which followed, of any found in the annals of history. In 
this contest, the two greatest powers in the world were en- 
gaged; and it was certain, that whoever was victorious must 
remain without a rival. 

The expulsion of Pyrrhus from Italy, and reduction of 
the Samnites and Tarentum, completed the subjugation of 
Italy, and left the Romans masters of the garden of Europe. 
They must now find new fields of glory. The prospect 
northward was uninviting. There lay the Alps and the 
fierce nations of Gaul. Eastward lay Greece, separated 
from them by the Adriatic sea, which was possessed by the 
fleets of Carthage. Sicily, divided from them only by a nar- 
row strait, allured them by its immense riches, and was easy 
of access; but there the grasping power of Carthage had 
already unfurled its victorious standard. 

Hiero, king of Syracuse, was engaged in war with the 
Mamertines, a small Sicilian state; and being hardly 
pressed, he called in the Carthaginians to his aid, who 
presently furnished him with prompt assistance by sea and 
land. The Mamertines, seeing themselves thus overmatched, 


164 ROME. 


immediately sent to the Roman senate, and put themselves 
under the protection of the Romans. ‘The senate, still 
mindful of the interference of the Carthaginians in the 
siege of Tarentum, determined now on a trial of strength, 
and without further delay, declared war against Carthage. 
Thus commenced what is commonly called the first Punic 
war.* 

It was soon perceived by the Romans, that any advantage 
they might gain in Sicily over their adversaries, could 
neither be very important, nor permanent, so long as their 
adversaries were masters of the seas. As chimerical as it 
might seem, they determined to remove this impediment. 
Their own immense peninsula furnished them with num- 
berless harbors; their forests afforded them timber; their 
genius promised them skill; and their hardy sons might 
easily become excellent seamen. About the same time a 
Carthaginian vessel falling into their hands, they took it as 
their model, and went without delay to building a fleet. In 
a short time a fleet was built, and equipped for sea. Of 
this naval armament, Duillius took the command ; and im- 

mediately putting to sea, he encountered and defeat- 
B.C. ed one of the principal fleets of Carthage, sinking or 
destroying fifty of their ships. A victory so brilliant 
and so unexpected, and achieved by the infant navy of Rome, 
gave mankind new ideas of the capacity and genius of the 
Roman people. But we cannot descend to a minute detail 
of particular events. The Romans, having gained several 
advantages both by sea and land, determined without delay 
to carry the war into Africa, in hopes of terminating it by 
one decisive effort. 

They soon fitted out a fleet more powerful than the for- 
mer, and prepared to make a descent upon the coast of 
Africa. This army was commanded by Regulus, at that 
time considered the greatest general in Rome; a man 
eminent for integrity, bravery and .all the virtues of the 
patriot and hero. Regulus was no sooner at sea, than he 
was met by the fleets of Carthage. A battle ensued, in 
which the Romans came off with complete victory and 
triumph. They landed, and, encountering an army com- 
posed of the flower of Carthage, once more obtained a 
signal victory. In consequence of this, many towns and 


*The wars between the Carthaginians and Romans, are called Punic 
wars, because the ancient Carthaginians were Phenicians —Ed. 


ROME. 165 


cities submitted to the Roman army. Such a series of 
severe defeats and heavy losses filled Carthage with grief, 
terror and astonishment; and it was apprehended, that the 
Romans would immediately complete the conquest of 
Africa. 

But it should be remembered, that the histories of these 
transactions were generally written by Roman pens. Allow- 
ance must, therefore, be made for such glosses and colorings, 
as might be expected from a people, unwilling to acknowl- 
edge the military merit of other nations. The Carthaginians, 
in this extremity, sent to Lacedemon, and requested Xan- 
tippus, a celebrated Grecian general, to command their armies. 
Their request was granted; and the almost desperate affairs 
of Carthage assumed a new form. 

This brave and gallant commander soon appeared at the 
head of an army; gave battle to the Romans; defeated 
them with dreadful slaughter; and Regulus, the Roman 
general, was taken prisoner. It is remarked by some, that 
events either fortunate or disastrous, seldom come alone. 
This remark holds good in the present case; and fortune 
seemed now willing, for a while, to shift sides. The Roman 
senate, almost at once, received intelligence of the loss of 
Regulus and his army, of the total loss of their fleet in a storm 
at sea, and of the capture of Agrigentum, their chief town in 
Sicily, by Kasthalo, the Carthaginian general. Having put 
another fleet to sea, it was also driven ashore and wrecked 
in a storm. 

It may be presumed, that the fleets of those times were 
but poorly built and equipped, to resist the dangers of the 
sea; and if to this idea we add that of their ignorance of 
the art of navigation, it is matter of wonder, how they 
accomplished what they certainly did, on the sea. To perform 
long voyages without a compass, must be attended with 
continual perplexity and danger. The Romans discovered 
this to their cost; and Eutropius remarks, that they were 
so disgusted and chagrined with these disasters at sea, that 
they in a measure abandoned forever all naval enterprise. 
But their prosperity on the land was ultimately more than a 
counterbalance. They always, however, had ships enough 
to transport their armies wherever they wished to send them ; 
and they did in fact, after this, gain several victories over the 
Carthaginians at sea. 

Regulus, in the mean time, was thrown into a dungeon, 
where he lay some years, while the war progressed with 


166 ROME. 


vigor, but with no material advantage on either side. At 
length, however, as the bravery of the Romans was fatigued, 
and the treasures of Carthage no Jess exhausted, the Car- 
thaginians thought it a favorable time to propose conditions 
of peace. Together with their own ambassadors, they also 
sent Regulus home upon parole of honor, exacting from 
him a promise, that he would return, provided the Romans 
did not accept of their conditions. The conduct of Regulus, 
on this occasion, has been justly celebrated through all suc- 
ceeding ages. . Although he knew, that the severest torments 
awaited his return to Carthage, yet, as the guardian of the 
honor of his country, he suffered no private consideration to 
influence his conduct. He strenuously opposed a peace, but 
upon terms as humbling to Carthage, as they were advanta- 
geous and honorable to Rome. 

The great and noble spirit he manifested revived the 
courage of his countrymen, and determined them to prose- 
cute the war. But, as for himself, he returned to Carthage, 
and was put to death with the most dreadful and lingering 
torments. This he foresaw; and laid down his life volunta- 
rily for the good of his country. Patriots, like Regulus, are - 
as scarce, as those are plenty, who, in the midst of the most 
pompous professions, would sell or sacrifice their country, to 
advance their own private interest. 

After the death of Regulus, the affairs of Carthage expe- 
rienced an evident and rapid decline; and the Roman arms 
prevailed in all directions, till the Carthaginians found it 
necessary to make peace on the most dishonorable terms. 
These were, that they should evacuate Sicily and the neigh- 
boring islands; give up all their prisoners and deserters 
without ransom; keep all their ships of war at a distance 
from the Roman dominions; never make war with the Ro- 
man allies; pay down a thousand talents of silver, and two 
thousand ar@ two hundred more, in ten years. To these 
conditions Carthage acceded; and thus ended the first Punie 
war, B. C. 240. 

The Romans themselves were willing at this time to take 
breath; for though, in this war, they had generally the 
advantage, yet it was an advantage dearly bought; and they 
often perceived the balance to fluctuate; sometimes to turn 
against them. Indeed, their scene of operations was wide ; 
their exertions extreme and long continued, in combating a 
great and powerful people, who, though less warlike, certainly 
possessed superior resources. ° 


ROME. 167 


At this period, while Rome enjoyed profound peace, and 
the temple of Janus was shut, several events took place 
strongly connected with the chain of causes, which wag to 
elevate her to the summit of empire and glory. A passion 
for elegant literature, for the first time, began now to appear; 
particularly, the Grecian drama began to take piace of the 
low, wretched and smutty satire, as it was called, which 
hitherto had only been known at Rome; and, from this pe- 
riod, the strong genius of Rome labored perpetually upon 
Grecian models. They never could equal their masters in 
dramatic composition; but, in many other species of writing, 
they not only equalled, but excelled; and even merited the 
honor of inventing several of their own. 

Between the first and second Punic wars, the temple of 
Janus did not continue long shut. The fierce and barbarous 
nations of Gaul, judging it now a convenient time, when the 
Roman armies were disbanded, and the spirit of war seemed 
quiet, once more to make an attempt upon Italy, they cross- 
ed the Alps, and poured down in an immense swarm into 
the fruitful country of Etruria. But they learned their error 
when too late. They were surrounded and cut in pieces 
almost toa man. Viridomarus, their king, was slain by the - 
hand of the celebrated Marcellus, who was called the sword 
of Rome. They, as might be expected, begged and obtain- 
ed a peace. 

The Carthaginians, who had been compelled by necessity 
to accept the most inglorious terms of peace, were now 
measurably recovered from the calamities of an unfortunate 
war, and determined once more on a trial of strength with 
the great and formidable power of Rome. They were, in- 
deed, roused to this measure by one of the most extraordi- 
nary men, who has ever appeared in the world. Hannibal, 
on whom the command of the second Punic war devolved, 
had been from his childhood a sworn enemy to the Romans. 
It is said, that when he was but nine years old, his father, 
Hamilear, who was himself a great and skilful general, 
caused him to take a solemn oath, never to be in friendship 
with the Romans. ‘ 

The Carthaginians began the war by besieging Saguntum, 
a city in Spain, in alliance with the Romans. An embassy 
was immediately despatched to Carthage, complaining of this 
infraction of an existing treaty. This remonstrance failing 
of success, both sides once more prepared for war, in a man- 
ner suited to the greatness of the contending parties. 


168 ROME. 


Hannibal, who was then in Spain, sent a part of his 
forces into Africa, left another part under the command of 
Asdrubal, his brother, to carry on the war in Spain, and at 
the head of about 50,000 select troops, and a formidable 
body of cavalry, directed his march toward Italy. Out of 
Spain, he passed over the Pyrenean mountains into Gaul, 
where he. encountered and dispersed the barbarous and 
hostile tribes, who opposed him. He crossed the Alps with 
his army, an enterprise, censidering that it was performed 
in the dead of winter, truly stupendous and astonishing. 
Since the heroic achievements of Hercules,* no army had 
ever crossed those lofty ridges, where vast declivities, fright- 
ful steeps and dreary wastes, received in succession the ad- 
venturous traveller; where nature’s roughest aspect derived 
additional horrors from the ravages of winter; and the fre- 
quent and desperate attacks of fierce savages, issuing from 
the caverns and grottos of these inhospitable rocks, increased 
the dangers of every step. 

This arduous enterprise was accomplished in about two 
weeks, but with the loss of nearly half the army. But noth- 
ing could repress the ardor of Hannibal. He was now on 
the plains of Italy; he must conquer or die. © 

The Romans, who carefully watched Hannibal’s motions, 
received intelligence by the swiftest couriers, that he was 
crossing the Alps at the head of a powerful army. So bold 
an enterprise, likely to be attended with important conse- 
quences, excited considerable sensations at Rome. But what 
could the Romans fear? The bravest nation in the world, 
skilled in the art of war by the experience of ages, they had 
triumphed over every enemy. Even Pyrrhus, the greatest 
general of his time, could not stand before them. And in 
a former war, they had, at the gates of Carthage, prescribed 
to her conditions of peace. But now they were far more 
powerful, by increase of numbers, wealth and experience. 

But we cannot particularize the events of this war. Han- 
nibal first defeated Scipio, who met him near the river Po, 
with a numerous army, soon after he entered Italy. A few 
days after this, he encountered another army, commanded 
by Sempronius, on the banks of thé Trebia. This army 
he routed with great slaughter. The third army, com- 
manded by Flaminius, he cut off near the lake of Thrasy- 


* It is by no means to be supposed that Hercules ever crossed the 
Alps.—£d. 


ROME. 159 


mene. The news of these successive defeats, spread con- 
sternation and dismay through Italy; and many of 
the Cisalpine Gauls immediately declared, for Hanni- ie 
bal, and flocked to his standard. And the Sicilians, - 

who found, that masters near at hand were more to be fear- 
ed, than at a distance, now generally showed a disposition 
to join the conqueror. 

In this alarming state of things, the mighty genius of 
Rome, which never failed to open to her new resources, 
suggested a means of checking the rapid progress of Han- 
nibal. Fabius Maximus was appointed dictator, a man of 
great subtilty and craft, as well as an able and experienced 
commander. To him was committed, as the last resort, 
the defence of the republic. Having undertaken that ardu- 
ous task, he adopted a mode of warfare hitherto unknown 
to the Romans, but since their time, often practised with 
success; and by no one more illustriously, than by him, who 
may be styled the shield of the American people. The Ro- 
mans could bring no force into the field, which could stand 
before Hannibal. Fabius, therefore, endeavored to keep out 
of his way, but to watch his motions; to hover about him; 
cut off his foraging parties; to.disturb and weaken him b 
indirect means; to harass at one time his van, and at another, 
his rear; and especially to let no opportunity slip of annoy- 
ing him, or, as it might happen, of gaining a signal advan- 
tage. And in pursuing this system, he in fact gained several 
considerable advantages; and at length enclosed him in a 
place, from whence he could not extricate himself without 
difficulty and danger. | 

But no enclosures were sufficient long to detain him, whom 
no force could withstand, when at liberty. By a stratagem, 
he outwitted even Fabius, and gained once more the open 
country. And now the calamities of Rome seemed drawing 
toward their crisis. (The command of Fabius expiring, 
Terentius Varro, a man of rash, impetuous courage, was 
appointed in his place, who advanced against Hannibal with 
90,000 men, the flower and strength of Italy. Superiority 
of numbers, honor, shame, courage, the ancient fortune and 
glory of Rome—in short, resentment, rage and despair, all 
seemed to unite their influence upon the minds of the 
Romans, and to lead them on to victory and vengeance. 
They fought near Canne, and were cut in pieces aimost to 
aman. Fifty, some say seventy, thousand were left dead 
on the field of battle; and it is said, that three bushels of 

15 


17d ROME. 


gold rings were sent to Carthage, which wete drawn froti 
the fingers of Roman knights. 

Hannibal has been generally, perhaps justly, censured 
for not immediately investing Rome. Indeed some histo- 
rians relate, that Maherbal, one of his principal officers, told 
him at the time, “that he knew how to conquer, but not 
how to improve his victory; and that if he would march im- 
mediately to Rome, in three days they should sup in the 
capitol.”? It appears, that Hannibal had at this time but 
about 40,000 foot forces, and not half that number of caval- 
ry. If this be true, it would seem sufficient reason for his 
delaying the siege of Rome. Although many Romans had 
been killed in the war, yet there were vast numbers remain- 
ing; and of their courage, he had no reason to doubt. Had 
Carthage at this moment invaded Italy with several other 
armies; had she furnished Hannibal with three times the 
number of men he had, which she might have done, Rome 
might have been conquered. But while Hannibal was vic- 
torious in Italy, the government of Carthage was embar- 
rassed, distracted, and rent by factions. 

Immediately after the battle of Canne, Hannibal des- 
patched his brother Mago t» Carthage, to carry an account 
of his decisive victory, and to demand more troops, in order 
to complete the reduction of Rome. But alas! what can 
equal the blindness and rage of popular fury? Hanno, a 
powerful demagogue in the senate of Carthage, ever bent 
on frustrating the measures of Hannibal, prevailed against 
the request of Mago. And although an order was given for 
the raising of 24,000 foot, and 4,000 horse, yet when those 
forces were levied in Spain, they were sent another way, 
aud never acted in that direction, where their aid would 
probably have enabled Hannibal to finish the war. Nor is 
this the only instance, where ambitious men have sacrificed 
their country, and even themselves, to their own party 
views. 

Instead of wondering, that Hannibal did not immediately 
conquer Rome, nothing, indeed, can be more astonishing, 
than that he was able, with an army reduced to about 24,000, 
to maintain his ground for many years. 

Hannibal, however, carried on the war, and kept posses- 
sion of the finest parts of Italy, for upwards of fifteen years. 
But the country was large, and the Romans, taught by 
adversity, and being fully recovered from their first con 
sternation, found means to evade his impetuous valor, and 


ROME, 17L 


make effectual opposition, without hazarding general battles. 
Rome owed its ultimate deliverance to several great men, 
Fabius, Marcellus and Scipio, afterwards surnamed Africanus, 
led the Roman armies, and: managed their affairs with equal 
courage and prudence. Though they could not drive Han- 
nibal out of Italy, they led armies into Spain and Sicily, and 
finally into Africa, where the war became so threatening, 
that the Carthaginians were obliged to recall Hannibal, to 
defend their own dominions. Hannibal returned, but too 
late. The Carthaginians were too far gone, to be rescued 
by mortal prowess. 

Historians have generally allowed, that Alexander was the 
first of warriors. But if they allow the Romans to have 
been the most warlike of the ancient nations, it will be ditf- 
ficult to say, why Alexander should take precedency of Han- 
nibal. What comparison could the Persians bear with the 
Romans? Hannibal, it is true, did not conquer Italy. But 
what did he do? He defeated, and nearly destroyed, four 
principal armies in succession. His own army was not large, 
nor was it recruited. The Gauls and other cae in Italy, 
who espoused his cause, were not to be depended on; and 
of his own regular force, there must have been a constant 
diminution. Many of the bravest Roman generals he slew; 
their most wise and crafty he outwitted, and their greatest 
and most consummate, he out-generalled. In the field, he 
was more than a match for Marcellus, and in policy, for Fa- 
bius. Even Scipio Africanus did not conquer him, till he 
was overpowered and crushed by fortune. 

No one can deny, that in the times of the Punic wars, 
the Romans were far better scidiers than the Carthaginians ; 
but that they ever had an abler general, there is reason to 
doubt. 

On Hannibal’s leaving Italy; he found the affairs of his 
country in a situation nearly desperate. He had with him 
the remnant of those soldiers, with whom he had fought 
fifteen years,in Italy; but they were covered with scars; 
worn out with toils; and their spirits broken with labor, mis- 
fortune and disappointment. Nevertheless, he encountered 
Scipio the Younger, whose army was far superior to his 
own, and did every thing which prudence and valor eou!d 
do. | 

[It was on the plains of Zama in Africa, that this mem- 
orable battle was fought. When the armies arrived, 
neither party was in @ condition to protract the war, 


172 ROME. 


Hannibal was sensible, that the fate of his country was sus- 
pended upon the issue of a single battle. He was, there- 
fore, desirous, if possible, to terminate the war by a treaty. 
For this purpose, having desired a personal interview with 
Scipio, the two generals met between their armies. The 
conference was commenced by Hannibal. He expressed 
his regret, that the Carthaginians had attempted any econ- 
quests beyond Africa, or the Romans, beyond Italy. ‘ We 
began,” said he, “with a contest for Sicily; we proceeded 
to dispute the possession of Spain, and we have, each im 
our turns, seen our native land overrun with strangers, and 
our country in danger of becoming a prey to its enemies. 
It is time, that we should distrust the caprice of fortune, 
and drop an animosity, which has brought us both to the 
verge of destruction. This language, indeed, may have lit- 
tle weight with you, who have, hitherto, been successftl in 
all your attempts, and who have not yet experienced any re- 
verse of fortune. But I pray you to profit by the experience 
of others. You now behold in me a person, who was, once, 
almost master of your country, and who am now brought, 
at last, to the defence of my own. I encamped within a - 
few miles of Rome, and offered the possessions round the 
forum for sale. Urge not the chance of war too far. I now 
offer to surrender, on the part of Carthage, all her preten- 
sions to Spain, Sardinia, Sicily and every other island, that 
lies between this continent and yours. J wish only for peace 
to my country, that she may enjoy, undisturbed, her ancient 
possessions on this coast; and | think, that the terms I offer, 
are sufficiently advantageous and honorable to obtain your 
consent.” 

To this address, Scipio replied, That the Romans had 
not been the aggressors in the present or preceding wars 
with Carthage; that they strove to maintain their own rights, 
and to protect their allies; and that, suitably to these . 
righteous intentions, they had been favored by the justice 
of the gods; that no one knew better than, himself, the 
instability of human affairs, nor should be more on his. 
guard against the chances of war. ‘The terms,” he said, 
“which you now propose, might have been accepted, had 
you offered them while yet in Italy, and had proposed, as 
a prelude to the treaty, to remove from thence; but now, 
that you are forced, not only to evacuate the Roman terri- 
tory, but are stripped of part of your own, and are already 
driven from every post you propose to surrender, the con- 


ROME. | 173 


cessions are no longer sufficient. They are no more than 
a part of the conditions already agreed to by your country- 
men, and which they, on your appearance in Africa, so 
basely retracted. Besides what you now offer, it was prom- 
ised, on their part, that Roman captives should be restored 
without ransom; that all armed ships should be delivered 
up; that a sum of five thousand talents should be paid, and 
hostages given by Carthage for the performance of all these 
articles. 

“On the credit of this agreement, we granted a cessation 
of arms; but were shamefully betrayed by the councils of 
Carthage. Now, to abate any part of the articles, which 
were then stipulated, would be to reward a breach of faith, 
and to instruct nations, hereafter, how to profit by perfidy. 
You may, therefore, be assured, that I will not so much as 
transmit to Rome any proposal, that does not contain, as 
preliminaries, every article formerly stipulated, together with 
such additional concessions, as may induce the Romans to 
renew the treaty. On any other terms than these, Carthage 
must conquer, or submit at discretion.””. Hannibal was van- 
quished, and compelled to seek safety by flight. Thus 
ended the second Punic war, B. C. 202. | 

The Carthaginians were now willing to make peace upon 
any terms; and the Romans dictated such terms, as they saw 
fit. But that unhappy people did not long enjoy the benefit 
even of a treaty, which, while it left them the name, deprived 
them, in reality, of independence. The Romans renewed 
their exactions with the haughtiest tone of despotic inso- 
lence. Submission was now in vain. The miserable 
inhabitants of Carthage were ordered to leave their city, 
which was, by a decree of the senate of Rome, condemned 
to be utterly demolished. Carthage, roused by despair, al- 
though, by the most base and shameful treachery, completely 
disarmed, now made her expiring effort. The people shut 
their gates, fortified their walls and towers, and, with incred- 
ible industry, fabricated such arms, as the time allowed, 
They made a noble resistance. But the repeated and furi- 
ous assaults of a great and powerful army, could not long be 
resisted. The city was taken by storm, and, together with 
its inhabitants, perished by fire and sword. 

Thus ended Carthage, one of the most renowned cities 
of antiquity, 146 years before Christ, 607 from the building 
of Rome, and above a thousand years from its founda- 
tion. 

15* 


174 ROME. 


But Hannibal, destined never to grace a Roman triamph, 
fong survived the ruin of Carthage. Still retaining his en- 
mity to the Romans, he maintained in every place the une- 
qual struggle, endeavoring, by any means, to annoy them 
or to enkindle war against them. 


——- 
CHAPTER XIII. 


BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, FROM THE 
FALL OF CARTHAGE TO THE REIGN OF COMMODUS, CONTAIN~ 
ING A PERIOD OF THREE HUNDRED AND TWELVE YEARS. 


In the infancy of Rome, she had many wars, but few 
conquests. In her maturity, she had few wars, and many 
conquests. When the power of Carthage failed, Rome no 
longer had a rival. Her wars, or rather invasions, after 
that event, were generally of her own seeking; and they 
were many. Rome was no sooner able to say, “Carthage 
must be destroyed,” than, in her heart, she also said, The 
empire of Alexander shall be mine. First, Macedon felt her 
grasp; and Perseus was hurled from the throne of Philip 
and Alexander; at which time she graciously gave the Greeks 
their liberty, i. e. gave them law. | 

Attalus, king of Pergamus, dying about this time, left his 
kingdom to the Romans, by will; or, in other words, seeing 
the world sink beneath their power, he preferred giving 
them a bloodless victory, and cloaked an ignoble derelic- 
tion of right, under the specious name of a voluntary 
donation. Antiochus the Great, king of Syria, was destined 
next to fall before them. He was, at this period, the most 
powerful and opulent prince of all Alexander’s successors ; 
and had he accepted the advice and aid of Hannibal, there 
would have been, at least, a chance for his escaping tne 
all-erasping power of Rome. But he, fearing lest, if any 
thing should be done, Hannibal would have all the credit, 
was careful to go directly contrary to the advice of that 
general. The Romans defeated him almost without loss of 
blood; stripped him of a great part of his dominions; tri- 
umphed over him; extorted from him an immense tribute ; 
and left him only enough to grace the triumph of another 
campaign. 


ROME. 175 


Two other great cities shared the fate of Carthage, and 
nearly at the same time. Corinth,* one of the noblest cities 
of Greece, was utterly destroyed by Mummius, the consul, 
for offering some indignity to the Roman ambassadors; and 
also Numantia, the capital of Spain. This city, after sus- 
taining a siege of fourteen years, was reduced by Scipio. The 
inhabitants, being unable to hold out any longer, fired the 
city over their own heads, and all perished in the flames ; 
and Spain became a Roman province. 

The corruption of the senate, and the sedition and fall of 
the Gracchi, together with various disturbances, next arise 
to view, in tracing the history of Rome. Then follow the 
reduction of Numidia, and the civil wars in the republic, 
excited by the ambition of Marius and Sylla, which terminated 
in the perpetual dictatorship of the latter. 

[The Gracchi.—Cornelia was a learned Roman lady, 
mother of the Gracchi. A lady who once visited her, hav- 
ing displayed her own jewels, requested to see Cornelia’s. 
The request was evaded, till the return of her children, 
when she exclaimed producing them, “These are my 
jewels.””. These jewels were no other than Tiberius and 
Caius Gracchus, who afterward acted a distinguished part 
in the republic. Tiberius, the elder, first espoused the cause 
of the people, and exerted himself to procure the passage 
of the Agrarian law, for dividing the lands equally; or, more 
probably, the Licinian law, that none should possess more 
than 500 acres. This law was opposed ‘with the utmost 
ardor, by the wealthy nobility, while by the poorer classes, 
it was strenuously promoted. Tumults were frequently exci- 
ted, in one of which Tiberius lost his life, with about 300 of 
his adherents. Cains, though a young man, soon imitated 
the conduct of his brother, and as he possessed in even a 
greater degree, the powers of eloquence and address, he too 
was rewarded with the confidence of the multitude. He was 
twice elected tribune. But his zeal in serving the people 
and abridging the power of the senate, drew upon him the 
hatred of the latter; and they took the first opportunity to 
effect his destruction. They set up Drusus, his colleague, as 
his rival; and thus dividing the affection of the people, 
Gracchus was soon after slain in a popular tumult, and his 
head brought to the senate. | 


* Cicero calls Corinth “Lumen totius Grecie,” the light of all 
Greece.—£d. 


176 ROME, 


Rome was perhaps never more powerful, or happy, than 
in the days ot Scipio Africanus, or about the times of the 
‘Punic wars. She then experienced great misfortunes and 
calamities; but those untoward events, instead of weak- 
ening or exhausting her, called forth, nay, even created, 
new energies. From the invasion of Hannibal she rose 
invincible; and while that consummate warrior held his 
ground in Italy, she sent armies into Spain, Africa, Greece 
and Macedon. <A great part of those immense regions, 
which Alexander subdued, soon shared the fate of the 
empire of Carthage; and in those days, with the Romans, to 
proclaim war was to ensure a triumph; and to invade, was to 
conquer. 

When we look for a period in the Roman history, in 
which there is the greatest union of power, wisdom, virtue 
and happiness, it will: doubtless be found not far from the 
times, of which we are now speaking. ‘The Romans, in 
earlier times of the republic, were more virtuous and patriotie 
than now; but then they were weak. In the Augustan age, 
they were certainly more enlightened, scientific and polished ; 
but then they were less brave; or if not less brave, their vir- 
tue was forever gone, and with it, the foundation of their 
prosperity and happiness. 

The conquest of Africa, Asia and Greece, at once poured 
into the coffers of Rome, incalculable riches. On this almost 
boundless tide of prosperity, a set of men were soon seen 
floating, of a very different character from Cincinnatus, Fab- 
ricius and Regulus. To the most desperate bravery, they 
united unbounded ambition; and to the strongest expression 
of regard to their country, they united a total want of princi- 
ple. ‘The wealth of the world, like a mighty river, poured ° 
into Rome; and many individuals acquired fortunes, which 
transcended royal magnificence. 

The elevation of Rome to such an astonishing height of 
power and splendor, drew to her men of parts, of taste, of 
ambition and enterprise, and in short, men of every des- 
cription, and almost every nation. The descendants of the 
ancient Romans, soon became few in comparison with the 
immense multitudes, who, by some means or other, acquired 
citizenship, or obtained a residence in Italy; and Rome 
herself experienced as great a change, as the nations she 
conquered. While she drew arts, elegance and science 
from Greece, she drew wealth, luxury, effeminacy and cor- 
ruption from Asia and Africa; and she drew. a swarm of 


> 


ROME. Vi7 


hungry fortune-hunters from every corner of the earth, who 
penetrated her inmost recesses; outnumbered and over- 
whelmed her ancient people; in short, conquered their con- 
querors, corrupted their morals, and put a final period to their 
liberties. 

The civil wars of Rome, which soon followed the period 
of which we have been speaking, unfold to the reader, a 
spectacle equally dreadful and disgusting. Many persons, 
who had witnessed the destruction of Carthage, were still 
alive, and saw all Italy deluged in blood, by Marius and 
Sylla. From the destruction of Carthage to the perpetual 
dictatorship of Sylla, was:a little rising of seventy years. 
During the latter part of this period, Lucius Sylla, envying 
the power and glory of Caius Marius, involved the republic 
in a most bloody, disgraceful and destructive war. After 
various turns, which their affairs took in the progress of 
this eventful struggle; after they had destroyed half a 
million of men, including the best part of the Roman people; 
had humbled Rome and Italy; had shed the noblest blood, 
and prostrated the dignity of the republic, Sylla, an execra- 
ble monster of cruelty, tyranny and ambition, was able to 
triumph over virtue, liberty and justice. He seated himself 
quietly in the exercise of despotic power, and became 
pe ua dictator. Rome never saw another moment of 
reedom. 

{ Marius and Sylla.—Caius Marius, who has been called 
the glory and the scourge of Rome, was born in a village, near 
Arpinum, of poor parents, who gained their living by labor. 
Bred up in a participation of their toils, his manners were 
as rude as his countenance was frightful. He was a man 
of extraordinary stature; incomparable strength and un- 
daunted bravery. Entering early, in the service of his 
country, he sought, on every occasion, dangers equal to his 
courage. The longest marches, and the most painful 
fatigues of war, were easy to one, accustomed to penury, 
and inured to labor. Having passed through the lower 
grades of office, he was made a tribune of the people, and 
soon after consul. He distinguished himself in the war 
with Jugurtha, king of Numidia; and was afterwards a 
commander in the Social mar, as it was denominated, in 
which most of the states of Italy confederated against 
Rome, in order to obtain a redress of their grievances. In 
this war, Sylla began to acquire distinction. This general, 
who proyed a greater scourge to Rome than even Marius, 


178 ROME. 


now began to take the lead in the commonwealth. He 
was of a patrician family, one of the most illustrious in Rome. 
His person was elegant, his air noble, his manners easy and 
apparently sincere. He loved pleasure much; but glory, 
more. He was liberal to all, stooping even to an acquaint- 
ance with the meanest soldier. In short, he was a Proteus, 
who could adapt himself to the inclinations, the pursuits, 
the follies, or the wisdom of those, with whom he con- 
versed; while he had no character of his own, except that 
of being a complete dissembler. His first rise was to be 
questor, or treasurer of the army, under Marius in Numidia. 
In the Social war, he acquired so great celebrity, that his 
fame began to equal that of Marius. He was chosen consul, 
and also general in the war, that was now determined against 
Mithridates, king of Pontus. This prince, who was the 
most powerful and warlike monarch of the East, was master 
of Cappadocia, Bithynia, Thrace, Macedon and all Greece. 
Such power, joined to great riches, served only the more to 
invite the ambition of Rome; and a pretext for war was ea- 
sily found. 

Marius had set his heart upon conducting this war, and 
felt indignant, that Sylla should be preferred before him. 
He, therefore, after much difficulty, procured a law, that 
the command should be transferred to himself. He, ac- 
cordingly, sent officers from Rome, to take command in 
his name. But the army was devoted to Sylla. It was 
composed of troops, with whom he had gained signal 
victories. Instead, theréfore, of obeying the orders of 
Marius, they fell upon his officers, and slew them; and 
then entreated Sylla, that he would lead them directly to 
take signal vengeance on his enemies, at Rome; which he 
immediately proceeded to do. They entered the city 
sword in hand. Marius and his party attempted to oppose 
their entrance; but after a short conflict, were obliged to 
seek safety by flight. Sylla now, finding himself master of 
the city, went on to alter such laws, as displeased him; and 
after proscribing Marius and some others, he departed 
upon his expedition against Mithridates. But while es- 
tablishing his party against Marius, he had been inattentive 
to a very formidable opponent. in the person of Cornelius 
Cinna, who was daily growing into popularity and power at 
Rome. He had been made consul; but was deprived of 
that dignity, by the senate, after Sylla’s departure. He 
then applied to the army, who, with general consent, agreed 


ROME. 179 


to nominate him consul, and follow him to Rome. While 
thus preparing to avenge the cause of Marius, tidings were 
brought that Marius himself, escaping from a thousand perils, 
was, with his son, ‘on the road to join him. 

We have already seen this formidable general had been 
driven from Rome, and declareda public enemy. At the 
age of seventy, after numberless victories, and six consul- 
ships, he had been obliged to save himself from the nume- 
rous pursuits of those who sought his life. After wander- 
ing, for some time, in this distress, he was obliged to 
conceal himself in some marshes, where he spent the night, 
up to his chin in a quagmire. At break of day he left this 
dismal place; but being known and discovered by some of 
the inhabitants, he was conducted to a neighboring town, 
with a halter round his neck; and thus without clothes and 
covered with mud, he was sent to prison. The governor 
of the place, soon after, sent a Cimbrian slave to despatch 
him. But the barbarian no sooner entered the dungeon, 
than he stopped short, intimidated by the dreadful visage 
and awful voice of this fallen general, who sternly demand- 
ed if he had the presumption to kill Caius Marius. The 
slave, unable to reply, threw down his sword, and rushing 
back from the prison, cried out, that he found it impossible 
to kill him! The governor considering the fear of the 
slave as an omen in the unhappy exile’s favor, gave hiin, 
once more, his freedom. He afterwards landed in Africa, 
near Carthage, and went in a melancholy manner, to place 
himself among the ruins of that desolated place. He soon, 
however, had orders from the pretor, who governed there, 
to retire. He prepared to obey, and said he to the messen- 
ger, “tell your master, that you have seen Marius sitting 
among the ruins of Carthage.” Not knowing where to’ go, 
Without encountering an enemy, he spent the winter at sea; 
and in this situation, being informed of the successful activity 
of Cinna, he, with his son, hastened to join him. They soon 
entered the city, when Marius, after sating his vengeance, 
by destroying all, who were inimical to his interests, made 
himself consul with Cinna; and died the month after, at the 
age of seventy. ; 

In the mean time, Sylla, after an absence of about three 
years, having procured an honorable peace, was preparing 
to return; previously informing the senate by letter, of the 
great services he had rendered the state, and adding 4 
dreadful menace, that he would soon be. at the gates 4 


180 _ -ROME. 


Rome with a powerful army, to take signal revengé- upo’ 
his own enemies, and those of the state. Cinna was, soon 
after, slain by a soldier, while quelling a mutiny; so that 
Sylla, upon his return, found no equal, but one after another, 
seduced, or destroyed, the armies sent against him. When 
resistance ceased, he entered the city, and immediately 
published, that those who expected pardon for their late 
offences, should gain it by destroying the enemies of the 
state. Great numbers thus perished, and nothing was to be 
found in every place, but menaces, distrust and treachery. 
Hight thousand who had escaped the general carnage, offer- 
ed themselves to the conqueror at Rome, who ordered them 
to be confined in a large house, and there slain; while he, 
at the same time, convoked the senate, and harangued 
them with great fluency, upon his past exploits. He now 
gave orders, that the people should create a dictator, adding 
a request, that they would choose himself. This unlimited 
office he exercised three years, without control, and then, 
to the astonishment of all mankind, resigned it of his own 
accord. He retired to his country seat, where, for a short 
time, he wallowed in the most debasing voluptuousness, and 
soon died of a loathsome disease 78 B. C. in the 60th year 
of his age. | 

The Romans, in the times of Scipio, may be compared 
with the Greeks in the time of Themistocles; and the 
triumph of Greece over Persia, with that of Rome over 
Carthage. In both cases, the conquerors were corrupted 
by wealth, and inebriated by luxury. We might go further 
and say, that the Peloponnesian war, which succeeded the 
elevation of Greece, and laid the foundation of her ruin, 
resembled the civil wars of Rome, begun by Marius and 
Sylla, carried on by Cesar and Pompey, and terminated by 
Augustus. But the firmness of the Roman character, the 
nature of their civil policy, and the immense extent of 
their conquests, enabled them still to be powerful, in spite 
of all their corruptions; and had they been otherwise, 
there seemed to be no nation near them, who could have 
derived advantage from their weakness. They seem to 
have been raised up and endowed with universal dominion, 
that they might evidence to the world, how far a nation can 
be happy, and how long she can exist, without virtue or 
freedom. 

The ambition of the demagogues, as well as of the des- 
pots and tyrants of Rome, in one essential article, led them 


ROME. 18) 


to promote the true and just policy of the empire. That 
was to attach the provinces as strongly as possible to the 
interest of Rome; to dissolve them down to one common 
mass—to preserve their extensive territories entire; to 
cement them together by various alliances; and to preserve 
the empire undivided. The strength of empires consists in 
their union. The Greeks wanting this, soon failed; and, 
in our own times, Poland, which ought, from her numerous 
advantages, to have been one of the most powerful king- 
doms in the world, has exhibited a deplorable spectacle of 
weakness and misery, by means of her internal divisions. 
Our own country had well nigh been swallowed up in the 
same gulf. 

The Roman community, launched at once on such a sea 
of luxury, wealth and glory, was variously affected. While 
all were struggling for eminence and power, it fortunately 
happened, that the reins of government fell into strong and 
energetic hands. Of this description, generally speaking, 
were most of the first competitors, and of the triumvirates. 
The softening power of luxury, the sudden inundation of 
Grecian elegance and refinement, and the elevation of con- 
scious greatness and empire, combined with her native grav- 
ity in forming the genius of Rome. About this period, it 
began to bud; soon after this, was its fairest bloom and rich- 
est maturity. Ifthe genius of Rome was of a heavier mould 
than that of Greece, it possessed a more commanding gravi-+ 
ty; if it had less fire, it was more tranquil, majestic and 
solemn; and more hearts will vibrate with pleasure to the 
plaintive and elegant notes of the Roman, than to the elec- 
tric fulminations of the Grecian muse.* 

In the year 78 B.C. the republic was freed from the 
tyranny of Sylla, by the death of that odious tyrant. But 
two men, of far more extensive views and refined ambition 
than either Marius or Sylla, were already prepared to run 
the same race. By various arts, as well as by great abilities, 
Cneius Pompey, surnamed, the Great, had become the most 
popular man in Rome, and was considered as the greatest 
commander in the republic. Crassus possessed that author- 
ity and influence, which great eloquence and immense wealth, 
combining with all the wiles of ambition, could procure. He 
was the richest man in Rome. 


* Probably, this remark would riot be correct, if the Greek language 
were as much read, as the Latin —Ed. 


16 


(82 » ROME. 


While Pompey, who warmly espoused the Marian faction, 
strove to gain the favor of the people, by abrogating many 
of the tyrannical laws of Sylla, Crassus employed his amaz- 
ing weaith in donations, distributions of corn among the 
poor, in public feasts and entertainments; and it is said, 
that he supported, at his own private expense, the greatest 
part of the citizens, for several months; expenditures suffi- 
cient to have exhausted the treasures of the greatest princes. 
in the progress of their contests for power, their animosities 
broke forth on every occasion, in opposition more or less 
direct, and by means more or less violent. ¢ 
_ At this period, while the destinies of Rome seemed to 
hang in doubtful suspense, three characters appeared of very 
different complexions, but equally extraordinary, equally to 
be remembered, but with very different emotions in poster- 
ity; Catiline, Cicero and Cesar. One of these men procur- 
ed for himself immortal fame by his atrocious villany; one, 
by his unrivalled eloquence; and one, by his ambition, bra- 
very and good fortune. 

Julius Cesar may be regarded as the greatest of the 
Roman commanders. In him the military genius of Rome 
displayed its utmost strength and perfection, But, as yet, 
he was not known in that group of great characters and per- 
sonages, who, now inflamed with ambition, were preparing 
to carve and divide the world among them. Lucius Catiline 
is allowed by all writers to have possessed every quality 
of a great man, but integrity and virtue ;* instead of which, 
he held every principle, and practised every vice, which 
could form a most infamous, atrocious and abandoned villain. 
Possessed of a body and mind equally strong and vigorous, 
he was bold, enterprising and industrious. He hesitated at 
no cruelty to gratify his revenge; he abstained from no 
crime, which could subserve his pleasures; he valued no 
labor or peril to gratify his ambition. Catiline perceiving 
himself not among the most favored rivals, who were 
courting the mistress of the world, determined on getting. 


* There is no more difficulty in conceiving, that a man may be great, 
without goodness, than that a mountain may be great, without beauty. 
If goodness is essential to greatness, then, neither Romulus, nor The- 
mistocles, nor Brennus, nor Philip, nor Alexander, nor Hannival, nor 
Marius, nor Mithridates, nor Cesar, nor Mahomet, nor Genghis Khan, 
nor Bajazet, nor Tamerlane, nor Solyman, nor Charles V., was a great 
man. If goodness is essential to greatness, then, to say of any great 
man, that he is good, must be superfluous—Ed. 


ROME. 183 


her into his possession by violence. His end was the same 
as theirs; but his means were more unwarrantable. He 
planned and organized one of the deepest, most extensive 
and daring conspiracies, recorded in history. The leading 
objects of his conspiracy were, to put out of the way by one 
general massacre, all who would be likely to oppose his 
measures; to pillage the city of Rome; to seize all public 
treasures, arsenals and stores; to establish a despotic gov- 
ernment; to revolutionize the whole republic; and to ac- 
complish all these measures by an armed force. 

This sanguinary plot was detected and crushed by Cicero, 
the great and justly celebrated orator of Rome. The ac- 
complices of Catiline were seized, and put to death; and 
Catiline himself, who had assembled an army of twelve 
thousand men, was encountered, defeated and slain. 

But if Rome escaped this threatening gulf, it was, that 
she might fall into a snare, apparently less dreadful, but 
equally strong and conclusive as to her fate. Her days of 
virtue and glory were past. Henceforth, she was to be 
ruled with a rod of iron. The dissensions of Pompey and 
Crassus were quieted by the mediation of Cesar, who 
stepped in between them, outwitted them both, and became 
the head of the first triumvirate. Having amicably agreed 
to govern in copartnership, Pompey chose Spain; Crassus 
chose the rich and luxurious province of Asia; and to 
Cesar, were allotted the powerful and warlike nations of 
Gaul, as yet unconquered. What was the result? Pompey 
basked for a moment in the splendors of Rome; a d his 
fame was trumpeted by the eloquence of Cicero. Crassus 
was slain by the Parthians, endeavoring to enlarge his ter- 
ritories; and Cesar conquered the Gauls in a thousand batiles, 
Pompey could not bear an equal, nor Cesar a superior. 
They were mutually jealous; they differed; they prepared 
for war. 

I -e senate and nobility of Rome, and pride and strength 
of Italy, sided with Pompey. Cesar relied wholly on those 
veteran legions, ‘vith whom he had subdued the fierce and 
martial tribes of Gaul and Germany. No other civil war 
ever equalled this. It was a melancholy sight to see Rome 
given up to tyranny and blood—to see that august and 
venerable republic forever abandoned to her evil genius. 
These were not the feeble bickerings of petty controversy, 
Marius and Sylla, the leaders of the former civil broils, 
hare little comparison with Cesar at the head of his legions, 


184 ROME. 


or with the great. Pompey, who could almost raise armies out 
of the earth by the stamp of his foot. 

This eventful struggle was at length closed by the battle 
of Pharsalia, rendered truly famous by the grand object, for 
which they fought, the greatness of the force employed on 
either side, and by the transcendent reputation of both com- 
manders.. The Roman empire was the. prize; and both 
the armies and the generals were the best the world could 
afford. Pompey. was utterly defeated; and many of his 
army, won over by the magnanimous clemency and gene- 
rosity of Cesar, were content to change sides. The conduct 
of Pompey in this battle, which was to decide his fate, has 
ever been considered, strange and unaccountable. So far 
was he from displaying that courage, intrepidity and forti- 
tude, and those powers of command, which he was supposed 
to possess, that, from the very first onset, he appeared like 
aman frightened out of his senses: he scarcely attempted 
to rally his men, was among the foremost that fled, and 
never made another effort to retrieve his cause. From 
facts so glaring, we are almost induced to believe, that 
much of Pompey’s greatness, as a soldier and commander, 
eonsisted in the elegant drawings of Cicero, and other par- 
tial writers. The true test of bravery, skill and fortitude, is 
to see them displayed, where they are most necessary—to 
see them shine in danger, surmount difficulty, and triumph 
over adversity. 

Yet no one can doubt that Pompey was a man of great 
and sple sdid talents. But who could equal Cesar? a man 
supere.ninent in the whole extensive range of intellectual 
endowments. Nature seemed to have scanted him in noth- 
ing. Among philosophers, mathematicians, poets and or- 
ators, he could shine. He could plan and execute; he could 
negotiate or fight; he could gain and improve an advantage. 
For seven years in his Gallic wars, his life was a continual 
series of fatigues and dear-bought victories; and no general, 
but one as great as Cesar, could have encountered him with- 
out apprehension and dismay. 

The battle of »Pharsalia was fought 48 years before 
Christ, and, '705 from the building of the city. Pompey 
fled an unhappy exile into Egypt, and was there miserably 
murdered by the command of Ptolemy. Thus the reins 
of government fell into the hands of Cesar; and he was left 
undisputed master of the world. The clemency of Cesar, 
oa this occasion, was. as illustrious, as his victories had been, 


ROME. 185 


He entered into no measures against many persons, who, 
under professions of neutrality, had evidently sided with 
Pompey. He did nothing, which bore any resemblance to 
the horrid proscriptions of Marius and Sylla. He endeavor- 
ed, in most instances, to forget and forgive. 

But the reign and triumph of Julius Cesar were short. 
He soon fell a sacrifice to that spirit of freedom and inde- 
pendence, which had raised his country to her exalted rank ; 
for, though the demons of discord, ambition and party rage, 
had now, for a long period, aimed all their shafts at good and 
virtuous men; though torrents of the richest blood had flow- 
ed incessantly for many years; yet some men were still left, 
whose constancy and virtue ever stemmed the strong current 
of the times. Cato and Cicero were still anve, whose stern 
virtues and commanding eloquence continued to remind the 
Romans of their better days. 

From the battle of Pharsalia, to the death of Cesar, was 
four years. During this period, he went on, and prospered. 
By a rapid series of journeys and expeditions, he saw, 
awed and subjugated all places and all opposition. His arm 
pervaded, his vigilance detected, his spirit animated, his 
generosity won, and his power crushed, in all directions. 
His great and active genius seemed universally to bear 
down all before him; but in reality, not all. At length a 
ai was laid, as it were in his own bosom, which hurled . 

im, in a moment, from the high summit, whither he had. _ 
climbed. és 


Brutus and Cassius, at the head of about sixty senators,  ~ 


entered into a conspiracy, to take him off by assassination. 
Their object was to arrest the progress of despotic power, 
to restore the authority of the senate, and the ancient forms 
of the republic; an object laudable in itself, but, alas, how 
far from being practicable! Their plot was deeply laid, but 
seems to have been carried into effect, not without a won- 
derful concurrence of accident, or rather of providence. 
While Cesar was on his way to the senate-hause, where he 
was to perish, a slave, itis said, who had discovered the 
conspiracy, pressed forward in the crowd, to apprize him 
of his danger; but could not get to him, for the press. 
Another person put into his hands a paper, which would 
have saved him, containing an account of the conspiracy. 
This he handed to his secretary, without breaking the seal. 
After he was seated in the senate-house, the conspirators 
approached, and despatched him with their daggers, w'%- 
216-7 


186 ROME. 


out resistance ; and retired to the capitol, where they put 
. themselves in a state of defence. 

Thus fell the first and doubtless the greatest of the Cesars, 
in the 56th year of his age, and in the fourth of his sole 
administration. . No Roman ever achieved more arduous 
enterprises, than he. He rose to supreme power, in op- 
position to men of great abilities, and of much greater re- 
sources than himself. Whatever standing he acquired, he 
maintained; and his enemies could only destroy him by 
treachery under the mask of friendship. Rome did not 
owe to Cesar the loss of her liberties; they were lost be- 
fore he was born. He was allured to seize the dazzling 
prize, which, to all observers, had evidently become the sport 
of fortune, and was liable to be grasped by him, who was 
boldest and most lucky. Had Pompey prevailed over Cesar, 
it is doubtful, whether Rome would have experienced a hap- 
pier destiny. 

The fall of Cesar seemed only to accelerate the establish- 
ment of imperial government. Octavius, the grand nephew 
of Cesar, and heir, by will, to his fortunes and name, was 
soon at the head of a new triumvirate, viz. himself, Mark 
Antony and Lepidus. This new triumvirate, proclaiming 
themselves the avengers of Cesar, now hastened to make 
war upon the conspirators, whose army was headed by Bru- 
tus and Cassius. Had the Roman people desired their an- 
cient liberty, which they certainly would, had they under- 
stood the import of the word, or had they entertained any 
just notions of freedom, they now enjoyed an opportunity 
of regaining it. But so far from that, the triumvirate were 
able to excite the popular indignation. against the conspira- 
tors, and, in fact, gained the people over to their cause. The 
standard of liberty was deserted; and the wretched, infatu- 
ated people were now employed in rivetting those chains, 
which were never more to be broken. 

The conspirators were crushed with little trouble; and in 
shedding the blood of the last patriots of Rome, the sublime 
Cicero fell a victim to the merciless rage of Antony, and the 
bare and cruel policy of Octavius. 

I soon appeared that the triumvirs had combined with 
no other view, than as a present expedient, which was to 
be laid as*de when occasion should offer. Accordingly 
Lepidus way soon rejected ; and as he was neither a soldier 
nor a statesman, he had no means of redress. Antony and 
Octavius presently differed, and once more marshalled the 


ROME, 187 


forces of that mighty people under their hostile standards. 
Their quarrel was decided at the battle of Actium; a short 
time after which, Antony expired in Egypt, and left Octavius 
without a competitor. 

In the 31st year before Christ, and 722nd from the build- 
ing of Rome, commenced the imperial reign of Octavius, 
under the titles of Emperor and Augustus. Rome now be- 
came an empire in the more strict and proper sense of the 
word; and, notwithstanding the degeneracy of the Roman 
people, it continued for several centuries to be the most pow- 
erful empire in the ancient world. 

The commotions and wars, the luxury and wealth, the 
corruptions and loss of public virtue among the Romans, did 
not extinguish, but rather called forth and perfected their 
genius for literature. The sciences were assiduously culti- 
vated; and men of learning received the warmest patronage 
and the amplest encouragement from those great and opulent 
men, whose wealth was immense, and whose traffic was in 
states and kingdoms. Indeed, many of those great men 
were themselves the favorites of the muses. 

They studied the liberal sciences and elegant arts with a 
diligence scarcely known in modern times. Scipio Africa- 
nus, according to the testimony of Cicero, was as eminent 
for mental improvement, as he was in the art of war. Cato 
was a man of great learning and wisdom; and those, great 
men who composed the two triumvirates, especially the first, 
were highly accomplished in the liberal sciences. 

When we consider, that Cicero was a professional man } 
that for a course of years, many of the most important causes 
in the vast republic were ably managed by him; that he 
was a statesman and a great leader in the politics of his time; 
that he was, at times, a civil magistrate, a soldier and a goy- 
ernor, and patron of provinces, we may truly be astonished 
at the extent and success of his studies. His voluminous 
writings, which have come down to us, and which form the 
most perfect standard of classic excellence, leave us in doubt, 
which to set foremost, the strength of his understanding, or 
the powers of his imagination; or which we shall admire 
most, his genius or industry. It is no partial admiration, by . 
which those writings are preserved. The united voice of all 
enlightened nations has declared their merit, and judged 
them worthy of immortality. 

The seme may be said of the writings of Virgil and 
Horace, ard many others. But the approbation of men of 


188 ROME. 


taste and learning, in all nations,,has set the literary produc- 
tions of the Augustan age above all panegyric. ‘They will 
be read aud admired as long as works of genius and taste are 
held in estimation. 

The Roman empire now appeared in its utmost splendor. 
Though less virtuous and happy, and probably less power- 
ful, than in former periods, yet the concentrated wealth of 
the world, the external pomp of so vast a monarchy, threw 
round her a dazzling glory, which the most distant nations 
beheld with admiration and dread. Ambassadors from re- 
mote kingdoms daily arrived, to do homage, to court alliance, 
or solicit protection. 

Augustus held the reins of government; there was no 
competitor—no rival. The people, long fatigued with war, 
were glad to, enjoy peace, though under the reign of a 
despot. There was no Brutus nor Cassius to conspire, or 
to assassinate. Cato was no more; and Cicero, one of the 
last luminaries of Rome, had been murdered, and his head 
and hands cut off and fixed upon the tribunal, where the 
thunders of his eloquence had so often struck terror to the 
hearts of tyrants. The spirit which animated the Romans 
in the days of Fabricius, was gone forever. Liberty had 
taken her flight from the earth, or had retired to the se- 
questered bower of the savage, while gorgeous pride lifted 
her head to heaven, and trampled on innocence, equity and 
law. 

Augustus was an artful, insidious tyrant. While one of 
the triumvirate, he had been careful to destroy all the vir- 
tuous men, who had escaped the bloody proscriptions, the 
eivil wars, and the violent commotions, which were before 
his time. When his power was confirmed, he endeavored 
to fascinate the people; to lull them into security; to 
inebriate them with luxury; to dazzle them with his pomp 
and glory; and by all possible means to extinguish in them, 
_the true Roman spirit, and so to qualify and sweeten slavery 
itself, as to cause them to drink it down with a pleasing 
relish. He succeeded; for never was a people more 
changed in temper, habit, mode of thinking, and national 
character. _ 

But detraction itself cannot deny, that Augustus was a 
general, a statesman, and a very great man. Though void 
of the magnanimous spirit of Cincinnatus, Brutus and Regu- 
tus, yet he affected to revere the character of the ancient 
Romans, and seemed desirous that a semblance of freedony 


Ay 


ay 4 
Hagia Ly 
Lo te 14) ge 


A Gi 
} 


My 


this 


thin 
LH 
MH) 

eae 


The Hegira, or Pratt of Mahomet trom Mecca lo Medina. 


ROME. 189 


should still mark the character of his countrymen. When 
he saw himself in the undisturbed possession of empire, the 
severities of his administration relaxed; and he held the 
reins of government with lenity, dignity ‘and wisdom. Few 
monarchs. have enjoyed a longer or more prosperous reign. 
His genius was*less warlike, than that of Julius Cesar; yet 
in the course of. his reign, he had various ‘opportunities of 
showing himself capable of commanding armies, and of di- 
recting very extensive military operations. ‘But! his greatness 
was of. the tranquil. and pacific kind,’ ae he showed little 
ambition to enlarge his ominions. 

The reign of Augustus was active, chenaae and ne. It 
was his boast, ‘that, he found Rome ‘built of brick ; om that 
he left it built of marble. 

In the 31st* | year of the Teign Bin iehetas Jesus Christ, 
the Son of God, -was born. ‘The principal nations of the 
known world being reduced» under one head, and wars and 
commotions, revolving through long tracts of time, now ter- 
minating in one immense dominion, the troubled elements of 
human society sunk into a universal calm. Thirst for con- 
quest was satiated with blood; the ambition of one was 
gratified, while that of millions was left without hope. The 
spirit of war, wearied with universal and almost perpetual 
carnage, seemed willing to enjoy a moment’s slumber, or was 
hushed to silence by the advent of the Prince of peace. 

Jesus Christ was the son of David, the son of Abraham. 
The house of Jacob seems to have been preserved in order 
to give birth to this wonderful personage. Abraham was 
born 1996 years before Christ, and was the ninth in direct 
descent from Noah, who is commonly reckoned the tenth 
generation from Adam. Abraham flourished about the time 


* It is in the highest degree probable, that Christ was born four 
years sooner, than the date generally assigned ; and therefore, that he 
was born in the 27th year of Augustus. This is the general opinion 
of the learned. It is therefore supposed, that in A. D. 1, according 
to the vulgar era, Jestis was really four years old. This mistake wit 
regard to “the true time*of our Savior’s incarnation, arose from the 
circumstance, that. the Christian era was not used in chronology till 
A. D. 527 or 532. In that ‘year, it was adopted by Dionysius the 
Little, who appears to have. made a mistake of four years in his calcu- 
lation, whick was not discovered, till more than 600 years afterward, 
when it would have been extremely difficult, ifnot impossible, to change 
the vulgar era for the true one. Besides, the learned are not universally 
agreed ‘with regard to the year of the incarnation ; ; whether it was 4 
or 2 years, before the vulgar era.—LEd. 


190 ROME. 


ef Xerxes or Baleeus, king of Assyria, and about 200 years 
before A<gialius founded the oldest of the states of Greece. 
Jacob, the grandson of Abraham, removed his family, con- 
sisting of about 60 persons, and his effects, into Egypt, where 
his posterity remained and increased astonishingly, for more 
than two centuries. 

Moses, the Hebrew general and lawgiver, led the Israel- 

ites out of Egypt soon after the reign of Sesostris, or 
1491. 1 the reign of Pharaoh Amenophis, who was drown- 

ed in the Red Sea. The Israelites settled in Canaan 
about the time of the foundation of the first states of Greece, 
and about the time of the foundation of Carthage, as already 
-stated. Eleven centuries before the birth of Christ, the form 
of the Hebrew government was changed from a kind of aris- 
tocratical republic, or, as it is frequently called by theological 
writers, a theocracy, to an absolute monarchy; and Saul was 
elevated to the throne. 

In the year 975 before Christ, the ten tribes revolted from 
the house of David, and set up a separate kingdom, which 
continued 215 years, and was then subdued, and carried into 
captivity, by Shalmanezer, king of Assyria, before Christ 
754. .The kingdom of Judah was governed by the house 
of David till the year before Christ 588, making, from the 
accession of Saul, 507 years; when Nebuchadnezzar, king 
of Babylon, invaded and conquered Judea, and carried the 
Jews to Babylon; where they remained in captivity 70 
years. 

In the first year of the reign of Cyrus, king of Persia, 
536 years before Christ, the Jews, by a royal edict from the 
Persian monarch, were liberated, and sent home to their 
own land. ‘They were under a nominal subjection to Persia, 
till that kingdom was overturned by Alexander. They 
then fell to the Syrian empire, and suffered much from 
the tyranny and impositions of the dynasty of Antiochus, 
till the Syrians failed before the power of Rome. They 
were frequently visited by the Greek and Roman generals ; 
but their existence, together with their temple and worship, 
were prolonged, till twenty years after Christ; when Titus 
Vespasian destroyed Jerusalem, together with upwards 
of a million of the Jews. The remnant of them were scat- 
tered into all nations; and what is remarkable in their his- 
tory, they still exist, after eighteen centuries, and are distinct 
from all other nations, persevering in the religion of their 
ancestors, 


ROME. 191 


God had promised to Abraham, that in his seed, all nations 
should be blessed. This glorious promise began to be veri- 
fied, when God, by his marvellous interposition, redeemed the 
house of Israel out of Egypt, and gave them an exhibition 
of his character, in a code of laws, which comprised a perfect 
standard of moral rectitude. But it was more amply veri- 
fied, when the Son of God appeared in the world, and, by his 
life, doctrines, death and resurrection, fulfilled the predictions 
and illuminated the shadows of the Mosaic dispensation, and 
opened the way for the promulgation of the gospel through 
the world, * 

That Jesus Christ was a divine person, sent of God, to 
enlighten and redeem the world, seems to rest on two im- 
portant pillars of evidence, either of which would be sufh- 
cient to give it independent support. These are, Ist, cred- 
ible testimony; and 2nd, the superior excellency of that 
religion, which he taught and practised. The truth of the 
gospel rests on the fullest testimony, and of that character 
and kind, which mankind have never questioned; and as to 
the excellency of the religion of Jesus Christ, let unbelievers 
deny it if they can, or if they dare. If they dare pretend 
that justice, integrity, benevolence and virtue, are unlovely, 
and ought not to be practised by men, or if they can deny, 
that these, and these only, are what the gospel requires, then 
they can also deny, that the gospel holds up a perfect rule 
of life, and then may they pretend, that it ought not to be 
practised by men. 

The testimony, on which the Christian religion chiefly 
relies, respects and substantiates the following things ; 

1. The genealogy or true descent of Christ from David ; 

2. The life and character of Christ ; 

3. His doctrines; 

4. His miracles; 

5. His resurrection. To all these things, there is the most 
fuil and perfect testimony. 

The excellency of the Christian religion appears in the 
following articles ; 

1. The character of God; 

2. The character cf man; 

3. What God requires of man; (Thus far the gospel fully 
establishes the law of Moses. But it goes farther.) 

4. The method of pardon, through the atonement of 
Christ ; 

5. The constitution and character of Christ’s church ; 


192 | ROME 


6. The resurrection of the dead; 

7. The rewards and punishments of a future state. 

In general, it may be said, that the gospel requires nothitig 
of mankind, but what is for their good; and it forbids nothing 
but what is injurious. A man conforming to all the require- 
ments of Christianity would be perfect; he would be without 
a fault. Whatever, therefore, may have been the origin of the 
scheme, nothing more, nothing better, could be looked for, 
in one which was known to be divine. Those, who would 
wish to pursue these inquiries, and examine duly a subject 
of such vast importance, are recommended to read Paley’s 
“Evidence of Christianity.” 

The reign of Augustus, if we include his twelve years 
with the triumvirate, was 56 years. No emperor of Rome 
displayed greater penetration, or more extensive and _pro- 
found policy; and few men could have succeeded so far in 
undermining and abolishing the power of the senate, and in 
changing the nature, yet preserving the forms of the ancient 
government. ‘The central point of all his movements and 
aims, was to extinguish the republican spirit, and to render 
monarchy strong and permanent; and this he did so effec- 
tually, that the Romans, ever after, tamely submitted to sla- 
very, and for the most part, under the fangs of a set of infa- 
mous monsters, as notorious for weakness and folly, as for 
pride and cruelty. 

It would be useless, in this compend, to mention particu- 
larly the lives and characters of the immediate successors 
of Augustus. In the most important respects they are 
alike, only that each one, according to his time and talents, 
generally added to the vices and villanies of his predeces- 
sors. 

Tiberius, the son-in-law and successor of Augustus, 
reigned 23 years. An elegant historian has said, that he 
was “a monster of perfidy, ingratitude and cruelty.” To 
him, succeeded Caius Caligula, who reigned only four years, 
and ‘whose life,” says the same author, ‘‘ was a continued 
scene of debauchery, much worse than that of his prede- 
cessor.” : 

Caligula was succeeded by Claudius, his uncle, who was 
little better than an enfeebled, inconsistent, vicious idiot; at 
first promising to do well, but speedily falling into every out- 
rage and atrocity. He reigned 14 years. 

Nero was the first of the emperors, under whose admin- 
istration the empire was generally dishonored, and the 


ROME. 193 


Roman name treated with ignominy and contempt. Had it 
not been for the conduct pursued by some of his successors, 
it might have been thought, that nothing could equal his 
folly and madness, or the astonishing crimes he perpetrated 
ugainst humanity, reason and nature. Almost every act of 
the life of Nero was an outrageous, horrid crime. He mur- 
dered many of the noblest citizens of Rome; among whom, 
the celebrated Seneca fell a sacrifice, and several other 
philosophers and writers of great distinction. He mur- 
dered his wife and his mother, and set fire to the city of 
Rome, and while it was burning, dressing himself in the 
garb of a player, he recited some verses on the destruction 
of Troy. 

Nero proceeded to such lengths, as at last to become an 
object of terror and detestation to mankind. The senate de- 
clared him an enemy to his country; the army revolted ; 
and people of every description combined to crush a detes- 
table wretch, whom the earth could no longer bear. Nero 
reigned almost 14 years; and in him the family of Augus- 
tus became extinct, 55 years after the death of that emperor 

Galba, Otho and Vitellius arose one after another, and fell 
in quick succession, all disappearing in the short space of 
eighteen months. They assumed the imperial purple, only 
to disgrace the throne, to give innumerable wounds to the 
empire, and to attach perpetual infamy to their memory. 

If we except the horrors of the cruel reign of Domitian, 
the younger brother of Titus, Rome was now favored with 
seven monarchs in succession, whose virtues adorned the 
throne, and whose energy and wisdom restored and invigo- 
rated the empire. 

Vespasian succeeded Vitellius in the 70th year of the 
Christian era; and, in a prosperous reign of nine years, 
restored the Roman name to its ancient splendor. He 
recovered several provinces, repelled all invasions, restored 
order, harmony and military discipline, and, in fact, extended 
the bounds of the empire. Titus, his son and successor, 
Was a prince of gréat virtue. His excellent endowments 
and elegant accomplishments rendered him exceedingly 
dear to his subjects. In his reign,* Jerusalem was’ destroy- 
ed. This prince, in a short reign of two years, displayed 
a degree of wisdom, moderation and self-command, which, 
perhaps, no other Roman emperor ever attained. The 

* Jerusalem was taken and destroyed by Titus, during the reign of 
his father jo a 

1 


194 Roun. 


happiness of his people was regarded by him as the greatest 
glory of his reign. During this reign, happened that erup- 
tion of Mount Vesuvius, in which Pliny, the celebrated 
philosopher, was destroyed. 

Titus was succeeded by Domitian, his younger brother, 
whose vices and cruelties were surpassed by none of his 
predecessors. After him, followed five princes in succes- 
sion, whose names will ever adorn the history of Rome. 
They were Nerva, Trajan, Adrian, Antoninus Pius and 
‘Marcus Aurelius Antonius. These great men swayed the 
sceptre for about eighty years. They did whatever could be 
expected from the greatest of men and of princes, in 
rendering the administration just, energetic and wise, and 
in making their subjects happy. But if the Roman people, 
even in the times of Augustus, had fallen from their ancient 
glory and virtue, if they had lost that greatness and inde- 
pendence of mind, which raised the republic to conquest and 
renown, what now must have been their state, after being 
prostrated, and degraded for a century by the worst of 
government. 


—<f-— 
CHAPTER XIV. 


GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE ROMAN HISTORY, FROM THE 
ACCESSION OF AUGUSTUS TO THE DEATH OF MARCUS AURE- 
LIUS. 


Tue period now before us contains about 210 years, 
viz. from the accession of Augustus, to that of Commo- 
dus. Concerning this period, we shall note a few things ; 
and 

1. The Roman empire, during this period, contained the 
middle and southern parts of Europe, the northern parts of 
Africa, and the western parts of Asia. In the directions 
and advice of Augustus to his successor, it was warmly 
recommended, that the empire should not be enlarged: 
Accordingly, the weak and effeminate emperors had no 
inclination nor ability to do it; and the valiant and warlike 
generally found business enough in defending what they 
already had; while the wise and prudent were sensibly im- 
pees, with the propriety of the advice of Augustus. 

e empire was, indeed, of vast extent; and, if we cast 
our eyes upon a map, we shall directly see, that it compre- 


ROME. 195 


hended, as an elegant historian remarks, ‘the fairest part of 
the earth, and the most civilized portion of mankind.’* 

During this period, however, very considerable additions 
were made to the empire, and I believe, more or less, in the 
three quarters of the globe. In Europe the Gallic and Ger- 
man provinces were enlarged, the island of Great Britain 
was subdued, and several large countries on this side and 
beyond the Danube, as Illyricum, Dacia, Pannonia, &c. The 
emperor Trajan, in order to prosecute the war with the Da- 
cians, erected a stupendous bridge across the Danube; the 
ruins of which remain to this day, and afford a sublime 
specimen of ancient architecture. 

2. The cruelty, depravity, folly and enormous vices of 
the emperors generally, form a striking feature in this peri- 
od. They seem to have been utterly lost to all sense of 
justice, honor and duty. Had they followed the examples 
of Julius or Augustus Cesar, the Romans would scarcely 
have had reason to regret the establishment of a form of 
government, which rescued them from deplorable wars and 
wasting revolutions, urged on by the rage of various power- 
ful parties, succeeding one another. Indeed it is surprising, 
that the illustrious examples of those great men should be 
deserted immediately, and so soon forgotten; and it can be 
accounted for in no other way, than by supposing, that the 
reins of government fell into the weakest and vilest of hands. 
When we consider the advantages the first emperors of 
Rome possessed, it can scarcely be doubted that many of 
them were the lowest, the most detestable and abandoned 
villains, that ever swayed a sceptre. Nor can we read the 
history of Rome, without wondering, how it was possible 
for that once powerful and magnanimous people, to be so 
sunk and depraved, as to endure the tyranny of such mon- 
sters, instead of hurling them, with indignant scorn, from 
the throne they so deeply disgraced. 

3. If the fate of Poland, in our own times, stands as a 
Deacon, exhibiting to the nations of the earth, a dreadful 
testimony of the effects of bad government; we may cer- 
tainly derive a still stronger testimony from this period of 
the Roman history. The wars of Marius and Sylla, of 
Cesar and Pompey, and of Augustus and Antony, had 


*Though Gibbon has some excellences besides his “elegance,” the 
young reader must be cautious not to imbibe his stiffness, his affecta- 
tion, and especially, his obscurity.—£d, ‘ 


196 ROME. 


demonstrated the power of individuals to enslave the state. 
Those wars had almost exterminated the ancient Romans; 
had extinguished almost all the great and eminent families, 
and quite all the great men, who dared to speak and act like 
Romans. At the same time, an immense multitude of for- 
eigners from all parts of the world, poured into Rome; and 
the army, which always governed Rome, was composed of 
a mercenary, rapacious crew, as void of public spirit, as of 
all sense of justice and honor. An empire, governed bya 
prince as profligate and abandoned, as he was weak and ig- 
norant, and who was merely the tool of a mutinous, ill-disci- 
plined and vicious soldiery, must certainly experience the 
worst of governments, and must feel their worst effects. 
Accordingly, the lustre of Rome faded; her power decay- 
ed; her virtue and happiness were forever lost; and she 
was abandoned to every evil and calamity. 

From various internal causes, the strength of the Roman 
empire declined greatly, during the two first centuries of 
the Christian era. She was not only absolutely but compar- 
atively weaker. Many of the Asiatic provinces seemed 
only to observe a nominal subjection; and the Parthians, 
especially, gained strength, rose and triumphed, and set 
Rome at defiance. The nations of Gaul and Germany grew 
strong, and often showed signs of revolt, and even indica- 
tions, that they were one day to trample upon the ashes of 
their conquerors. . 

4. The Romans soon gave melancholy proofs of the 
decay of learning, as well as of civility and politeness. We 
have spoken of the deplorable fate of Cicero. Augustus, 
under the infamous pretence of appeasing the resentment 
of Mark Antony, had murdered and mangled that great 
man. The crafty tyrant well knew, how necessary it was 
for him to silence that eloquence, which must have shaken 
his throne, and exterminate that virtue, which must have 
thrown continual embarrassments in the way of his ambitious 
schemes. Mecenas, the great friend of Virgil and Hor- 
ace, still lived; but he only lived as a flatterer, to form 
new modes of adulation, and to act the cringing par- 
asite. 

In the course of the reign of the twelve Cesars, the 
Roman horizon, which had been once illuminated with 
one immense constellation of poets, orators, philosophers, 
statesmen, heroes and sages, was left in dreary darkness, 
And if we descend to the reign of Commodus, we shall see 


ROME. 197 


few lights on that once splendid horizon, but such as most 
resembled the horrid glare of Tartarean fires. 


—— ‘From those flames 
No light, but rather darkness visible 
Serv’d only to discover sights of wo!” 


Yet the names of Seneca, Lucian, Pliny, Josephus, Quin- 
tilian, Tacitus, Juvenal, Plutarch, Justin and Galen, were 
scattered down this tract of time; long after which, Lon- 
ginus flourished; and Marcus Aurelius, the emperor, was a 
great philosopher, and an ornament to the republic of 
letters. 

5. It will be proper in this place, to notice to the young 
reader, the nature and form of the Roman legion, a military 
establishment and grand instrument of the Roman power, 
by which Rome conquered and governed the world, It had 
been improving through every period of the republic, and 
was still farther improved by Julius Cesar and some of his 
successors. 

The main strength of the legion consisted in a body of 
infantry, divided into ten cohorts and fifty-five cempanies, 
which companies were more or less full. Each cohort was 
commanded by a prefect or tribune; and each company, by 
a centurion. The first cohort, which always claimed the 
post of honor and carried the eagle, contained 1105 soldiers, 
the most approved for bravery and fidelity. The. remain- 
ing cohorts consisted each of 555; and the infantry of a 
legion, in its most improved state, amounted to 6,100 men. 
Their arms, which were uniform, consisted of a helmet 
with a lofty crest, a breast-plate or coat of mail, greaves on 
their legs, and on their left arm a concave buckler, of an 
oval form, four feet in length and two and a half in breadth. 
This buckler was formed of light wood, covered with bull’s 
hide, and strengthened with plates of brass. The pilum, a 
long and heavy spear, was the most effective of the Roman 
weapons. With this they usually conquered. It was about 
six feet long, and terminated in a triangular point of steel, 
eighteen inches in length. This dreadful javelin, when 
‘launched from the vigor of a Roman arm,’ often pierced 
helmets, breast-plates and bucklers; nor was there any 
cavalry, that chose to venture within its reach. When the 
pilum was thrown, which was commonly within the distance 
of ten or even six yards, the soldier drew his sword, and 

— elosed with the enemy. The sword was a two-edged, short, 
a* 


i9s ROME. 


well tempered blade, fitted to strike or push; the latter of : 
which the Romans were instructed to prefer. 

The legion, in battle array, stood eight deep, preserving 
the distance of three feet between both the ranks and files ; 
so that each one had a sufficient space to move and wield 
his arms in; and this loose order gave great celerity to their 
movements. It is remarked, perhaps justly, by Mr. Gibbon, 
that “the strength of the phalanx was unable to contend 
with the activity of the legion.””. But could the phalanx of 
Alexander have contended with the legion of Julius Cesar, 
each under the eye and animated by the spirit of those 
great commanders, a different conclusion perhaps might be 
drawn. 

A body of cavalry, consisting of ten troops or squadrons, 
was an essential appendage of each legion. The first troop 
of horse was the companion of the first cohort, and consisted 
of 132 men. The other nine consisted each of 66 men, and 
were attached to the remaining nine cohorts. The cavalry 
of a complete legion amounted to 726 men. Their defen- 
sive arms were a helmet, an oblong shield, light boots and a 
coat of mail. Their effective weapons were a javelin and a 
long broadsword. 

Thus the regular infantry and cavalry of a legion amount- 
ed to 6,826 men; besides which, several light armed troops, 
called auxiliaries, were attached to it, which, together with 
all the various attendants for baggage, &c. swelled each 
legion to upwards of 12,000 men. To every legion, was 

assigned ten engines of the larger size, and fifty-five of the 
aisle, for throwing large stones and heavy darts. The 
force of these engines was such, as to produce astonishing 
effects on walls and towers, and ‘they are thought by some 
writers of note to have been little inferior to cannon. 

The camp of two complete legions usually occupied an 
exact square of nearly '700 yards on each side. This spot 
was levelled by the pioneers, and the tents were then 
pitched in the form of regular, broad streets, the pratorium 
or general’s quarters in the centre. The whole square 
was then surrounded by a rampart 12 feet high, compactly 
formed of wood and earth, and also enclosed by a ditch 12 
feet broad and deep. When this camp was to be left, it is 
incredible how soon the legions would be in motion. Their 
tents being struck and packed, each legionary loaded him- 
self with his arms, kitchen furniture and provisions, some- 
times for many days; and, with this weight, which, says 


ROME. 199 


Mr. Gibbon, would oppress the delicacy of a modern sol- 
vier they would march, by a regular step, 20 miles in six 
LOUIS. 

The military discipline of the Romans was exceedingly 
strict. They were accustomed to various athletic exer- 
cises; and their armor in running and leaping, was scarcely 
considered as an incumbrance. Such were some of the 
military arrangements of the Romans. In order to form 
some idea of their armed force, it may be observed, that 
the peace establishment of Adrian and his successors con- 
sisted of thirty of these formidable legions, which were 
usually stationed on the banks of large rivers, and along the. 
frontiers of their extensive dominions. The author just 
cited says, that under the emperors, the legions were more 
or less permanently stationed, as follows, viz. three legions 
in Britain; sixteen on the Rhine and Danube, where it was 
early discovered, that most force was necessary; eight on 
the Euphrates; and in Egypt, Africa and Spain, a single 
legion was sufficient for each. Besides all these, a powerful 
armed force was always stationed in Italy, to watch over the 
safety of the capital, and of the emperor. These were call- 
ed city cohorts and pretorian guards; and we shall see here- 
after, that these troops were principally instrumental in the 
ruin of the empire. . 

6. The last thing we shall notice, as making a conspicu- 
ous figure in this period of Roman history, is the rapid spread 
and persecutions of Christianity. 

The Christian religion was peculiar in its origin. It was 
equally so as to the means, by which it was propagated in 
the world. The primitive Christians utterly disclaimed ° 
the use of arms, as a means of spreading their principles. 
They relied on the nature of the truths and maxims they 
taught, on the purity of their lives—the meek, quiet and 
blameless conduct of their followers; but more on the 
power and providence of God, for their support, prosperity, 
defence and promulgation. And in this, they were not dis- 
appointed; for at the close of the second century after Christ, 
Christianity had penetrated almost every part of the Roman 
empire. They had churches established in various parts of 
Asia and Africa; in Greece, Italy, Spain, Gaul, Germany 
and Britain. 

As professed enemies to the gods of Greece and Rome, 
and as directly opposed to the superstition of the countries, 
an -which they lived, they were generally without the 


200 ROME. 


ant of law, and odious to the reigning authorities. 
nder several of the emperors already mentioned, their 
sufferings were very great. ‘They were subjected to every 
abuse, and were, in vast multitudes, put to death, with the 
most dreadful tortures. During Nero’s bloody reign, they 
experienced every species of cruelty; and even under the 
reputedly wise and virtuous Antonines, as well as Trajan 
and Adrian, multitudes of them fell a sacrifice to the merci- 
less fury of persecution. 


et 


CHAPTER XV. 

BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, FROM THE 
REIGN OF COMMODUS TO THE EXTINCTION OF THE WESTERN 
EMPIRE, UNDER AUGUSTULUS; CONTAINING A PERIOD OF 
TWO-HUNDRED AND EIGHTY-THREE YEARS. 


We have now passed the fortunate and happy periods of 
the Roman empire. In the subsequent part of the history 
of this great people, there is little to contemplate, but the 
most deadly disorders, the most agonizing struggles, and the 
deepest and most ostensible decay. But an empire contain- 
ing a hundred and twenty millions of people, founded in 
power, wealth and policy, strengthened by every auxiliary 
of human greatness, triumphing over all enemies, and elevat- 
ed almost beyond the reach of invasion, could only perish by 
the gradual progress of internal disorder. The misfortunes 
of Rome sprung from her own bosom; and it can scarcely 
be said, that she had enemies, till she had formed and train- 
ed them to the arts of war. 

In the 180th year of the Ohnistian era, Commodus 
ascended the throne. No reign was ever more inauspicious 
than his; nor is the memory of any prince more deeply 
covered with infamy. He formed a perfect contrast to the 
virtues of his illustrious father, Marcus Aurelius. It would 
be impossible, in this Compend, to draw a character more 
black, detestable and depraved, than that of Commodus. 
A detail of his vices would occupy more pages, than we 
can allow to the whole period, which is to be the subject 
of this chapter. We can say little more, than that, during 
his reign, the administration of government was totally 
abandoned; and the numerous props of a falling empire, 


ROME. 203 


which had existed a century before this, were now no more. 
At the seat of government, there was nothing but luxury, 
riot and murder. In the provinces, extreme disorder, 
rapacity, misery and revolt prevailed. On the frontiers, 
the burning of cities and the blood of thousands marked 
the footsteps of invasion. In Italy, disaffection, conspiracy, 
jealousy, terror, detestation, revenge, fury and despair, 
surrounded the throne—filled the capital—inspired every 
heart, and painted destruction in every face. In the army, 
there was licentiousness, outrage, mutiny and desertion. 
The soldiers, in multitudes, forsook their standards, and in 
numberless and fierce banditti, infested the highways. The 
redress of wrongs and the recovery of rights, expired with 
civil justice; and while the empire felt those strong but 
vain struggles, which were ocewioned by the re-action of 
her natural force, her union, power and military reputation 
vanished, and left her an immense chaos of discordant Brut 
ciples. 

An illustrious parentage gave high expectations of Com- 
modus ; but his conduct soon banished all hopes. He ex- 
hibited cruelties, at which even Nero would have shuddered ; 
and he was more effeminate than Sardanapalus. It seems 
a pity for the honor of humanity, that the name of so infa- 
mous a monster should have been preserved. His feeble and 
licentious reign produced calamities to his country, after his 
vices had destroyed him, and he was no more. He was no 
sooner taken off by conspiracy, conducted by his favorite 
mistress, than the choice of the army and senate clothed 
with the imperial purple, Helvetius Pertinax. He was above 
60 years of age; had served under the illustrious Antonines; 
and was always noted equally for bravery and wisdom. He 
had risen from a private soldier, through all the grades of 
military honor, to that of pretorian prefect. With modesty 
and reluctance, he assumed the diadem, which he was des- 
tined to wear, and to grace, only long enough to demonstrate 
his merit, and to enrol his name among the most excellent 
of the Roman emperors. 

If the degenerate Romans discovered their mistake, in 
elevating to the throne, a man whose administration was 
utterly repugnant to their wishes, he much sooner discoy- 
ered his, in thinking it possible to renovate the empire, 
now going rapidly into an irrecoverable decline. The 
Roman armies, which under the Scipios, had subdued 
Africa and Asia, which under Cesar had extended the 


202 ROME. 


empire beyond the Danube, and which under Trajan had 
conquered beyond the Euphrates, were now the scorn and 
ridicule of the barbarians. Through a total want of disci- 
pline, all subordination was lost—all military spirit; nothing 
remained but discord, sedition and outrage. Pertinax com- 
menced an administration, vigorous, systematic and compre- 
hensive. The empire, throughout her wide regions, felt his 
power, and saw and revered the equity, which marked all 
his movements. It was soon perceived, that Pertinax would 
aim to suppress those irregularities, and restore the discipline 
of the army to its ancient severity; that he would revive 
the institutions of civil justice; and retrieve the fallen dig- 
nity of the Roman name. But alas! his noble intentions and 
excellent schemes could not be effectuated by mortal prow- 
ess; the nation was too far gone—too deeply sunk in vice 
and luxury. The palace, the court, and the capitol were 
filled and surrounded with a swarm of execrable villains, 
whom the vices of Commodus had rendered necessary, whom 
his weakness had imboldened, and the corruption of the 
times had furnished in abundance. His first care was to 
displace these, to exalt men to power, who were worthy to 
rule; and to restrain and punish the insolence of the preto- 
rian guards. 

He had just entered on this salutary but arduous work, 
when he was informed one day, that a mutiny was rising in 
the army. He had only time to walk to the gate of his pal- 
ace, when he perceived a large body of soldiers rapidly 
advancing with angry clamors and menacing imprecations. 
As they drew near, he stood his ground, and with a firm dig- 
nity, demanded their business. Without making any reply, 
a Scythian soldier struck him dead at a blow. His head 
was severed from his body, and carried on a pole to the camp; 
where, immediately after, the empire was offered at public 
sale to the highest bidder. It was bid off by a sordid wretch, 
who assumed the purple, but who, in a few days, suffered all 
the severities of the fate of Pertinax, without any of the pity 
and regret, which will follow the memory of that great man 
to the latest posterity. 

It is matter of regret, that so little is known of Pertinax, 
that so few circumstances have escaped oblivion, which 
would most clearly elucidate his private character; and 
especially that so short a time was allowed him for dis- 
playing the energy of command, the wisdom of legislation 
and the greatness of man. Historians, however, unite in 


ROME. 303 
aliowing him to rank with the most worthy men, who ever 
governed Rome. His energy was guided by justice; his 
authority was tempered with sweetness; and all his super- 
eminent qualities combined to form a character truly great 
and amiable. 

Were it safe, however, at this distance of time, cne might 
conjecture, that he was too severe and hasty in his first es-. 
says at reformation. Had he, by some politic and impene- 
trable movement, contrived to separate, and remove to a 
distance, his licentious soldiery, till he could have levied and 
disciplined an army to his mind, perhaps he might have en- 
' joyed a longer and more fortunate reign. But what power 
can renovate a nation totally effeminate and corrupt? Perti- 
nax, by his abilities and address, ascended from the lowest 
to the highest rank among men. His reverses were so 
numerous, great and sudden, that historians have given him 
the peculiar appellation of the tennis ball of fortune. 

From the death of Pertinax till that of Augustulus, the last 
of the Roman emperors of the West, was 282 years, during 
which time, no less than fifty-six emperors swayed the scep- 
tre in succession. ‘Their names may be seen in the tables 
subjoined; and for an account of their vices, (for little more 
is recorded of them,) the reader must be referred to the his- 
tory of the decline of the Roman empire; on which part 
of history, Gibbon is the ablest and most elegant writer in 
our language. . 

The artful and insidious endeavors of that writer to sub- 
vert Christianity, and to substitute, no one knows what, in 
its place, are obvious to every reader. Yet his merit as a 
writer cannot be questioned; and although his opposition to 
Christianity, betrayed him into many gross absurdities suited 
to the complexion of his prejudices, yet his history of the 
decline and fall of the Roman empire, is one of the noblest 
of historical productions. . 

So much has been already said concerning the decline of 
the Roman empire, that the young reader may be surprised, 
when he understands, that it stood upwards of two centuries 
after this period. But that empire could only die a linger- 
ing death. West of it, lay the Atlantic ocean; south, lay 
Africa, which, since the fall of Carthage, was without 
Soa east, lay Asia, dissolved in luxury, always ready to 
be conquered, as soon as attacked, and enslaved as soon as 
anvaded; and so far from subduing Rome, that people were 


204 ROME. 


even too effeminate to maintain a form of government over 
themselves. 

The barbarous nations, which lay north of the empiré, 
were indeed numerous and warlike; but they could not sub- 
due the Romans, till they had learned of them the art of 
war. And the power of Rome, under the emperors, lay 
chiefly in the northern provinces, where it was most needed. 
As we have already said, sixteen or twenty legions generally 
lay bordering upon the Rhine and Danube. ‘The barbarians, 
in these times, were generally poorly clothed and fed, and 
had few arms, and little knowledge of the art of war. Their 
invasions were like those of a hungry lion, whom fierce ap- 
petite impels to rush on the point of the spear, in order to 
seize his prey; and their chief difficulty was want of union. 
Their tribes were composed of warlike, fierce, impetuous 
spirits; but they were unsettled, barbarous, roving, inde- 
pendent, and jealous of the power of their chiefs, as well as 
tenacious of the honor of their tribes. 

Yet the nations composing the Northern Hive,* could not 
but experience a gradual improvement. Their proximity to 
a great and enlightened people, with whom they were at 
perpetual war, their strength of body, their intellectual vigor, 
and ambition to acquire those arts, which had so long ren- 
dered the Romans invincible, must, in time, have produced 
their natural and unavoidable effects. In the barbarian ar- 
mies and countries, there must have been a multitude of 
Romans. Numbers, having fled from justice, or induced to 
rove, from disgust at their own capricious and tyrannical 
government, would naturally seek an asylum in the wilds of 
Europe, and among a more free and equitable people. Num- 
bers being detained there would, at length, yield to necessity, 
and voluntarily remain in a land, whither they had been 
dragged as captives, assimilating by degrees to its customs 
and habits. 

The Gauls and Germans, from the period now before us, 
composed the strength of the Roman armies; and great 


* The northern parts of Europe and Asia are sometimes called thé 
Northern Hive, from the vast swarms of barbarians, who, from time to 
time, have issued from those regions, to desolate the world. Some 
have supposed these regions to have been anciently crowded with in- 
habitants. But the opinion of Robertson is much more rational, that 
those regions were anciently less populous than at present ; though at 
present, they are less populous, than other parts of the continent —Ed_ 


ROME. 205 


numbers of these nations, whom we shall indiscriminately 
call the Goths and Vandals and Huns, were now admitted 
into the Roman service, either as legionaries or auxiliaries. 
Some of them were promoted to the highest stations, both 
civil and military, and even wore the imperial diadem and 
purple. Many of these, either never had, or else lost, all 
attachment to Rome; and, rejoining their countrymen, car- 
ried and diffused among them, the arts of war, and advanta- 
ges of disciplined valor. 

From the reign of Commodus, to the extinction of the 
Western Empire, history presents one uniform scene of dis- 
order, vice and misery. We have almost constantly before 
our eyes, a great empire going rapidly to destruction under 
the influence of bad government. A very few of the em- 
perors, however, during this dreary period, were both able 
statesmen and commanders. Had it been their fortune to 
have reigned in happier times, and over a more virtuous peo- 
ple, their administrations would have done more important 
service to mankind. But their best measures and greatest 
exertions, seemed only to have the effect of medicines given 
to the sick man, after his disease has become incurable. 
They might a little procrastinate, but could not prevent, the 
moment of dissolution. 

About the year of Christ 267, the emperor Valerian was 
taken prisoner by the Persians, when no less than nineteen 
persons in various parts of the empire assumed the imperial 
purple, with the titles of Cesar, and Augustus; and each of 
them endeavored to support his claims. and titles by the 
sword. There can be no stronger proof than this of the 
extreme wretchedness of those times. All was tumult, war, 
distrust, cruelty and the most sudden and bloody revolutions. 

But there are two circumstances in the period of history 
now before us, which merit the particular attention of the 
reader, viz. the establishment of the Christian religion 
throughout the empire, by means of the conversion of the 
emperor Constantine, surnamed the Great ; and his removal 
of the seat of government from Rome to the ancient city 
Byzantium, which he rebuilt, and called Constantinople, or 
the City of Constantine. 

We have already noticed the rapid spread of the Chris- 
tian religion. In the days of Constantine, it had penetrated 
almost every part of the empire. No sooner, therefore, 
did that prince declare in favor of it, than it became the 
religion of the court; the capital, and. soon, of the empire 

18 


206 ROME. 


itself. This was truly an amazing change; and forms one 
of the most memorable eras in ecclesiastical history. A 
meek and humble religion, unknown to the world, or if 
known, despised and persecuted, set on foot by a few obscure 
persons in Judea, and propagated only by the force of ration- 
al conviction, spread and prevailed against all opposition ; 
overturned the altars and silenced the oracles of the heathen; 
_and at last, through hosts of prejudices, fortified by antiqui- 
ty, and sanctioned by universal custom, made its way to the 
throne of the Cesars. It was likea “stone cut out of a 
mountain without hands, becoming a great mountain and fill- 
ing the whole earth.” 

There are various accounts given, and various opinions 
formed, concerning the conversion of Constantine. Whether 
his mind was swayed by the power of truth, or by temporal, 
political and interested motives, is not easy to determine. It 
is related, and believed by some, that his conversion was mi- 
raculous. They say, that he saw in the heavens the sign of 
the cross, with this inscription in radiant letters, Touto Nika, 
i. e. By this conquer; and that upon this, he immediately 
embraced Christianity. His life and conduct were by no 
means eminent for Christian virtue; nor was he wholly free 
from crimes of the deepest die. 

From this period, the Christian church was loaded with 
honor, wealth and power; nor did her virtue ever sustain 
a severer trial. The chief dignitaries of the empire could 
scarcely do less, than imitate their master; and Christianity 
soon became a necessary qualification for public office. The 
church now no longer appeared in her ancient simplicity and 
purity ; lords and princes were among her converts; and she 
was dressed in robes of state. Her ceremonies were in- 
cteased; her forms of worship were loaded with pomp and 
splendor; her doctrines were intermingled with the sense- 
less jargon of a philosophy, equally absurd and vain; and the 
way seemed prepared, not only for the decay of Christian 
doctrine and morality, but of every science, which distin- 
guishes civilized from savage nations. 

After various wars and competitions, Constantine, in the 
year of Christ 320, became sole master of the Roman em- 
pire. He certainly did whatever could be done, by an 
accomplished general and statesman, toward restoring the 
empire to its ancient glory. But, alas! he did not reign 
over the ancient Romans. His people had been often defeat- 
ed, humbled, enslaved, and trampled in the dust. The true 


ROME. 207 


Roman spirit was long since utterly extinguished; and, as we 
have had occasion to observe, Italy itself was filled with a 
mighty heterogeneous mass of population, of no fixed char- 
acter. His strong genius, for a moment, sustained, but could 
not ultimately save, the falling fabric. 

The ambition of Constantine gave a more fatal blow to 
the Roman empire, than even the vices of Commodus. To 
secure to himself a glory equal with that of Romulus, he 
formed the resolution of changing the seat of empire. ‘The 
place, upon which he pitched as a. new capital, to immor- 
talize his name, was indeed well chosen. The ancient city 
of Byzantium enjoyed the finest port in the world, on the 
strait of the Thracian Bosphorus, which communicates with 
those inland seas, whose shores are formed by the most opu- 
lent and delightful countries of Europe and Asia. Thither 
Constantine caused the wealth of the empire to be convey- 
ed; and directly a new and splendid city arose, which was 
able to rival ancient Rome. ‘That proud capital, so long the 
mistress of empire, suddenly became but a satellite, and was 
forsaken of honor, wealth and glory; since the emperor, and 
all who were devoted to his interest, used every possible 
means to exalt the new seat of empire. 

This wound was deadly and incurable. It proved fatal 
not only to one city, but to the Western Empire. Rome 
was utterly abandoned by Constantine. Nor was it much 
alleviated under his successors, among whom, a permanent 
division of the empire taking place, Rome and Italy fell un- 
der the government of a series of weak, miserable, short-lived 
tyrants, who rose by conspiracy, and fell by murder, in rapid 
succession; till, in the 476th year of the Christian era, Au- 
gustulus, the last of the Roman emperors, was conquered 
and dethroned by Odoacer, king of the Heruli, who, at the 
head of an immense army of barbarians, overrun all Italy, 
and put a period to the Western Empire. 

Thus ended Rome, after having stood 1229 years. When 
we consider the length of her duration, her character, and 
the fature and extent of her resources, we shall not hesitate 
to pronounce her the most powerful and important city, 
which ever existed, and as standing at the head of the first 
rank of cities, But if this remark is true of Rome in the 
times of which we are now speaking, it will serve to awaken 
our admiration, when we consider, that Rome survived even 
this shock ; and, as though she was destined to bear rule, from 
being the head of @ most powerful empire, she soon became 


208 ROME. 


the head of an ecclesiastical institution not less powerful. 
She spread her wing over all the powers of Europe. They 
trembled at her mandates. She deposed monarchs at her 
pleasure, trampled on crowns and sceptres, and, for ten cen- 
turies, exerted the most despotic sovereignty. She is even 
to this day, one of the finest cities in the world. 

[ Athens and Corinth under the Romans.—After the Roman 
power was permanently established in Greece, no cities but 
Athens and Corinth were sufficiently distinguished to merit 
particular attention. Athens revolted from the Romans, in 
the time of the Mithridatic war; but was rcduced by Sylla, 
who burned the Pireus and defaced the city and suburbs. 
The civil war between Cesar and Pompey soon followed; in 
which they sided with Pompey. Here they were unfortu- 
nate; for Cesar conquered. But Cesar did not treat them 
as Sylla had done. With that clemency, which made so 
amiable a part of his character, he dismissed them with a 
fine allusion to their illustrious ancestors; saying, that he 
spared the living, for the sake of the dead. Cesar likewise 
rebuilt the city of Corinth, which had lain desolate ever since 
its destruction by the savage Mummius. 

The Athenians afterwards sided with Brutus and Cassius 
against Augustus; and erected the statues of these republi- 
cans near those of their own ancient deliverers, Harmodius 
and Aristogiton. But they were still unfortunate; for their 
enemies triumphed. 

At this time the city was manifestly declining, on account 
of the Romans having fixed the seat of their government 
at Corinth. The literary fame of Athens, however, did not 
then decline. When the apostle Paul visited that city, it 
was full of philosophers, rhetoricians, orators, painters, 
statuaries, and ycung persons who came to learn philosophy 
and the arts. But this sort of people being generally very 
idle, were great talkers, and had an insatiable curiosity. 
This account is corroborated by Luke: “ All the Athenians 
and strangers who were there, spent their time in nothing 
else, but either to tell or to hear some new thing.” ‘It is 
said, there were more images in Athens, than in all Greece 
besides, and that they worshipped the gods more than all 
the rest of Greece. Well, therefore, might Paul tell the 
Areopagites, that he perceived they were in all things too 
superstitious, or extremely religious. His eloquent address 
before that venerable council will be found in Acts xvii. 
Though the apostle’s success was small at that time, the 


ROME. 209 


seeds were probably scattered, which afterwards. produced an 
abundant harvest; for in the next century, there was a church 
there, remarkable for its order. 

Paul next visited Corinth, where he resided about eighteen 
months. This city was admirably situated for commetce, 
on the Corinthian gulf. On the east side, was the port of 
Cenchrea, which received the merchandise of Asia, by the 
Saronic gulf; and on the west side, the port of Lecheum 
received the merchandise of Italy, Gaul and Spain, by the 
Crissean gulf. The inhabitants were very dissolute as well 
as very learned. Public prostitution formed a part of their 
religion; and it is said, that the temple of Venus maintained 
no less than a thousand women of abandoned character, 
Riches produced luxury; and luxury a total corruption of 
manners. And yet even in Corinth, the gospel of Jesus 
Christ, prevailed over the universal corruption; and a Chris- 
tian church was founded. ‘The arts, sciences and literature 
leng continued to flourish here. 

Under the mild empire of Trajan, the Athenians Pend 
their fondness for the monuments of sculpture; as Pliny 
mentions, that in his time the city was adorned with no less 
than three thousand statues. In Adrian, they found a gene- 
rous benefactor. He bestowed upon them new privileges ; 
and the city under his influence, reflected a faint ray of its 
former glory. His successors, Antoninus Pius and Marcus 
Aurelius,were likewise benefactors. 

It is related, that Ponatenhiae when emperor, gloried in 
the title of general of Athens; and rejoiced exceedingly on 
obtaining from that people, the honor of a statue with an 
inscription, which he achugixiedaed by a yearly gratuity of 
many bushels of grain. 

In the time of Theodosius I. 380 years after Christ, the 
Goths laid waste Thessaly and Epirus; but Theodore, 
general of the Acheans, by his prudent conduct, preserved 
the cities of Greece from pillage, and the inhabitants from 
captivity. 

In the year 410, Alaric, the savage plunderer of Italy, 
extended his conquests to Greece, and marked his steps by 
ruin and devastation. He passed the strait of Thermopyle, 
from which the Greeks, unmindful, or perhaps ignorant of 
the disaster of Xerxes, and the glory of Leonidas, retired 
as he advanced. As soon as the voice of his herald was 
heard at Athens, the descendants of those heroes, who *- * 
conquered at Marathon and Salamis, opened the.c gates, 

18 


910 VIEW OF THE 


The invaluable productions of antiquity were removed; the 
stately and magnificent structures converted into piles of 
ruin; and Athens was plundered of her choicest treasures. 
The Peloponnesian towns were overturned ; and Arcadia and 
Lacedemon laid waste. 

After this event, Athens became an unimportant place, 
and continued sunk in obscurity for a series of ages. We 
read after this, that the cities of Greece were put into a 
state of defence by Justinian, who, in the sixth century, 
repaired the walls which at Corinth had been subverted by 
an earthquake; and at Athens and in Beotia, were impaired 
by age. Here we take a long farewell of this celebrated 
city. } 

a 


CHAPTER XVI. 


BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE COURSE OF EMPIRE, FROM THE 
FALL OF ROME TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIRE OF 
CHARLEMAGNE, CONTAINING A PERIOD OF THREE HUNDRED 
AND TWENTY-FOUR YEARS. 


From the fall of the Roman empire, a period of darkness 
ensued, equally dreadful for its length, and for the number 
and greatness of its calamities upon mankind. To trace 
the history of those times, is like making a progress through 
chaos, amidst upper, nether and surrounding darkness. We 
will first notice the fortunes of Constantinople, commonly 
called the Eastern, and in late periods of history, the Greek 
empire. 

The successors of Constantine, whom, in this Compend, 
it will be impossible for us even to name, were more for- 
tunate in the East, than in the West. The numberless 
swarms of barbarians, which, in these times, poured down 
from the north of Europe, generally directed their course 
more westwardly and inundated France, Spain, Italy and 
even Africa. The empire of Constantinople was various 
in its extent: sometimes its territories were very extensive, 
and at others, were limited almost to the city walls. But 
this city was destined to enjoy a great and almost peculiar 
felicity. It stood unrifled and unimpaired through all the 
storms and revolutions of the dark ages. It was never taken 
by the barbarians of the North nor of the East. It was even 
fortunate enough to escape the rage of civil war, and to 


COURSE OF EMPIRE. Q11 


survive for many ages, to triumph over the vices of its degen- 
erate inhabitants; till, at length, it was taken by Mahomet II. 
emperor of the Turks, in the year 1453—977 years after the 
conquest of Rome by the Goths. 

* During this long period, the reader will find few things 
in the history of Constantinople worthy of very particular 
notice. That empire neither abounded in heroes, philoso- 
phers, poets, orators, nor historians. Yet the preservation 
of that one city to so late a period, was certainly an impor- 
tant link in the chain of events, which restored the arts and 
sciences. The writers of the middle ages, and especially the 
crusaders, speak in the highest terms of the greatness and 
splendor of Constantinople. ©Her final subjugation to 
the Turks appears to have been a just judgment of Proy- 
idence upon her, since, though bearing the Christian name, 
she almost uniformly carried a hostile front to all Christian 
powers, made more wars upon them, and exercised more 
animosity towards them, than she did towards Pagans or 
Mahometans. 

If we except Constantinople, the whole of Europe, from 
the fall of Rome to the establishment of Charlemagne, re- 
sembled a troubled ocean. The most splendid cities, the 
most populous countries, and the most delightful regions of 
the earth, were harassed and overwhelmed with ruin and 
desolation. We naturally first turn our eyes toward Italy, 
whose wretched inhabitants were the severest sufferers of 
all. The historians of those times say, that their sufferings 
exceeded all conception; that neither pens nor pencils can 
describe the barbarity, the rage and the violence of their sav- 
age conquerors. All their effects were converted into plun- 
der; their men of every age and character were put to the 
sword, or dragged into slavery; their women subjected to 
the most brutal violence, and their cities and villages wrap- 
ped in flames. . 

_ We can give the reader no juster idea of the miseries of 
Rome, than by noticing to him, that during this period, that 
devoted city was besieged and taken by storm five times, 
in the space of twenty years. Those northern invaders, 
after having conquered, and in a measure destroyed, the 
unwarlike inhabitants of the Roman provinces, fell with 
fury upon one another; and several gloomy centuries were 
wasted away in the horrors of the most bloody and desolat- 
ing wars. The Mediterranean sea did not secure the 
northern shores of Africa from those terrible invasions. An 


912 VIEW OF THE 


immense horde of Vandals found their way thither, and set- 
tled in those fruitful countries. But their settlement, so far 
from taking a regular, consistent and pacific form, remained 
a perpetual scourge, and accomplished the utter ruin of these 
once opulent regions. 

Mankind, in those unhappy times, seemed utterly lost to 
all mental improvement, as well as to all sense of humanity. 
For several ages the whole human race scarcely produced 
one ornament, or could boast of one illustrious character, to 
illumine the universal gloom, or to cast a partial beam of 
light through the intellectual chaos; so far from it, that those 
days were spent in destroying the noblest works of art and 
genius. <A diligent search was made for the most valuable 
productions. of antiquity, not to preserve and treasure up, 
but to demolish, to burn, and to destroy. Nor did barbarians 
alone pursue the work of destruction. The superstitions of 
the apostate Christian church, in too many instances, lent 
their aid to that infernal work. 

In this cursory survey, it would be impossible to notice 
the slight shades of difference in the situation of the nume- 
rous provinces of the Roman empire. And as these times 
produced no historians, it would be arrogance to attempt to 
tell the reader what was going on, generally speaking, in the 
eastern parts of the world. We could say little more, than 
that the empire of China stood firm in its strength, having 
already flourished for many ages. India and Persia have 
been subject to changes, divisions and revolutions from time 
immemorial, especially the former; and the Greek writers 
are, perhaps, the only historians, who ever wrote correctly the 
Persian history. It was but partially known before, and has 
been far less so since,the Augustan age. The North of Eu- 
rope was only known by the incredible swarms of barbari- 
ans, which issued from it, and overwhelmed the civilized 
world. Of the history of Arabia, we shall soon have oceca- 
sion to speak ; and concerning the immense interior of Asia, 
commonly called Tartary, the best of modern geographers 
are yet almost wholly ignorant, as also of the middle regions 
of Africa. 

The island of Great Britain has been known in history, 
since the time of its conquest by Julius Cesar. The 
Britons made a formidable resistance to his arms; and were 
never but partially conquered. When the Roman empire 
fell, that island shared in the general calamities. The 
British called over to their aid the Saxons, a nation from 


COURSE OF EMPIRE. Q13 


Germany, to assist them against the fury of the Picts and 
Scots, by whom they were invaded. The Saxons, led by 
Hengist and Horsa, two powerful chieftains, readily obeyed 
the call, and, according to the fashion of the age, came over 
in such numbers, as not only to repel the Picts and Scots, 
but to conquer and enslave the Britons themselves. - They 
therefore settled in the south parts of the island; and at 
length erected themselves into seven petty but independent 
kingdoms, commonly called the Saxon Heptarchy. These 
were at length united into one government by Egbert, who, 
about the year 800, reigned over them all, and founded the 
Kinglish monarchy. This brings the English history to the 
close of the period, which was to be the subject of the pres- 
ent chapter. — 

Arabia forms the southwest corner of Asia. It is a tract 
of country considerably more than a thousand miles square, 
and is peninsulated by the Persian Gulf on the east, and the 
Red Sea on the west. This great country is supposed to 
have been peopled originally by the family of Ishmael, the 
son of Abraham. 

Of Ishmael it was foretold, that he should be an archer, 
and that his hand should be against every man, and every 
man’s hand against him. This prediction seems to have 
been fully accomplished in his posterity.. The Arabs have 
ever been excellent horsemen and archers ; formidable with 
the bow and lance; and they have been wild men, and have 
dwelt in the desert. A singular circumstance in this history, 
is, that they have never been conquered or subjugated by 
any nation, although it has been attempted successively by 
the Chaldeans, the Persians, the Romans and, in late ages, 
by the Turks. 

In the beginning of the seventh century, a fire broke out 
in Arabia, which for a while threatened to involve in its 
flames, all Europe and Asia. It is remarked by an able his- 
torian, as a wonderful synchronism, that the very same year, 
in which the Roman pontiff was proclaimed universal bishop, 
Mahomet, the grand impostor, forged the Koran in a Pea 
cave at Mecca. The usurpations of the Romish “¢9¢° 
church were then complete; the beast was at his full 
growth, and was then ready to begin his reign. It would 
thence seem probable, that the beast and the false prophet 
began, and will end, their career nearly together. 

It is matter of doubt, whether the great exploits and 
astonishing elevation of some men, are to be set down to the 


214 VIEW OF THE 


account of their extraordinary natural endowments, or to a 
favorable coincidence of events in the world around them. 
Mahomet, from an obscure parentage, birth and education, 
rose to a height, and with a rapidity, almost without a parallel. 
From the occupation of a tradesman, he retired to a cave in 
Mecca, where he pretended he had frequent interviews 
with an angel, by whose assistance and direction, he wrote 
the Koran on the plate bones of camels. He, at length, is- 
sued from the cave, and began to publish his mission to the 
people of Mecca. A storm was soon raised against him, 
and he fled from Mecca to Medina. This flight, the Ma- 
hometans call the Hegira; and regard it as. their grand 
epoch; as we do the birth of Christ. The followers of 
Mahomet soon became numerous. He subdued, or rather 
revolutionized, his native country, and, in a short time, all the 
neighboring countries. His religion spread with his arms, 
and was embraced, wherever he conquered. 

The Saracens, as Mahomet’s followers were called, after 
his death, still pursued their conquests ; and in a very short 
time, all the West of Asia, the North of Africa, and the 
South of Europe, were overrun by this dreadful inundation ; 
which, if possible, was more bloody and exterminating, than 
that of the Goths and Vandals. A final stop, however, was 
put to the progress of the Saracens in Europe by Charles 
Martel; who defeated them with great slaughter between 
Tours and Poitiers, killing, it is said, 370,000 in one day, 
This battle was fought in the year 734. 

Mahomet declared himself to be the prophet of God, sent 
into the world, to enlighten and reform mankind; and that 
he was clothed with greater light and powers, than either 
Moses or Christ, His doctrines and morality were drawn 
from such sources, as would best suit the prejudices, and ob- 
tain currency among the nations whom he conquered. They 
were extracted from the Jewish and Christian scriptures, 
from oriental traditions, from legendary trash of the rabbies, 
and indeed from the inventive genius of Mahomet him- 
self, whose knowledge of mankind enabled him to fore~ 
see, how they might easiest be led and governed. He 
taught the unity af God, and the universality of his provi- 
dence, or, rather, .in the strictest sense, the doctrines of the 
Fatalist. 

His scheme of morality allowed the full indulgence of 
the passions, being exactly suited to the most depraved 
mind; and he so managed the affairs of a future state, that 


COURSE OF EMPIRE. 915 


they could have no influence in favor of virtue, or in opposi- 
tion to vice.’ 

It was not without reason, that he relied on the natural 
disposition of men for the ‘ultimate success of his doctrines ; 
but his main arguments, for their propagation, were fire and 
sword. 

The kingdoms of Europe in general, as to their extent 
and boundaries, seem to have been parcelled out by acci- 
dent, or more properly by nature. Spain is marked out by 
oceans and mountains; France, by oceans, mountains and 
rivers; Germany and Italy, in like manner. As early as 
the period under consideration, some remote vestiges may 
be discovered of the present European establishments. 
Early in the sixth century, Clovis laid the foundation of 
the French monarchy; at which time, the rage of emigra- 
tion by nations had generally subsided; either because the 
wilds of Europe had poured forth all their daring spirits, or 
because a general repletion of the southern provinces had 
rendered a kind of reflux necessary. No part of Europe 
had oftener been traversed and ransacked, than France; 
but as they found less plunder there, they generally pushed 
forward to other countries. The Franks at length made a 
settlement there, after having driven out and destroyed 
several Gothic nations, who had previously dispossessed the 
Romans and ancient Gauls. From the Franks, the country 
is supposed to have obtained the name France. The Franks, 
after maintaining long and bloody wars with subse- " 
quent invaders for several ages, at length found them- at ; 
selves united by a more regular form of government 
under Clovis, who is reckoned the founder of the first dynas- 
ty of French monarchs. 

During the period before us, the face of Europe was 
changed, as we have already stated, by the Gothic and 
Saracen irruptions. The first care of these barbarous 
invaders was to destroy and forever to obliterate the inhabi- 
tants, the institutions, the manners and customs of the coun- 
tries, which they subdued. A far more difficult task was 
to maintain their acquisitions against subsequent invaders ; 
for the North of Europe, like an immense storehouse of 
nations, poured forth innumerable hordes, in rapid succes- 
sion. These were equally hostile to each other, and knew 
nothing but to make war—to kill and ravage, wherever 
they came. Whether it was owing, however, to the soft- 
ening influence of mild climates, combined with the scattez» 


216 VIEW OF THE 


“ed rays of science, humanity and order, which had escaped 
the overwhelming flood of darkness; or whether to the 
imperceptible influence of various unknown causes upon 
individuals, the people in the South and West of Europe, 
instead of sinking into a savage state, began, in the sixth 
century, to assume a regular form of government, which, 
though bad in itself, yet, under the influence of a natural 
course of causes, ultimately led on to the present state of 
Europe. , 

The northern barbarians entertained a high sense of 
freedom; and each of them considered himself as entitled 
to a liberal share of whatever his tribe should conquer. 
Each great chieftain, therefore, granted out and divided the 
conquered lands to the high officers next to himself, and 
they subdivided the same among their followers or vassals ; 
under this express condition, that each man should do mili- 
tary service a certain part of his time to his immediate 
lord; and that each lord or great vassal of the court should 
also do military service to the grand chieftain or king. 
This division of property, which prevailed in every part of 
Europe, was. grounded wholly on military policy. It be- 
came, in fact, the only organized system of defence for 
several centuries, and has obtained the name of the Feudal 
System. 

This system of property, government and war, although 
it must be regarded as a happy change from a direful 
plunge of the human species into anarchy, and all the deg- 
radations of a savage state, yet was radically defective, and 
certainly conduced to protract the ages of darkness. Still, 
however, it left room for the slow operation of causes, 
which would naturally correct, improve and elevate the 
human mind, and which would, at length, originate other 
causes, far more efficient and rapid in rending the veil of 
darkness, and once more ushering the nations into the light 
of science and civility. ‘Those who would see this subject 
handled with great elegance and perspicuity, may find it in 
the first volume of Dr. Robertson’s History of Cuartes V. 
We shall here only observe, that the exorbitant power of 
the middle order was the grand defect of the Feudal Sys- 
tem. The great lords held the power of life and death 
over their own subjects; and also the right of making war 
in their own defence. Of course, if with such an extent of 
prerogative, they confederated, they always outweighed 
the king. If they were at war with each other, which was 


COURS# OF EMPIRE, 217 


often the case, the king had no control over them; because 
it was impossibie for him to raise or command an army 
without their assistance. On the one hand, therefore, the 
hands of the monarch were tied; and, on the other, the 
lowest order were little better than abject slaves to their im- 
mediate governors. 

The feudal governments were at no great remove from 
the very worst of oligarchies. The want of power in the 
prince, and the force of the nation being so divided, render- 
ed them weak against invasion. This weakness was in- 
creased by the jealousy and turbulence of the great lords, 
who frequently occasioned civil wars, and at length reduced 
them to a state of anarchy, from which they could only be 
recovered and reunited by union, and a strong sense of com- 
mon danger. 

In the midst of the fluctuating waves of war, revolution 
and anarchy, the powerful and fortunate genius of Charle- 
magne erected a new empire in Europe; which, for a 
moment, bid fair to cut short the reign of darkness, and 
re-establish those institutions, which improve and adorn 
society. His dominion comprehended the fairest parts of 
Europe, France, Germany and Italy. This event took 
place in the beginning of the ninth century. 

But as nothing can be more uninteresting, than the steril 
histories of the wars and revolutions of the dark ages, SO, 
even what is known of the battles, the sieges, the victories, 
the conquests, the elevation and the grandeur of Charle- 
magne, will be little more improving to the reader of 
history, than to tell him that Charlemagne was a soldier of 
fortune; that he fought bravely, and was generally victori- 
ous; in a word, that he established a huge empire, consist- 
ing of a heterogeneous mass of crude materials—incongru- 
ous, disjointed members, and which he governed for several 
years, not by any regular plan of civil policy, which the na- 
tions were then as incapable of receiving, as of organizing, 
but by a strong military arm, which he wielded with dexter- 
ity and success; and that, when he expired, his empire fell 
into pieces. 

In justice, however, to this great monarch, it must be 
noticed, that he was far from resembling the fierce, cruel 
and barbarous chieftains of the Goths or Saracens, Instead 
of deserving the title of Arrina, the scourge of God, and the 
terror of men, he is justly celebrated for cultivating the 

19 


218 VIEW OF THE COURSE OF EMPIRE. 


arts of peace; for encouraging men of learning and wisdom; 
and for promoting various important civil institutions: 

Perhaps, but for him, Europe had still remained under 
the cloud of Gothic ignorance. He merits an honorable rank 
among those great and powerful minds, which evinced the 
possibility of checking the strong current of the times; and 
could he have lived and reigned for a century, he might have 
raised Europe from her degraded state. But time, and a 
long series of events, could only mature those seeds of order 
and virtue, which under his administration began to vegetate, 
but which, in a manner, disappeared with him, and left the 
world in still palpable darkness. 

And here, as in the middle watches of the night, we shall 
close the rrrsT VOLUME of this rapid and cursory survey, and 
leave the reader to repose in hope of a fairer morning ; though 
a morning without clouds is hardly to be expected in a world, 
abounding as this hitherto has, more with vice than with vir- 
. tue, and more with darkness than with light. 


A 


COMPEND OF HISTORY, 


FROM THE 
EARLIEST TIMES; 


COMPREHENDING A GENERAL VIEW OF THE 


PRESENT STATE OF THE WORLD, 


WITH RESPECT TO 


CIVILIZATION, RELIGION, AND GOVERNMENT ; 


AND 


A BRIEF DISSERTATION 


ON THE 


IMPORTANCE OF HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE. 


-kRe- 
BY SAMUEL WHELPLEY, A. M 


PRINCIPAL OF THE NEWARK ACADEMY. 


-<wo— 
Tenth Bvitiorn. 
WITH CORRECTIONS AND IMPORTANT ADDITIONS AND IMPROVEMENT’ 


BY REV. JOSEPH EMERSON, 


PRINCIPAL OF THB FEMALE SEMINARY AT WETHERSFIF: ~ , 


TWO VOLUMES IN ONE, 
WO. II. 


BOSTON: 


PUBLISHED BY RICHARDSON, LORD & HOLBROOK 
No. 133, Washington Street. 


1831 


~~ 


DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS, VIZ. 
District Clerk’s Office. 
Bz 1T REMEMBERED, That on the thirtieth day of June, A. D. 1825, in the forty- 
niith year of the Independence of the United States of America, Richardson and Lord, 


of the said district, have deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof 
they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit : 


*¢ A Compend of History, from the earliest times ; comprehending a General View of 
the Present State of the World, with respect to Civilization, Religion, and Government ; 
and a Brief Dissertation on the Importance of Historical Knowledge. By Samuel 
Whelpley, A. M. Principal of the Newark Academy. Eighth edition. With Corrections, 
and important Additions and Improvements. By Rev. Joseph Emerson, Principal of the 
Female Seminary at Wethersfield. Two volumes inone. Vol. II.’ 


In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, ‘* An Act for the 
encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the 
authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned ;”? and also 
to an act, entitled, “*‘ An Act supplementary to an act, entitled, An Act {ur the eneour- 


_agement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors 


and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned ; and extending the 
benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other 


esr a JNO. W. DAVIS, 
Clerk of the District of Massachusetts. 


TO THE READER. 


——— 


In the preceding volume, we have attempted to sketch 
the great line of history, through the ancient nations. <A 
similar attempt with regard to the modern, and on the same 
scale, however small it may appear, would be impracticable, 
without extending the work far beyond its intended limit. 
The reader has already been apprized, that methodical 
abridgment, even in the former part of the work, was not 
intended; much less will it be in the subsequent. 

As we approach our own times, the subject matter of his- 
tory becomes so copious, that its very outline would. fill vol- 
umes; and its skeleton could not be accurately drawn, but 
in a work of magnitude. 

In passing through a field so wide and diversified, we shall 
be able only to suggest some of the principal topics of histor- 
ical observation. It will be like gliding lightly and. swiftly 
over the numberless waves of the ocean, and touching only 
some of their highest tops. Yet our selection of topics has 
not been without regard to the pleasure and profit of the 
reader. It is feared, that the rapidity aud general nature of 
the narration, kept up for so long a time, will chill and dis- 
gust the mind. But we apprehend less danger from this 
source, than from a strictly chronological form, which would 
exhibit a much greater number of facts, but without combi- 
nation. 

In our choice of objects to present to the experienced 
reader, we have had continual reference to the power of as- 
sociation, and have endeavored to present such, as will be 
most likely to bring to remembrance groups of ideas and cir- 
cumstances, which were once fresh, but are now fading in 
the mind. 

19°* 


TABLE OF CON TENTS. 


VOL. II—CHAPTER. I. 


Page 
Brief Historical View of Eu- 


rope, from the beginning of 
the ninth, to that of the 
sixteenth century, contain- 
ing a period of seven hun- 
dred years, 


CHAPTER II. 
The same continued.—The 
Crusades, c 
CHAPTER III. 
The same” continued—The 
Ottoman Turks, . t 
CHAPTER IV. 


The same continued.—Im- 
portant discoveries and im- 
provements, ve 


CHAPTER V. 


Brief Historical View of the 
Nations of Europe, from 
the beginning of the six- 
teenth century to the pres- 
ent day.—Germany, . . 

The Inquisition, . SE 


CHAPTER VI. 
The same continued.—France, 
Massacre of St. Bartholo- 
mew’s, : 
CHAPTER VII. 
The same continued —The 
Northern Powers, : 
CHAPTER VIII. 


The same continued.—Great 
Britainj:!. Ser. © by 


12 


18 


SS 


40 
42 


CHAPTER IX. 
Page. 


The same continued.—The 
Ecclesiastical State, 


CHAPTER X. 


The present state of Europe, 8&2 

A connected account of the 
French Revolution, and of 
BORIRATE Ca, vate vale h vem iat 99 


yy 
d 


Haytz, oes re” . 121 
Modern Greece, . . 125 
CHAPTER XI. 

Present state of Asia, . 131 
CHAPTER XII. 
Present state of Africa, . 153 
CHAPTER XIII. 
Present state of America, . 161 


Importance of Historical 
Knowledge, ... . 


CHAPTER XIV. 


The Credibility of the Mosa- 
ic History, . 218 


CHAPTER XV. 


Causes, which have operated 
to plunge ancient ihey 
into darkness, . e 


CHAPTER XVI. 


Sources whence the knowl- 
edge of ancient )sortmge’d is 


drawn, » 233 
Chronology, ... . . 240 
Chronological Tables, . . 246 
Chronological Table, . 255 


HISTORICAL COMPEND. 


CHAPTER I. 


BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF EUROPE, FROM THE BEGINNING OF 
THE NINTH TO THAT OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY, CON- 
TAINING A PERIOD OF SEVEN HUNDRED YEARS. 


Tue history of Europe, from the 9th to the 16th century, 
presents the following important particulars, viz.—The de- 
cay of the Feudal System; the crusades; the revival of 
commerce, followed by that of the liberal arts and sciences ; 
the organization and establishment of several European pow= 
ers; the origin, rise and progress of the Turks; and, blended 
with the whole, a series of bloody and desolating wars, the 
offspring of depravity and ambition. 

During the period now before us, we shall, in this and the 
following chapters, take notice of such leading traits of char- 
acter and-such events only, as concern Europe in general. 

In a former chapter, we have given such a general sketch 
of the Feudal System, as was judged sufficient in that place. 
We shall, however, further remark here, that that system 
not only opened a new era on the people of Europe, but 
gave to the various wheels of society a momentum, which 
still influences their motions. The feudal chieftains acquir- 
ed an ascendency, especially in property, which still contin- 
ues to mark the grades in society; and though the feudal 
tenures have gradually melted away, and given place to a 
more civic form, especially in England, yet the ancient grants 
of lands marked out certain channels, in which property must 
for a long time continue to flow. 

The Feudal System may be defined, the granting of lands 
to certain persons, in consideration of military services. 
At what time, or in what place, this custom originated, it is 
not easy to determine. It is the opinion of many, that it 
was rather the accidental result of the state of society and 
property, which succeeded the overthrow of the Roman 
empire by the barbarians. But others, among whom judge 
Blackstone is the chief, affirm it to have been among the 


6 EUROPE. 


ancient customs of the North of Europe, as early as the 
times of Julius Cesar. We shall leave this inquiry to be 
pursued by such, as have leisure and inclination. 

This system gave a direction to the spirit of freedom, 
prevalent among the descendants of the conquerors of 
Rome, with which the ancients were never acquainted. 
This was fully displayed in the institutions of chivalry and 
knight-errantry. The general object of those institutions, 
appears to have been, the promotion and defence of integ- 
rity, honor, virtue, innocence and merit in general. They 
often, indeed, awakened too keen a sense of injury, and 
- thirst for revenge, and of course terminated in blood; but 
they certainly led the way to that refinement of sensibility, 
which is the chief ornament of civilization. To those 
institutions must undoubtedly be ascribed, the merit of 
raising the female sex to that rank, which they ought to 
hold as rational beings and members of society; and of 
securing to them that treatment—that protection and respect, 
which are due to their softness, their delicacy and their su- 
perior sensibility. 

The raising of the female sex to the rank and estimation 
they now hold, in the politer nations, must certainly be 
regarded as one of the most illustrious events recorded in 
civil history. Though it seems to have arisen out of chiv- 
alry and knight-errantry, yet the truth probably is, that its: 
origin may be traced to a deeper cause. The people of 
the North of Europe had very early broken loose from the 
inebriating manners, and despotic governments of Asia, and 
had, of course, never imbibed their maxims, but retained a 
strong sense of the native independence, liberty and equali 
ofmen. Those original notions, when refined a little by the 
influence of wealth and learning, enkindled a spirit of gal- 
lantry and personal honor. 

The spirit of chivalry carried men to all lengths in de- 
fence of their own honor, or of that of the ladies, whose 
protection they had avowed. They would run all hazards, 
dangers and difficulties, encounter all hardships, or face — 
in every form. 

Those principles and passions, when ameliorated by the 
lapse of ages—when restrained by the influence of enlight- 
ened morality and salutary laws, form some of the noblest 
traits in the human character. And it is pleasing to look 
back into those barbarous times, and see the seeds of order 
and improvement, even among the Goths and Vandals, 


EUROPE. y 


which should one day spring up, and far transcend the refine- 
ments of Greece and Rome. The conquerors of Rome, we 
generally and justly style barbarians; but they were, in many 
essential respects, less barbarous, than the Romans whom 
they conquered. They had more justice and integrity, and 
more of every manly virtue. They were far less depraved in 
their morals; and possessed minds at least capable of im- 
provement. 

Another custom, which was the genuine growth of the 
Feudal System, and which obtained an extensive influence 
through Europe, was the trial by duel—the most unreasona- 
ble and extraordinary practice, which, perhaps, ever existed 
among men under the form of justice and legality. 

The decision of causes by duel became so creditable 
and so common, that even actions of debt were decided by 
it. All possible disputes, which required the intervention 
of law, were settled in open court by single combat. The 
person who failed was considered as having lost his cause, 
by an act, that was providential and divine. The evils and 
calamities of this practice were very great. In those times, 
quarrels and controversies were frequent, and litigations in- 
cessant; and the whole world, even in times of peace, was 
overspread with slaughter, mourning and distress. Those 
capricious trials were, at every step, liable to take a turn, 
which strongly marks the licentious freedom of the times ; 
for even the judge on the bench was liable to be challenged 
for his sentence, or an adyocate or witness at the bar, for his 
advice or testimony. It was no uncommon thing for the 
judge to be challenged on account of his decision, the advo- 
cate, for his counsel, the witness, for his testimony, and even 
the friends of one party or the other, for their countenance on 
the occasion. But a case far more common than this, was, 
that very often, previous to the day of trial, the plaintiff or 
defendant, the witness or the judge, was assassinated. Those 
were times of cruelty, of darkness and misery.. There is 
great reason for gratitude to that all-powerful, overruling 
Providence, which determined, that mankind should see 
happier days. 

The revival of commerce was one of the natural con- 
sequences, resulting from the spirit of liberty and enterprise 
prevalent in the Feudal System. The ancient nations 
generally regarded every species of traffic, as attaching to 
itself a certain kind of ignominy and degradation unworthy 
of nobility. But that reproach was wholly wiped away in . 


8 EUROPE. 


the revival of commerce, and it was thought not unworthy 
of the patronage and attention of lords and princes. 

Venice, Genoa, Pisa and several other of the Italian 
cities, having obtained certain privileges and exemption 
from feudal customs, led the way in, European commerce. 
They soon rose to a degree of wealth and independence, 
which gave them an influence in all the great concerns of 
Europe. Venice was the first, the most powerful and 
permanent republic, which rose after the fall of the Roman 
empire ; and, next to Great Britain, is the most surprising 
proof, which any age has afforded, of the power of com- 
merce. 

When Maximin, the Roman emperor, besieged the an- 
cient city of Aquileia, the inhabitants, perceiving, that the 
tyrant would carry the city by storm, found means to make 
their escape in the night, and fled to the marshy grounds, 
which lie at the head of the Adriatic gulf. Those groun’* 
are said to be accessible only by one causeway or pass. 
Here those unfortunate but hardy people settled on a cluster 
of little islands, and on flats, where the land and water dis- 
puted for empire. But the Aquileians stepped in, and, wrest- 
ing the dominion from both, built wharves and dikes and 
bridges; and at length with an intrepid industry, almost un-' 
known to the world, they raised a noble city,.which may 
be regarded among the cities of modern Europe, as the first 
born from chaos and darkness. Enriched by commerce, 
and ennobled by a sudden and surprising revival of taste, it 
soon became equally splendid and powerful. It merited to 
have given law to Europe, and, for a while, had well nigh 
done it. But if it did not govern Europe, it certainly did 
for her a much more honorable and illustrious task. It saved 
her from the horrid fangs of Turkish power; and, in so doing, 
from a second age of darkness—perhaps from irretrievable 
ruin. 

The power of the Venetians by sea was such as to be an 
evermatch for the Turks, till other powers arose in Eu- 
rope, who could cope with them by land. But the com- 
merce of the Italian states filled all the ports of Europe 
with the richest commodities, and. served to awaken a gen- 
eral spirit of enterprise, which had slumbered for many 
centuries; or, more properly speaking, had as yet scarcely 
been awake. The Italian states, in strictness, were the 
first commercial people, who ever existed in Europe. The 
Romans, rightly called the descendants of Mars, were 


EUROPE. g 


never a commercial people. They carried on, no doubt, 
some commerce, as they did arts and agriculture. But 
they, very early, found out a readier way of acquiring wealth. 
Instead of trading with nations, they conquered them, and 
took the whole of their effects. When they had done con- 
quering, and had nothing to do but enjoy their wealth, they 
still chose rather to fight than to trade. Of course they 
fought among themselves. The Gauls and Britons traded 
some; but their traffic was of a limited and local nature, 
and in the light of mordern commerce, deserves not to be 
mentioned. Some of the Grecian states, indeed, did some- 
thing in the commercial line, but their character was rather 
military and scientific. ‘‘They combat,” said one, “for 
glory, and not for interest.” | 

The empire of Charlemagne, founded A. D. 800, although 
it survived him but a short time, strengthened and edified 
the French and German monarchies. Spain, at this time, 
contained several petty kingdoms; and some of the Italian 
republics, in the ninth and tenth centuries, acquired perma- 
nence and a regular form of government. Little had yet 
occurred to break the force, or loosen the foundations, of 
the Feudal System. It stood in its strength, and might for- 
ever have remained an effectual bar to the improvement and 
civilization of Europe, had not wild fanaticism, and extrav- 
agant superstition at length effected, by the most extraordi- 
nary means, what never could have been looked for in a 
regular course of probable events. An event took place, 
which shook the minds of men from their established foun- 
dations; tore up from the bottom their deepest prejudices ; 
awakened them from the slumber of ignorance and the 
dreams of delusion; and. presented before them illustrious 
motives and models of action. 


ron wee 
CHAPTER II. 


VIEW OF EUROPE CONTINUED.—THE CRUSADES. 


At the end of the tenth century, a rumor prevailed 
through Europe, that the Son of God was about to make his 
personal advent to this world, in order to establish a uni- 
versal empire, the seat of which was to be at Jerusalem. 
It occurred, therefore, that it was a duty, the performance 
of which would confer illustrious merit, to rescue the holy 


‘ 


10 EUROPE. 


land from the hands of infidels, in order to be in readiness 
for that grand event. It was proposed, that the Christians 
of Europe should march in a body sufficient to crush the 
Mahometan powers of Asia; and it was inculeated and 
believed, that, under the sacred banners of the cross, they 
should bear down all opposition, or, if any fell in battle, that 
their cause would be a certain passport to the regions of bliss. 

Preaching heralds were suddenly dispersed through Eu- 
rope on this important mission. Some of them went clad in 
sackcloth,with their heads and feet bare.* They flew with 
incredible speed from kingdom to kingdom, promising to 
each soldier of the cross, at least the eternal blessings of 
heaven, and threatening such as remained inactive, with the 
endless wrath of Deity. 

Their success was beyond calculation. The most power- 
ful princes enlisted under the banners of the cross. The 
flame spread, and continued to burn, from the shores of the 
Baltic to the strait of Gibraltar; and from the banks of the 
Danube to the bay of Biscay. All causes were swallowed 
up in one; and men of all professions, of all ages, descrip- 
tions and nations, coalesced under the honorable title of 
SOLDIERS or CHRIST, and Champions of the cross. In alk 
places the martial trumpet was heard, and warlike prepar- 
ations were seen. Immense swarms of people thronged 
from all quarters, to places of general rendezvous, whence, 
in still larger bodies, they rolled, like mighty torrents, into 
Asia. Never were the nations of Europe agitated by so 
ganere a passion; nor did ever a public passion equal this 
or strength or duration ; for it governed Europe so entirely, 
that to make, to preserve, or to recover acquisitions in 
Judea and its neighborhood, was the grand and favorite ob- 
ject for two centuries. The reader may judge of the impor- 
tance of the enterprise, when he is told, that, after two 
centuries were elapsed, upwards of two millions of lives 
lost, and incalculable sums expended, the Christians lost all 
footing in Judea; which has ever since remained under 
the power of the Turks. This was probably among the 
wildest, most vain and extravagant enterprises ever under- 
taken by man. We shall only add the sentiment of an 
elegant historian, that it is matter of lasting regret, that 
the crusades, being the only enterprise in which the 
powers of Europe ever generally engaged, should re- 


* Peter the Hermit, and others. 


EUROPE. ll 


main to all posterity, an unexampled monument of human 
folly. 

But however vain and extravagant the crusades were, the 
were productive of lasting good to mankind. They changed 
the character and the manners of Europe. They, in the first 
place, drew off and in a measure exhausted, those fierce and 
fiery spirits, which could never be at rest. They gave full 
scope to the ardor of thousands of knights and chevaliers ; 
so that their flaming and inordinate courage found other em- 
ploy, than to waste and extinguish itself in the blood of honest 
and peaceable citizens. 

The general union of all Europe in one common cause, 
although a wild religious frenzy was at the bottom of it, pre- 
vented many wars, hushed many commotions, and caused 
numberless private animosities to be forgotten; the inhabi- 
tants of different countries became acquainted with each 
other; and especially, when they met in the remote regions 
of Asia, they. looked upon each other as brethren engaged in 
one grand cause, where life, honor and glory were all at 
stake. The crusades may in fact be regarded, as the com- 
mencement of that intercourse among the people of Europe, 
which has been ever since increasing ; and which cannot fail 
to assimilate and polish their manners. 

The Venetian fleets were greatly concerned in trans- 
porting the armies and the provisions of the crusaders. 
The latter, therefore, had an opportunity of beholding and 
admiring the improvement, civility and politeness, as well 
as the convenience, the affluence, the power and pros- 
perity, which result from commerce. They were. equally 
astonished and inflamed with the idea. ‘They transmitted 
accounts of the glory of Italy back to the countries, whence 
they came, and inspired their countrymen with a spirit of 
emulation. 

Many of their armies passed through Constantinople, which, 
as already stated, was the only great and important city, that 
escaped the ravages of the northern and eastern invaders, and 
descended, unimpaired through the dark ages. 

In the year 1204, one of the most memorable in the times 
of the holy wars, an event took place of considerable con- 
sequence to the West of Europe. This was a little after 
the fifth crusade; and was. productive of some very impor- 
tant consequences. Constantinople had long been the seat 
of civil wars, conspiracies and revolutions. An army of 
French and Venetians now besieged and took it, and placed 

20 


12 ~ pUROPE: 


Baldwin, earl of Flanders, on the throne of the Greek empiré. 
The family of Baldwin held their empty title for nearly 60 
years, when it was wiseten from them by the Greek emperors 
of Nice. 

This will account for the fact, that Flanders and the 
adjacent countries led the way in the revival of letters. 
Constantinople, it is probable, contained the most valuable and 
precious remains of antiquity, which had been there collected 
by the great Constantine and his successors. ‘The enter- 
prise of the crusaders spread over Europe whatever informa- 
tion they gained in their travels ; and, as Constantinople was 
their place of general rendezvous, the light, refinement and 
science derived from thence, were, in the course of two 
centuries, during which the crusades lasted, diffused through 
Europe. 

In fine, the crusades gave a general concussion to the 
public mind, which forever shook off the tyranny of many 
barbarous customs ;. and broke the long and deadly slumbers 
of ignorance, whose narcotic influence on men’s minds is 
always in proportion to its nature and extent. By pro- 
moting national and social intercourse, they tended power- 
fully to melt away the prejudices, and assimilate the minds 
of men. As they had a union of object, they would naturally 
impress the mind with a sense of the power, practicability, 
and good policy of combinations and extensive alliances. 
As they passed through countries far more cultivated, more 
enterprising and more opulent, than their own, they could 
not but draw instructive comparisons, and must naturally 
wish to imitate those, whose wisdom and industry had 
secured to them prosperity and power. By all these means, 
_the eyes of mankind were opened, and many nations of the 
earth received, at the same time, important lessons of  in- 
struction—the genius of Europe was roused, and stood ready 
to explore the avenues of knowledge, and to trace the intri- 
cate paths, which lead to more extensive fields of light and 
improvement. A 


ere’ 
CHAPTER IIL. 
VIEW OF EUROPE CONTINUED.—THE OTTOMAN TURKS. 


ABOUT the beginning of the 13th century, a new power 
ergse, which first made progress in Asia, and at length became 


TURKS, 13 


the terror of all Europe. We have spoken particularly, in 
the former part of this Compend, of the irruptions of the 
Scythians from the interior parts of Asia. A warlike tribe, 
sprung from this prolific fountain, had for some time infested 
the countries of Western Asia, and at length were established 
in Bithynia. Othoman appeared at their head, and laid the 
foundation of a dynasty of most warlike and powerful princes. 
He fiourished about the year 1229. In no part of the annals 
of history, do we find a braver, more politic, or fortunate race 
of monarchs, than that of Othoman, or Othman. They sel- 
dom failed to unite bravery with prudence, or good fortune 
with enterprise. In Asia and Africa, their conquests were 
co-extensive with the empire of Rome; nor would they have 
fallen short in Europe, but for the intervention of unexpected 
causes. 

Othman was succeeded by his son Orchanes; he by 
Amurath I.; and he by Bajazet I. Amurath I. led a great 
army over the Hellespont, and invaded Europe. After 
making various conquests, he fixed the seat of his empire 
at Adrianople. Amurath established the janizaries, per- 
haps the most powerful and efficient corps, the most per- 
fectly trained to the art of war, and the ablest and most to 
be relied on in the day of battle, of any ever known. In 
the history of the Turks, it is remarkable, that, for several 
centuries, the succeeding monarch outdid his predecessor. 
The son generally excelled the father in energy, policy, 
grandeur of schemes, and felicity of execution. This re- 
mark will in a good measure apply, till the reign of Solyman 
the Magnificent, who raised the ‘Turkish empire to its zenith 
of glory. It was not so with the emperors of Rome, but 
often the reverse. 

Bajazet, the son of Amurath, was a yery great general. 
He was impetuous as a thunderbolt, yet of cool and thought- 
ful courage. He possessed the craft and policy of negotia- 
tion, together with the powers of compulsion. The Turkish 
armies in his time were distinguished for their numbers and 
discipline. - Bajazet generally commanded from three to five 
hundred thousand men; but the flower of his army was 
50,000 janizaries. With such a force no power in Europe 
could have resisted him; and he had matured every plan for 
extinguishing the Greek empire in the capture of Constanti- 
nople. But Providence had raised up a power, before which 
this haughty conqueror must fall, in the midst of his. pride, 
prosperity and glory, began 


14 TURKS. 


Tamerlane was, by inheritance, prince of a Tartar clan. 
Nature had endowed him with a mind capable of forming 
and executing the grandest enterprises. He early showed 
that superiority in council and in action, which raised him 
to the high station of cham of the Usbeck Tartars. His 
capital was Samarcand. He soon, by the wisdom and 
energy of his administration, drew to his standard innu- 
merable Tartar tribes, and saw himself at the head of the 
empire of Genghis Khan. Inflamed by the glory of that 
great conqueror, he invaded and subdued India, extending 
his empire to the eastern ocean. From the conquest of 
India, he had just returned, enriched with spoils of immense 
value, when ambassadors arrived at his court from the em- 
peror of Constantinople, whose capital was now besieged, 
and from various other Christian princes, already expelled 
from their dominions. 'Fhese ambassadors implored the aid 
of Tamerlane against the haughty Turk, who threatened the 
conquest of all Kurope. 

~The mighty Tartar immediately despatched a herald to 
Bajazet, desiring to know the. reasons of his conduct, and 
offering to mediate between him and the Greek emperor. 
Bajazet, whom no power could intimidate, returned a 
haughty and indignant answer; upon which ‘Tamerlane 
inarched against him, it is commonly said, at the head of a 
million of men, A. D. 1402. All Europe stood paralyzed 
for a moment at the expected shock; and dreading every 
thing if the Turks should prevail. ‘They came to a general 
battle near’ Angora, about two hundred miles BE. 8. EK. of 
Constantinople. Perhaps a greater battle has not been fought 
in modern times.” Each army was drawn up in the most con- 
summate manner, according to the tactics of the times. 
Fifty thousand janizaries, in a solid column, occupied the 
centre of the Turkish army, at the head of which Bajazet 
fought on foot. 

Tamerlane, in the morning, drew up the flower of his 
immense force, under the command of his ablest officers ; 
and directed them to commence the action while he look- 
ed on as a spectator, and stood ready to send necessary 
reinforcements from time to time. He had previously 
announced to Bajazet, that he might expect to meet 
him in battle, when he should see the green flag dis- 
played. 

The first shock was tremendous; and the ensuing con- 
flict truly dreadful. The ‘Tartar lords reminded their 


TURKS. 15 


soldiers of the glory of Genghis Khan and of the ramet 
of India. 


shed ony time in even scale, the battle hung.” 


Atlength, however, the wings of the Turkish army began 
to give way, borne down by the almost infinite force of the 
Tartar cavalry and infantry, who fought with astonishing rage 
and fury. Tamerlane, perceiving the moment of advantage, 
despatched ten thousand horse and as many foot, to sustain 
the wasting ardor of the battle. 

The Turkish army were generally defeated, dispersed, 
er cut to pieces, except the janizaries, who, animated by 
the presence and example of their gallant monarch, seemed 
to defy all mortal prowess. ‘They stood firm like a rock, 
which, unmoved, sustains the surging billows. This formi- 
dable force, composed of troops of known superiority, and 
led by the Turkish sultan, who fought with prodigious valor, 
still held the fortune of the field doubtful; when Tamerlane 
was seen advancing under the green flag, at the head of 
50,000 chosen cavalry, the splendid guards of the conqueror 
of the East. At that moment, the battle was renewed, 
and the janizaries, now nearly surrounded, fought with 
amazing bravery around the person of their king. But they: 
were .overwhelmed as with an irresistible torrent; and Ba- 
jazet, contrary to his own determination, was taken alive, 
with many of his guards. 

It is related by some historians, that Tamerlane demanded 
of Bajazet, when brought before him, what he would have 
done with him, provided fortune had declared in his favour. 
The captive monarch sternly and haughtily replied, ‘I 
would have put you into an iron cage, and carried you for a 
show all over my kingdom.” ‘ The same,” said Tamer- 
lane, * shall be done ‘to yourself ;” and it was accordingly 
done without delay. 

Tamerlane, having rescued the Greek emperor, and 
freed Europe from immediate danger, by humbling the 
Turkish power, returned into Asia; and, subduing “Syria 
and Palestine, proceeded to Eg egypt. and "Persia, returning 
after a period of eight years to Samarcand, through the 
middle countries of Asia. He is represented as a prince of 
great moderation and self command, and of a mild and 
amiable temper. He was adored and almost deified by his: 
subjects. His reign was long and prosperous; and his 
dominions are thought to have been nearly as extensive, 

20° 


16 TURKS. 


as those of Russia, comprehending a considerable portion of 
the known world. The emperor of Hindostan claims direct 
descent from Tamerlane, whose lineal descendants also led 
the Tartars in the conquest of China. They, of consequence, 
now possess the thrones of China and India, and govern a 
third part of the human species. 

The Tartars interfered no more with the Ottoman 
Turks, but left them gradually to recover from so deep 
a wound. Nor were the Christian princes able to avail 
themselves of this favorable opportunity to complete the 
ruin of so formidable a foe. Solyman I. the son and suc- 
cessor of Bajazet, derived courage and fortitude from his 
father’s misfortune ; and collecting the shattered remains 
of his force, soon appeared at the head of an army, which 
was able to keep the field. So severe a check of the 
Turks, however, protracted the capture of Constantinople 
for nearly a century. Solyman was succeeded by Ma- 
homet I.; he, by Amurath II. ; and he, by Mahomet the 
Great. This prince took Constantinople in the year 1453 ; 
which was followed by the subjugation of all Greece. The 
Turks, under the succeeding reigns, became the most 
formidable power in Europe, till, in the reign of Solyman 
the Magnificent, A. D. 1526, after subduing Hungary, and 
carrying off 200,000 prisoners, that great prince advanced 
into Austria, and laid siege to Vienna. © But on the approach 
of Charles V. at the head of a great army, he raised the 
siege, and retired into his own dominions, doubtless remem- 
bermg the fate of Bajazet. This however, carries us 
beyond the period, which was to be the subject of the present 
chapter. 

As the brevity of this Compend will not allow us to enter 
again particularly on the Turkish history ; before we dismiss 
that article, it willbe proper to state a few things, which do 
not properly belong to this chapter. ‘There was probably 
never another race of monarchs of equal abilities for war 
with the Ottoman race, as far as to the reign of Solyman the 
Magnificent. ‘They were certainly great in the art of govern- 
ing a turbulent and licentious race of men, as well at home, 
or in times of peace, as in the field of battle. And, what 
is matter of the highest admiration, every succeeding reign 
seemed to eclipse the former; and the deeds of the father 
were forgotten in the superior exploits of the son. Ma 
homet the Great, who took Constantinople, is universally 
allowed to have been a most politic and accomplished 


TURKS. 17 


prince, as well as the greatest commander of his time. 
But the greatest of the Turkish emperors was Solyman 
the Magnificent. In him were combined the first qualities 
of the soldier and statesman. He was fierce and furious as 
Bajazet, and artful and cruel as Mahomet the Great; be- 
sides which, he displayed a grandeur and dignity of mind, 
which no Turk ever did before or after him. In his reign, 
the Turkish empire gained its utmost height of power and 
glory; and though his successors cannot generally be 
styled weak princes, yet the empire has ever since expe- 
rienced a uniform and progressive decline; and, it has 
been thought, would, one day, fall before the power of 
Russia. 

Notwithstanding the great abilities of the Turkish em- 
perors, it must be confessed, that their characters were 
extremely unlovely, even to a man; all their good quali- 
. ties being deeply shaded with cruelty, and stained with 
blood. They commonly ascended the throne, through the 
blood of their nearest relations ; and we may apply to them 
the strong metaphor, applied to Simeon and Levi by 
their father Jacob ; Instruments of cruelty are i their habi- 
tation. 

There is no nation more uniform in their character, than 
the Turks. In mind, they seem morose, melancholy, mis- 
trustful, and of course, in their manners, cold, distant and 
repulsive. Nor do they vary from this character, though 
dwelling, as they have so long, in those mild and pleasant 
countries, which it might be thought, would naturally tend 
to render their dispositions more cheerful, and their manners 
more gentle and engaging. It isa painful reflection, that 
those very countries, where the ancient Greeks carried lite- 
rature and philosophy to such perfection, are now inhabited 
by some of the most stupid and ugly of the human race. 
One would be ready to wish, that so gloomy and dirty a race 
were expelled from Europe, and that some nation capable of 
appreciating the advantages of the country, would take pos- 
session of it. 

The word, Turk, itis said, signifies a wanderer, or banish- 
ed man. Some writers have conjectured that the Turks 
are descendants of the Jews, or of the Ten Tribes of Israel. 
From whateyor source they sprung, they erected a mighty 
fabric of power and dominion; and could the course of 
empire be represented by a line drawn through states and 
kingdoms, it would pass through Turkey; since there was 


18 DISCOVERIES. 


certainly a time, when the Turks were the most powerful 
nation in Europe, and, if we except China, perhaps the most 
powerful ia the world. - 


os 


CHAPTER IY. 


THE SAME CONTINUED.—IMPORTANT DISCOVERIES AND 
IMPROVEMENTS. 


AS the crusades effected a general change of character in 
Europe, they in fact laid the foundation for the dawn of that 
grand epoch, commonly called the Revival of Letters. The 
crusadcs had in some measure, loosened the fetters of the 
Feudal System, and diffused a spirit of enterprise through 
Europe, when commerce, which had long been limited to 
Italy, began to move northward, along the shores of the con- 
tinent ; and Ghent and Bruges, and the towns, which after- 
wards formed the body of the celebrated Hanseatic League, 
began to grow famous in Europe. 

‘Toward the close of the 13th century, the crusades had 
ceased, and all the Christian acquisitions in Asia had fallen 
into the hands of the Turks. ‘The wheels of commerce 
had just begun to move, and numberless enterprises and 
improvements were yet in a state of embryo, when a disco- 
very was made of the highest importance to the com- 
mercial and literary world. The difficulty and danger of 
voyages at sea, had, from the earliest ages, operated asa 
powerful impediment to navigation. It frequently hap- 
pened, that a long continued obscuration of the heavenly 
bodies, in stormy seasons, was attended with the most 
dreadful consequences to whole fleets, which were driven 
on shore, without any possible means of foreseeing or 
avoiding the danger. ‘The invention of the Mariner’s 
Compass, in a great measure remedied these evils. In the 
year 1300, the magnetic power to give polarity to iron, 
was discovered to be of importance in navigation ; and a 
compass was constructed, which, at all times, would in- 
stantly refer the pilot to any point or course, he wished to 
know. This truly great and wonderful discovery was 
made by Goya, at Venice ; and may serve to give mankind 
a just idea of the supereminence of the Venetians, in naval 
affairs. Columbus, in his adventurous voyage of discovery, 
first perceived the variation of the compass. ‘This irregu- 


AND IMPROVEMENTS. 19 


larity, though arising from unknown causes, is found, how- 
ever, to be reducible to such established laws, as not. much. 
to Jessen the usefulness of the instrument. 

Upon this discovery, innumerable difficulties attending na- 
vigation vanished ; and the fearless mariner traversed the 
main oceans, under asurer guide, than a transient view of 
the sun or stars. The discovery of the mariner’s compass. 
was attended with vast consequences to mankind. It opened 
innumerable sources of communication, intelligence, and. 
improvement ; and was a grand epoch to all commercial. 
nations. In short, it gave a new face to the old world, pie 
brought a new world to hght. 

If the mariner’s compass formed a new and grand era in 
navigation, an invention took place in the following century, 
A. D. 1441, of still greater importance in the literary world. 
and of more extensive influence in the revival of letters, 
viz. the ART OF PRINTING. Before this wonderful inen- 
tion, books were scarce, and bore an exorbitant price. 
They could only be multiplied by the slow and painful ope- 
ration of copying one after another; and poor and laboring: 
people could neither purchase, nor transcribe them. But. 
printing 1..ultiplied books beyond calculation, and reduced: 
their price in equal proportion; so that the world is now 
full of books; and the printing of the most useful and’ 
elegant procuctions of genius, costs but a little mére than, 
the blank paper. By these means, useful learning began to, 
be generally diffused through Europe. From remote anti-. 
quity, a certain mode of block printing has been known and 
practiscd among the Chinese ; but which bears little resem- 
blance to that important art discovered in modern Eu- 
rope, from which benefits of such magnitude have arisen to, 
mankind. 

In connexion with the first mode of printing, if we con- 
sider the valuable improvement of the stereotype, in which 
all the letters are correctly formed on the face of cae 
solid plate, and there remain unalterable, we cannot but 
be filled with admiration. ‘The invention of printing is 
entitled to an honor second to none, but that of alphabetic 
writing. 

The perfection of the Heal system, and the extensive 
multiplication of books, have given a proportional diffusion 
of light and improvement through many nations. There 
seem to be but two more grand improvements necessary, 
in order to place mankind on that footing for progress in 


20 PISCOVERIES 


reason, philosophy and virtue, which their exalted powers 
and faculties and immortal natures, demand. These are 
universal peace, and a universal language. 

1. Universal peace. Although this idea is commonly re- 
ceived by Christians as a matter of faith, and by many others. 
as a groundless theory, yet it seems capable of defence on 
the principles of reason. 

It is generally said, that a man wants but to understand 
his own interest, in order to pursue it.* And nothing is 
more Certain, than that the bulk of mankind need only to 
understand their true interest, in. order to revolt from the 
idea of war, with utter abhorrence. Look over the his- 
tory of wars and see for whose benefit they have been 
undertaken and carried on. They have been generally 
waged, to gratify the passion, and carried on to support the 
thrones, of the most barbarous and detestable tyrants. Read 
the history of Alexander’s wars. For what did his soldiers 
undergo intolerable hardships and indescribable dangers, 
but to gratify his insatiable ambition? When such as es- 
ccaped carnage, had answered his purposes, covered with 
scars, and disabled by toils, they were cast off, as a worn out 
shoe, or tattered garment, and consigned to oblivion. The 
same may be said of most other great conquerors. It may, 
indeed, be urged, that war furnishes employment for men. 
So does robbery, and almost every other species of crime. 
And ought such a reflection as this, to lie against Divine 
Providence? Can we, for a moment, surmise, that men are 
thrown into such a condition here on earth, as to have no 
other means of subsistence, than schemes for the destruc- 
tion of each other? God forbid! This argument, in favor 
of war, is an insult upon the Creator, who has satd, Thou 
shalt not kill. It is also sometimes said, that war is neces- 
sary to diminish population; and that otherwise the world 
would not hold or support mankind. Must then mankind 
become worse than wild beasts, and cruel as devils, in order 
to disburthen the world of its supernumerary inhabitants, 
and thin the ranks of society ? 

He who has made man and given him the earth for his 
habitation, intended it for his support, and there can be no 
doubt, that could peace become permanent and universal, 
the arts of peace would so flourish, that the earth would 


* It is very far from being true, that men have generally pursued their 
own best interest, as far as they have understood it.—Ed, ° 


AND IMPROVEMENTS. 21 


support more millions, than it now does thousands ; the 
whole earth would, at length, become a garden. 

Before the globe should acquire more inhabitants, than 
it could support, Almighty. Providence, ever at hand, and 
all whose course is marked with equal wisdom and benevo- 
lence, would help us to a solution of this difficulty, in a way, 
of which, in our present bewildered state, we can form no 
conception. 

2. The plan suggested by Leibnitz and many others, of 
a universal language, or as some have styled it, a language 
of thoughts, would probably result from universal peace. 
To the hostility* of nations may be reasonably imputed, in 
a great measure, their diversity of languages, customs and , 
manners. By these, they are divided as by walls of im- 
measurable height, and kept strangers to each other. 
They cherish not only personal animosities, but even an 
aversion to each other’s religion, politics and learning. 
Could the veil be removed from human reason, and the 
true light of philosophy shine, men would learn to respect 
one another, and national prejudices would vanish away. 
Then also the prospects of pleasure and advantage, result- 
ing from a more intimate union between nations, would 
produce numberless schemes to facilitate a communication, 
which could only be rendered complete and universal, by a 
universal lancuage. 

That there will be a written language, which all nations 
can read and understand, is, in fact, a thing far more proba- 
ble to us, than it can be to a savage, who never heard of an 
alphabet, or that there is such a thing as we call reading and 
writing. But what characters and combinations will com- 
pose that language, some future Cadmus must determine. 

In the midst of the gradually increasing light of science, 
a few men, in various parts of Europe, seem to have been 
able to tear off, at once, the palpable veil of darkness from 
men’s minds ; and to consume, in a moment, the mighty 
masses of wood, hay and stubble, which ignorance and 
superstition had been heaping upon science, for a thousand 
years. The names of Erasmus and Grotius and Puffendorf 
merit the highest honor in the illustrious list. of the fathers 
of literature. At the same period, Christopher Columbus, 
anative of Genoa, planned and executed the grandest 
enterprise ever undertaken by man. From his knowledge 

of the figure of the globe, he conjectured, there must be 


* Other causes have probably had a greater influence than this. —Ed. 


22 GERMANY, 


a balancing continent, to operate as a counterpoise to the 
old one. | | uy 

For several years, Columbus petitioned the courts of. 
Europe in vain. At length, A. D..1492, he was furnished 
with a small squadron of ships by the court of Spain, and 
commissioned to go and seek for the new world in the west- 
ern ocean. Braving the dangers of an unknown sea, and 
the mutinies of his more boisterous and tempestuous sailors, 
he performed the adventurous voyage, and discovered Ame- 
rica. The gratitude of Spain rewarded his services with 
chains and a dungeon; and mankind, to mend tke matter, 
have called the quarter of the globe, which he discovered, 
afer Americus, a Florentine pilot—about as much entitled 
to that honor as Bamfield Carew, king of the gypsies, or 
Tangrolipix the ‘Turkish chieftain. 

We have. now given the reader a brief sketch of the 
causes, which raised the nations of Europe into a state of 
improvement and civilization, after the reign of darkness 
and barbarity for so many ages. It now only remains that 
we consider their progress, under the more auspicious influ- 
‘ence of science, morality and religion. 


—_———— 


CHAPTER YV. 


BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE NATIONS OF EUROPE, FROM 
THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY TO THE 
FRESENT DAY. 


GERMANY. 


DURING a considerable part of the 16th century, Europe 
was governed by monarchs, whose uncommon abilities 
enabled them. to improve the science of government. 
Charles V. Henry VIII. Francis I. and Solyman the Mag- 
nificent, were then actors in the great drama, of which all 
Europe was the stage ; and each succeeding year held up 
new scenes to the politician, historian and philosopher. 

The posterity of Charlemagne held the throne of Ger- 
many for a hundred years, when they were rejected by the 
princes of the empire, and Conrad, duke of Franconia, was 
elevated to the imperial dignity. Since that time, the 
monarchy has been elective. Various families enjoyed the 
dignity; and the empire was constantly engaged in wars 


GERMANY» 23 


with France, with the northern powers of Europe, with 
the pope, or*with the Turks. By the death of the em- 
perer Maximilian in 1519, the German throne, at that time 
considered as the first among the royal dignitaries of Eu- 
rope, was become vacant. Two candidates of very different 
but equally powerful claims, sought the succession; Francis 
the First, king of France, and Charles, king of Spain and 
the Low Countries. The proximity of France to Germany, 
the high military reputation of Francis, the interest he had 
with several electors, and his capacity for intrigue, induced 
him to hope for success. 

Charles, who by his accession to the imperial throne 
was denominated the Fifth, was descended from the house 
of Austria, and by family alliances was the most powerful 
pa in modern times. His Father was Philip the 

andsome, archduke of Austria, and son of the emperor 
Maximilian. The paternal grandmother of Charles was 
the daughter of Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy; and 
from her he inherited the severeignty of Flanders and all 
the Low Countries. His mother was Joan, the daughter 
of Ferdinand and Isabella, in whose right he inherited the 
monarchy of Spain and South America. 

These powerful rivals endeavoured to substantiate their 
claims, and press their pretensions by various, and indeed, 
by weighty considerations, ‘The known abilities of Fran- 
cis, as a soldier and statesman, had already spread his fame, 
and added terror to the arms of France. The truly vast 
resources of the young Spanish monarch seemed to point 
him out, as the proper person to sustain the high and 
important charge of governing and defending the German 
empire. - But the electors, jealous of the French on the 
one hand, and fearing on the ether, the extreme youth of 
Charles, unanimously determined to make an offer of the 
imperial crown to Frederic, elector of Saxony, who was 
surnamed the Wise. The refusal and reply of that mag- 
nanimous prince on so interesting an occasion, which we 
copy from Russel’s Modern Europe, is worthy of a place in 
this brief sketch. Bayi res be he: 

“In times of tranquillity,” said Frederic, ‘‘ we wish for 
an emperor, who has no power to invade our liberties. 
Times of danger demand one, who is able to secure our 
safety. The Turkish armies, led by a warlike and victorious 
monarch, are now assembling ; they are ready to pour in 
upon Germany with a violence unknown to former ages. 

21 


fn GERMANY: 


New conjunctures call for new expedients. The imperial 
sceptre must be committed to some hand more powerful 
than mine, or that of any other German prince. We pos- 
sess neither dominions, nor revenues, nor authority, which 
might enable us to encounter such a formidable enemy. 
Recourse must be had, in this exigency, to one of the rival 
monarchs; each of them can bring into the field forces 
sufficient for our defence. But as the king of Spain is of 
German extraction, as he is a member and prince of the 
empire by the territories which descend to him from his 
grandfather, and as his dominions stretch along that frontier, 
which lies most exposed to the enemy, his claim, in my 
opinion, is preferable to that of a stranger to our language, 
to our blood, and to our country.” 

‘“‘ In consequence of this speech,” continues the same 
author, ‘‘ Charles was elected.” 

As we now have before us by far the most important 
period of German history, we shall be a little more par- 
ticular in giving a sketch of the reign of Charles V.. This 
we shall do, not by exhibiting a detail of events, but by 
stating a few of the leading objects, which are presented in 
the histories of those times. And 

1. The first object, which engages the attention under 
this reign, is the rivalship and contention between Charles 
and Francis. Of this there is scarcely a parallel to be found 
in history. Their ambition was equal; and the resources 
and abilities of each were very great, but extremely dif- 
ferent. The central and compact situation of France gave 
it greatly the advantage in several respects. To this add, 
that Francis I. was not only an accomplished statesman, but 
an able commander. His genius, however, both civil and 
military, was of a peculiar cast; and no two rivals were 
ever more completely different. He was brave, active, 
energetic and impetuous; though at times his impetuosity 
betrayed him into rashness. He manifested greater abilities 
in extricating himself from difficulties, into which his hasty, 
generous and credulous temper had thrown him, than his 
rival did in gaining advantages over him. 

Charles was gloomy, plodding, and in dissimulation, sel- 
dom surpassed. But the distance of Spain and Germany, 
the two vast machines he had to manage and keep in order, 
and, in short, the distance of both from the Low Countries, 
atid’ of the latter from Austria, consumed his time and 
denied him the celerity necessary to war and conquest. 


GERMANY. — 


Indeed when we consider attentively the designs, which 
Charles accomplished in a long and splendid reign, they 
can hardly be allowed to be answerable to the greatness 
and vigour of his genius, or resources. In his wars with 
Francis, he generally had the advantage; and the famous 
battle of Pavia in 1525, in the sixth year of his reign, 
seemed to crown his good fortune in the entire ruin of his 
antagonist. 

On the 24th of February, 1525, the imperial guards en- 
countered Francis at Pavia, near the river Po, in the dutchy 
of Milan. The French army was defeated with great 
slaughter, and the king himself made prisoner. 

Charles having his rival and implacable enemy now in his 
power, dictated to him such conditions of peace, as his own 
haughty and crafty policy suggested. These conditions 
Francis signed, in order to gain his liberty, but was careful 
never to fulfil. 

Though the vast power of the emperor always seemed to 
give him the upper hand, yet Francis at the time of his death, 
left his kingdom far better than he found it ; and, indeed, his 
able and vigorous administration laid the foundation for the 
elevation of France to that sublime height, to which she has 
since risen. 

2. The second leading object in the reign of Charles V. 
was the systematic and formidable resistance he made to the 
Turkish power; and this was by, far the most fortunate cir- 
cumstance of his reign. The Turks had become truly ter- 
rible to all Europe. The capture of Constantinople, and the 
reduction of the Greek empire, although it established their 
dominion over the finest regions of the globe, swelled their 
treasuries with incalculable wealth, and gave them the fullest 
enjoyment of imperial magnificence and luxury, neither 
abated their courage, activity, nor ambition. Their next field 
of glory was the German empire ; and Solyman the Magni- 
ficent, now on the throne, seemed every way equal to the 
greatest enterprise. 

Under the reign of this prince, the Turkish power gained 
its utmost height. Solyman, determining, if possible, to 
excel his ancestors, had actually planned the conquest of 
Germany ; and, as before stated, had reduced Hungary and 
laid siege to Vienna, the capital of the German empire. 
The disposition of Charles was too cool and contemplative 
to delight in a military life. The present call, however, 
both of self-preservation and of glory was indispensable. 


26 GERMANY. 


Charles appeared at the head of an army answerable to his 
own greatness, as well as to that of his adversary. No 
force so formidable had been brought into the field against 
the Turks, since the defeat of Bajazet by Tamerlane. 
These armies were doubtless composed of the finest troops 
in the world, directed by the greatest masters of the art of 
war, and that under the immediate eye of two of the greatest 
monarchs. 

These two consummate statesmen, however, saw too 
clearly the consequences of hazarding a general tattle. 
They already had too much to risk; and, from the evert 
it seems, that neither of them wished to fight, unless 
pressed by necessity to that dangerous measure. On the 
approach therefore of the imperial army, Selyman prudently 
retired into his own dominions; nor did he see cause, 
during the life of Charles, to make a similar attempt upon 
Germany. 

The immense fabric of power and poliey, which, during 
Charles’s reign, Germany presented to the Turks, in fact, 
repressed that warlike nation, and their military spit seemed 
to expire with Solyman the Magnificent. 

3. Charles V. was, at heart, no great friend to religion, 
in any form, especially when it was likely to interfere with 
his favonte schemes. He was mueh fonder of av earthly, 
than of a heavenly kingdom. ‘Fhis ecensideration presents 
another important trait in his reign. For notwithstanding 
the greatness of his power, it is probable the Reformation 
could not have been set on foot in any other reign, with 
greater or equal prospects of success. Charles had no idea 
of adopting any new religion, nor did he want very much 
of the old. He was, therefore, an enemy to Luther and the 
Reformation, of which Luther was the instrament. But the 
vast schemes of policy, in which his mind was engaged, 
left him no room to direct his attention to the suppression of 
what he considered as a religious heresy. He therefore, 
for a considerable time, left Luther and his adherents to the 
censures of the church, which he well knew were not apt 
to be sparing, especially toward those, who attacked her 
vorruptions. 

Luther had dared to ereet the standard of rebellion 
against the sovereign pontiff, whose claims and abuses of 
spiritual power were equally enormous. This he first did 
by exposing the wickedness of the sale of indulgences. 
Long before thts period, the pope had claimed the power 


GERMANY. pg 


and right of pardoning sin. At first he granted remission 
upon confession and signs of repentance ; but these terms 
being at length thought too cheap, the criminal was com- 
pelled to pay a sum of money, in order to obtain absolution. 
From. sins past, the transition, by a little refinement, was 
not difficult to an anticipation of forgiveness of sins to come. 
This, as may readily be supposed, soon became an impor- 
tant and very lucrative traffic to the church. Indulgences 
to commit sin were actually sold; and men would so 
cheerfully pay their money for this article, that it became 
a principal source of church-revenue. It is said that 
the sale of indulgence was begun by Urban II. in order 
to encourage men to engage in the crusades. In the 
times of Luther, it had arisen to a very high pitch; and 
the various provinces and departments of the church were 
actually farmed out, and the business reduced to a regular 
system. 

From censuring this practice, which for the enormity of 
its wickedness was perhaps never surpassed, Luther pro- 
ceeded to other corruptions of Popery, and with rapid 
course, at length to attack the whole fabric of papal power. 
The popularity of his talents and the force of truth, seemed 
to aid the purposes of Providence in his exertions. His 
success was amazing. . Among his adherents were many 
persons of distinction, and some of the most powerful princes 
of the empire, particularly the Elector of Saxony, and the 
Landgraye of Hesse. ) 

Whilst the pope was endeavoring by the terror of his 
spiritual thunders, to subdue Luther and his followers, and 
render them obedient to his will, the emperor was deeply 
engaged in far different schemes ;_ intending, however, when 
he should have leisure, to crush the Reformation, at a blow. 
But Charles never found much leisure from the toils and 
vexations of ambition; and before he was ready to second 
the views of the pope, the Reformation had taken too deep 
root to be easily extirpated. 

This period of ,German history brings to light one of the 
most extraordinary characters of modern times. Maurice, 
marquis of Misnia and Thuringia, rendered himself con- 
spicuous - by his formidable resistance to the power of 
Charles VY. the essential service he gave tothe Protestant 
cause, and the dissimulation and duplicity, with which he 
accomplished his designs. Having first espoused the cause 
of Luther, he became active in the counsels of the Protes- 

21" 


95 GERMANY. 


tant princes; but suddenly changed his course, and entered 
into the measures of the emperor, for suppressing the Refor- 
mation. This new coalition, he supported with a high hand, 
and, after the fall of the Elector of Saxony, succeeded to that 
principality ; at the same time, taking the most active and 
effectual measures to ruin the Protestant cause, which now, to 
all appearance became desperate. . 

After having gone such lengths, as to gain the entire confi- 
dence of the emperor, he again suddenly shifted his course, 
and by a public manifesto, declared himself the friend of the 
Reformation, the avenger of the injured princes, whom 
Charles had stripped of their dominions, and the supporter of 
the ancient Germanic constitution. At the same time, march- 
ing with a powerful army toward Austria, he endeavored to 
surprise the emperor, as he lay at Inspruck with but a small 
force. Charles made his escape over the Alps, almost un- 
attended. The night was dark and rainy, and the fugitive 
monarch was obliged to ride ina litter, bemg at that time 
afflicted with the gout. 

We must refer the reader to the histories of Germany 
for a detail of those events, which compelled the emperor 
to abandon all his ambitious projects. He found, notwith- 
standing his great resources, that so far from governing 
Europe, he could not even govern Germany according to 
his desire. A short time after this, therefore, at the 
celebrated peace of Passau, Charles fully recognized the 
claims of the Protestants, allowmg them the free exercise 
of their religion, according to the confession of Augsburgh ; 
and the government of Germany recovered the state in 
which it was before the aggressions of Charles V._ But the 
most humbling stroke, which he received from Germany, 
was the refusal of the electoral college to secure to his son 
Philip the imperial crown; which being given to his 
brother Ferdinand, the eyes of that powerful and ambitious 
prince were fully opened, and he saw the object, with 
which he had long flattered himself, of a mighty and 
glorious empire in his own line, now vanish away, as a 
vain illusion, or an empty dream. An empire, like those 
of Cyrus, Alexander and Cesar, cannot be founded by the 
force of civil policy. It must be the offsprmg of war and 
conquest. As a statesman Charles was great; but among 
his rivals and enemies, he found nearly his match. Henry 
VUL. Leo X. Francis J. and Solyman the Magnificent, were, 
at least some of them, not much his inferiors. But Maurice, 


GERMANY. 29 


a man who rose up, as it were under his shadow, was far his 
superior in whatever relates to an accomplished statesman. 
Lhe writer of the History of Modern Europe makes no he- 
sitation to assert, that ‘‘ perhaps no prince, ancient or mo- 
dern, ever discovered such deep political sagacity at so early 
a period of life ;” nor indeed are there any known reasons 
for preferring his political to his military talents. 

Maurice, having effectually humbled Charles, restored 
the Germanic constitution, and confirmed the religious 
liberties of Germany, seemed to bid fair to become one of 
the greatest actors in the great drama of modern Europe ; 
but in gaining a victory over Albert of Brandenburg, who 
had for some time infested the neighbouring countries with 
depredations, he lost his life in the thirty-second year of his 
age. 

* Divine Providence, when it determined to establish the 
Reformation in Germany, saw fit to preserve the life of Lu- 
ther in the midst of his enemies and surrounded with dangers. 
But it is remarkable, that three of the most illustrious defen- 
ders of Protestantism, were cut off in the flower of youth, in 
the commencement of their career, and when they seemed 
able to accomplish the most important and salutary changes ; 
Maurice of Saxony, Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, and 
Henry IV. of France. 

Charles V. governed the most extensive empire known 
in history.* It comprehended Germany, the Netherlands, 
Spain, Italy and territories in America larger than all 
Europe. Had he been as prone to war, as some men have 
been, it would seem as though his empire might have been 
universal. Charles, however, in the fifty-sixth year of his 
age, astonished Europe, by the resignation of all his exten- 
sive dominions. Great as they were, he probably re- 
nounced them in disgust, because he could not make them 
greater. Indeed the first rivals of his glory were no more. 
Henry and Francis, his youthful competitors, were gone 
from the stage of action; his favorite schemes were 
defeated, and forever abandoned ; and we may conjecture, 
that he sickened at the unsubstantial enjoyment of power. 
and dominion. He retired to the monastery of St. Justus in 
the province of Estramadura in Spain, where he spent two 
or three of his last years in philosophical speculations, 
literary pursuits, rural amusements and religious devotions. 


-- 


* The Russian empire should undoubtedly be excepted.—Ld, 


30 GERMANY. 


But no force of. resignation, no form of reasoning could 
reconcile him to so great a change; and the retrospect 
whether of scenes of grandeur or of guilt, whether of falla- © 
cious hopes or blasted ambition, proved a canker to all his’ 
enjoyments, covered him with melancholy, and hastened 
the decay of his health. He died, A. D. 1558, in the fifty- 
ninth year of his age, exhibiting a striking proof of the va- 
nity of humanambition. _ mere 

During the reign of Charles V. the German empire-sseem- 
ed to be at its utmost point of elevation, and was able to 
preserve a lofty and menacing attitude toward the neighbor- 
Ing powers; so that even the greatest of all the Turkish 
monarchs was willing to retire at the approach of Charles V. 
rather than to hazard a conflict with that powerful prince ; as 
already noticed. 

Perhaps no nation, for the space of twenty centuries, ever 
produced more good soldiers, or underwent, more hard 
fighting, than the Germans. And although the imperial 
dignity of Germany has been regarded, as the first in EKu- 
rope; yet the essential defects, interwoven in the frame and 
constitution of the Germanic body, have rendered it weak, 
and lable to decay and dissolution.* Since the reign of 
Charles V. its importance among the belligerent powers of 
Europe, has, for the most part, experienced a gradual 
decline. 

A vacancy in the imperial throne is supplied by an elec- 
toral college, consisting of nine electors, viz. the Archbishop 
of Mentz, the Archbishop of Triers, the Archbishop of 
Cologne, the Elector of Bohemia, the Elector of Saxony, 
the Elector of Brandenburg, the Elector of Palatine and 
the Elector of Hanover. But we can say little more of the 
Germanic body, in this place, than that it consisted of about 
300 petty princes, who are almost independent in their own 
dominions. Many of those princes are proud, poor and 
oppressive ; and their subjects are servile, stupid and sub- 
missive. The German empire is a vast unwieldy body, 


* In the year 1806, Francis II. resigned the crown of the German 
empire, the ancient Germanic body was dissolved, and several Ger- 
man states united, denominating themselves the Confederation of the 
Rhine. Of this Confederation, Bonaparte was acknowledged the 
head. In the year 1815, after the overthrow of Bonaparte, a new 
union was formed among the states of Germany under the title of 
the Germanic Confederation. This, however, appears to be very 
different from the former union.—Ed. 


SPAIN. 31 


more kept together by the pressure of external causes, than 
by any internal principle of union. 

Germany kas produced vast numbers of learned and 
ingenious men. In useful discoveries and inventions, their 
plodding and apparently heavy genius, has perhaps excelled 
that of every other nation in the world. But it is ardently 
to be wished, that the Germans had a better government, 
and more virtue. It is evident, that essential deficiencies 
in these important respects, have long been undermining their 
tottering fabric, and have at last brought them to the brink of 
ruin. 


SPAIN. 


OF the history of Spain, very little notice has been taken 
in any part of this Compend. When the Roman empire ‘ell 
in pieces, the Spaniards were left to struggle with their own 
vices and depravity ; and a hard struggle it was. Neither its 
history nor geography is very well known, even to the present 
day. The Gothic and Saracen invasions both essentially 
affected Spain ; but the affairs of Spain were very little con- 
nected with those of Europe in general, till a little before the 
reign of Charles V. That powerful monarch, inheriting Spain 
in the right of his mother, and Germany in that of his grand- 
father, long meditated the ambitious project of universal em- 
pire; but Providence had seated on the thrones of the other 
European powers, princes capable of penetrating and baffling 
all his designs. 

Charles VY. after having for many years involved all 
Europe in war, finding his ambition likely to fail of its 
ultimate object, abdicated his dominions to his son Philip II. 
who succeeded him in the government of Spain and the 
Low Countries. Philip was a gloomy bigot, more fit for a 
mendicant than a legislator or for a monk than a mo- 
narch; but he entered on his public career, with greater 
resources, than any other monarch of modern times. To 
render his reign illustrious, therefore, by some grand 
exploit, he determined on the project of conquering Great 
Britain ; a project, which has often originated on the conti- 
nent. To this measure, he was impelled by two motives ; 
first, that he might establish his own power and fame as a 
conqueror; and, secondly, that, in the name of the holy 
church, he might take vengeance on an apostate, heretical 


32 ; SPAIN. 


and reprobate nation, who, since the time of Henry VIII. 
had rebelled against the see of Rome. 

Philip, having determined on his important enterprise, 
made the most active and powerful exertions. The ports of 
Europe, from the mouth of the Elbe to the Strait of Gibraltar, 
resounded with naval preparations. At lengtha fleet was put 
to sea, pompously styled the Invincible Armada, of size almost 
sufficient to shade the British Channel. This armada carried 
not only a great army, thought sufficient to carry off England 
by handfuls, but a multitude of priests, holy fathers, confes- 
sors and inquisitors; together with a court of inquisition com- 
plete, with all sorts of engines and instruments of torture, 
belonging to that hellish tribunal. With these, they intended 
to enter upon the conversion of such of the English people, 
as should escape the sword. 

A. D. 1588, as the armada approached, they were met by 
the English fleet, commanded by Admiral Lord Howard and 
Sir Francis Drake ; and the Spanish ships to the amount of 
nearly one hundred sail, were burnt, sunk, or taken. The 
remnant were mostly dispersed and lost ina tempest; a few 
of them in attempting to make their escape round the north 
of Scotland, were picked up, one by one, or wrecked on the 
shoals of the Orkney or Hebride islands. 

[ The Inquisition.—The court of Inquisition was founded 
in the year 1204, or not long after that time. To Dominic 
de Guzman, the honor of first suggesting the erection of this 
extraordinary court is commonly ascribed. He was born in 
the year 1170, descended from an illustrious Spanish family. 
He was educated for the priesthood; and grew up the most 
fiery and the most bloody of mortals. Before his time, every 
bishop was a sort of inquisitor in his own diocese ; but 
Dominic contrived to incorporate a body of men, independ- 
ent of every human being, except the Pope, for the purpose 
of ensnaring and destroying Christians. Having succeeded 
in his diabolical designs, and formed a race like himself, first 
called preaching, and then Dominican friars, he died in his 
bed, was canonized as a saint, worshipped as a divinity, 
and proposed as a model of piety and virtue to succeeding 
generations ! 

The inquisitors, at first, had no tribunals ; but when they 
detected heretics, pronounced sentence upon them; and the 
secular arm was always in readiness to execute. But 
because the bishops were not always equally zealous and 
cruel, these Dominicans assumed the power, and proceeded 


SPAIN. 33 


to the bloody work, with infuriated zeal. This order has 
ever since furnished the world, with a set of inquisitors, 
compared with whom, all that had ever dealt in tortures, in 
any former times, according to Bishop Burnet, ‘‘ were mere 
bunglers.” 

The efforts of the inquisitors were greatly assisted by 
Frederic Il. Emperor of Germany who, in the year 1224, 
promulgated from Padua, four most ferocious edicts against 
heretics. The object of these bloody edicts, was chiefly to 
destroy the Waldenses, who were denounced in them, as 
guilty of high treason, and condemned .to be punished with 
the loss of life, and of goods ; and their memory to be ren- 
dered infamous. | 

Pope Innocent IY. endeavored to establish the inquisition 
on a permanent foundation. It was every where intrusted 
to the care of Dominican friars. But many of the most po- 
pulous states, that were subjected to the see of Rome, never 
permitted the establishment of the tribunal among them. In 
France, it was early introduced, but soon after expelled, in 
such a manner, as effectually to preclude a renewal of the at- 
tempt. Nor has it.been alike severe in every place, into 
which it has been introduced. In Spain and Portugal, this 
scourge and disgrace to humanity has for centuries glared 
with its most frightful aspect. In Rome, it has been much 
more tolerable. Papal avarice has served to counterbalance 
papal tyranny. The wealth of modern Rome has arisen very 
much from the constant resort of strangers from all countries 
and of all denominations. This would have been, in a great 
measure, prevented by such a horrid tribunal as existed at 
Lisbon and Madrid. | 

Exclusive of the cruel punishments inflicted by the holy 
office, it may be truly affirmed, that the inquisition is a 
school of vice. There the artful judge, grown old in habits 
of subtilty, along with the sly secretary, practises his cun- 
ning in interrogating a prisoner, to fix a charge of heresy. 
Now he fawns, and then he frowns; now he sooths, and 
then he looks dark and angry; sometimes affects to pity 
aud to pray, at other times, insults, and bullies, and talks of 
racks and dungeons, flames and the damnation of hell. One 
while, he lays his hand upon his heart, and sheds tears, 
and promises and protests, he desires not the death of a 
sinner; but would rather, that he would turn and live; 
and all that he can do, he will do, for the discharge, and 
even for the preferment, of his imprisoned brother. 


34 SPAINe 


Another while, he discovers himself as deaf as a rock, false 
as the wind, and cruel as the poison of asps. 

In no country, has the operation of this dreadful court of 
spiritual despotism, been more strikingly exemplified than 
in Spain. 

The court of inquisition, although it was not the parent, 
has been the nurse and guardian of ignorance and super- 
stition wherever it has prevailed. It was introduced into 
Spain, or promoted there, by Ferdinand and Isabella; and 
was principally intended to prevent the relapse of the Jews 
and Moors, who had ‘been converted, or who pretended to 
be converted, to the faith of the church of Rome. Its 
jurisdiction, however, was not confined to the Jews and 
Moors; but extended to all those, who in their practice or 
opinions, differed from the established church. In the 
united kingdoms of Castile and Arragon, there were 18 
different inquisitorial courts, having each its counsellors, 
termed apostolical inquisitors, its secretaries, serjeants, and 
other officers; and besides these, there were 20,000 
familiars dispersed throughout the kingdom, who acted as 
spies and informers, and were employed to apprehend all 
suspected persons, and commit them for trial, to the prisons, 
which belonged to the inquisition. By these familiars, 
persolis were seized on bare suspicion, and in contradiction 
to the established rules of equity, they were put to the tor- 
ture, tried and condemned by the inquisitors, without being 
confronted, either with their accusers, or with the wit- 
nesses, on whose evidence they were condemned. The 
punishments inflicted were more or less dreadful, according 
to the caprice and humor of the judges. The unhappy 
victims were either strangled, or committed to the flames, 
er loaded with chains, and shut up in dungeons during life— 
their effects confiscated, and their families stigmatized with 
infamy. 

This institution was, no doubt, well calculated to produce 
a uniformity of religious professions ; but it had a tendency 
also to destroy the sweets of social life; to banish all free- 
dom of thought and speech, to disturb men’s minds with the 
most disquieting apprehensions, and to produce the most 
intolerable slavery, by reducing persons of all ranks in life 
to a state of abject dependence upon priests; whose inte- 
grity, were it.even greater than that of other men, though in 
every false profession of religion, it is less, must have been 
corrupted by the uncontrolled authority, which they were 


SPAIN 35 


allowed to exercise. By this tribunal, a visible change was 
wrought in the temper of the people; and reserve, distrust 
and jealousy, became the distinguishing characteristics of a 
Spaniard. It confirmed and perpetuated the reign of igno- 
rance and superstition ; inflamed to rage religious bigotry, 
and by the cruel spectacles to which, in the execution of its 
decrees, it familiarized the people, it nourished in them, that 
‘ ferocious spirit, which, in the Netherlands and America, they 
manifested by deeds, that have fixed an indelible reproach 
upon the Spanish name. 

Authors of undoubted credit affirm, and without the least 
exaggeration, that millions of persons have been ruined by 
this horrible court. Moors were banished, a million at a 
time. Six or eight hundred thousand Jews were driven 
away at once, and their immense riches seized by their 
accusers, and distributed among their persecutots ; while 
thousands dissembled and professed themselves Christians, 
only to be harassed in future. Heretics of all ranks and 
of various denominations, were imprisoned and burnt, or fled 
into other countries. The gloom of despotism overshadowed 
all Spain. The people at first, reasoned, and rebelled, and 
murdered the inquisitors; the aged murmured and died; 
the next generation fluttered and complained; but their 
successors were completely tamed by education; and until 
very lately, the Spaniards have been trained up by their 
priests, to shudder at the thought of thinking for them- 
selves. 

A simple narrative of the proceedings of the inquisition 
has shocked the world; and the cruelty of it, has become 
proverbial. Nothing ever displayed so fully to the eyes of 
mankind, the spirit and temper of the papal religion. Let 
us hear the description which Voltaire, a very competent 
witness, gives of it. ‘* Their form of proceeding is an 
infallible way to destroy whomsoever the inquisitors wish. 
The prisoners are not confronted with the accuser or 
informer. Nor is there any informer or witness, who is 
not listened to. A public convict, a notorious malefactor, 
an infamous person, a child, are in the holy office, though 
no where else, credible accusers and witnesses. Even the 
son may depose against his father, the wife against her 
husband.” The wretched prisoner is ho more made 
acquainted with his crime than with his accuser; and were 
he told the one, it might possibly lead him to guess the 
other. To avoid this, hé is compelled, by .edious confine- 

22 . 


36 SPAIN. 


ment in a noisome dungeon, where he never sees a face but 
the jailor’s, and is not permitted the use of either books or 
pen and ink—or should confinement alone not be sufficient, 
he is compelled by the most excruciating tortures, to inform 
against himself, to discover and confess the crime laid to his 
charge; of which he is often ignorant. This procedure, 
unheard of till the institution of this court, makes the whole 
kingdom tremble. Suspicion reigns in every breast. Friend- 
ship and quietness are at an end. The brother dreads his 
brother ; the father, his son. Hence taciturnity has become 
the characteristic of a nation, endued with all the vivacity, 
natural to the inhabitants of a warm and fruitful climate. 
To this tribunal, we must likewise impute that profound igno- 
rance of sound philosophy, in which Spain lies buried, while 
Germany, England, France, and even Italy, have discovered 
so many truths, and enlarged the sphere of our knowledge. 
Never is human nature so debased, as where ignorance is 
armed with power. 

But these melancholy effects of the inquisition are a 
trifle when compared with those public sacrifices, called 
Auto de Fe, or Act of Faith, and to the shocking barbarities 
ibat precede them. A priest ina white surplice, or a monk 
who has vowed meekness and humility, causes his fellow- 
creatures to be put to the torture ina dismal dungeon. A 
stage is erected in the public market place, where the 
condemned prisoners are conducted to the stake, attended 
with a train of monks and religious confraternities. They 
sing psalms, say mass, and butcher mankind. Were a 
native of Asia, to come to Madrid upon a day of an execution 
of this sort, it would be impossible for him to tell, whether 
it were a rejoicing, a religious feast, a sacrifice, or a mas- 
sacre ; aid yet it is all these together! The kings, whose 
presence alone in other cases is the harbinger of mercy, 
assist at this spectacle, uncovered, seated lower than the in- 
quisitors, and are spectators of their subjects expiring in the 
flames. 

It is but justice, however, to say that many Catholics have 
abhorred this infernal tribunal almost as much as the Protest- 
ants themselves. ‘This has been evinced by the opposition 
made to it in various countries. 

[{t-is.a subject of thanksgiving that this horrid engine of 
Satan is so weakened and circumscribed in its operations, if 
indeed at present (1825) it can properly be said to have an 
existence. ] 


SPAIN. . 37 


Excepting this celebrated expedition, Philip II. did little 
during his inglorious reign, but murder and torment the Pro- 
testants in the Low Countries. Those provinces, at length, 
revolted from him, erected the standard of liberty, and, after 
along and bloody war, gained their freedom and indepen- 
dence; which they maintained with dignity and honor. 
For nearly a century, they disputed the empire of the sea 
with Britain. But they no longer exist as a free people. 
They are forever swallowed up in the vortex of the French 
Revolution. 

Whatever shadow of liberty existed in Spain, was obli- 
terated by Charles V. and Philip II. ; and their successors, 
though among the feeblest of princes, reigned and tyran- 
nized at pleasure. When by the policy of Louis XIV. the 
crown of Spain was transferred to the house of Bourbon, it 
served rather to diminish, than to increase, the importance 
of the Spanish monarchy. Since France has become a 
republic, under the mild administration of Napoleon, Spain 
scarcely dares to assume the style or attitude of indepen- 
dence; but is submissively waiting to receive the fra- 
ternal embrace, which shall forever unite her to the great 
nation.* 

The geographer will perceive Portugal on the map of 
Europe; and the historian will find, that it was once of 


* From the iron grasp of the French, the Spanish were delivered 
by the English under Lord Wellington. ‘In the year 1808 Ferdi- 
nand VII. became king of Spain, in consequence of his father’s abdi- 
eation. He was soon after inveigled into France, where he was 
deposed and made prisoner by Napoleon, who placed his own brother 
Joseph upon the Spanish throne. A general revolt of the Spaniards 
ensued. Tlie British supported them with numerous armies; and 
after various success, the French were finally expelled from the pen- 
insula in 1813. In 1814, Ferdinand was restored to the throne, and 
proceeded to persecute the patriots, who had assisted in his restora- 
tion. After six years of oppression and misgovernment, a revolution 
was happily effected in 1820, and a free constitution established. 
Spain is now, therefore, a limited monarchy. It will not be surpri- 
sing, however, if another revolution should soon plunge and bury 
her in the dead sea of despotism.* Still it is to be hoped, that a germ 
of liberty has taken root in that country never to be eradicated.” 

The above quotation is taken, with a few verbal alterations, from 
the admirable Atlas of Lavoisne, lately published with great additions 
and improvements by M. Carey and Sons; a work, that does very 
great honour both to the authors and to the publishers.—Ed. 


* This has actually come to pass since the insertion of the above 
note.—Ed. 


38 SPAIN. 


some consequence as an independent state. Its present 
insignificance, however, and its general dependence on 
its more powerful neighbors, render it not worth our 
while to notice its history, in this very cursory survey of 
nations. 

The reader will indulge us in a few reflections on the 
history of Spain, before we quit the subject. It is allowed 
by all geographers, that Spain possesses a most delightful 
climate and productive soil. ‘‘ No nation,” says Guthrie, 
‘“ owe so much to nature, and so little to industry and art, 
for their subsistence, as Spain.” They have scarcely any 
winter. ‘Their summers are long and delightful. ‘Their 
lands produce, and almost spontaneously, all the substan- 
tials, as well as the luxuries of life. Nature seems to have 
designed it, as one of the most charming countries in the 
world. It is of great extent, and is surrounded by the 
noblest oceans and seas—has excellent harbors, and pos- 
sesses, both internally and externally, every natural advan- 
tage, which a nation could wish. 

But what is Spain at this day? What are its inhabitants, 
its government, and its character? Its population is thin; 
its inhabitants, if we may rely on the testimony of travel- 
lers, are a poor, lazy, idle, dirty, ignorant race of almost 
semi-savages. Their government, though despotic, is weak ; 
and their name and character, as a nation, are contemp- 
tile. 

This degraded state of the nation, may be principally at- 
tributed to the gold and silver, extorted from the mines of 
Mexico and Peru.* By an abundance of those precious 
metals, these people were aggrandized, corrupted, inebri- 
ated and undone. When they conquered Mexico and Peru, 
and it was discovered, that the bowels of the earth contamed 
such inexhaustible treasures, they thought no object worthy 
of their pursuit but gold and silver, and of consequence, 
soon became dependent on their neighbors for every article 
of commerce. With these, they rewarded and enriched the 
industrious nations around them, and became themselves 
poor, proud and dependent. 

By the same means, the Spanish colonies in South 
America were ruined. In imitation of their mother coun- 


* Had the Spanish been enlightened Protestants, there is no reason 
to believe, that the effects of gold upon them would have been so 
dreadful. Nay, they might have been all that the British are now. 
Ed. 


SPAIN. 39 


try, they despised every pursuit, but that of digging up the 
shining ore. They despised agriculture; they neglected 
commerce ; they disregarded every art and every science, 
but that of getting the precious metals. And what are 
they now? ‘They are Spaniards, Indians and mongreis. 
They may revolt from Spain a thousand times ; yet if they 
do not revolt from her character and conduct, and alter 
their own, it will do nothing for them. Mirandas may 
revolutionize them; but if they become not a laborious, 
industrious, agricultural, commercial people, they will 
only be transmuted from bad to worse ; it will avail them 
nothing. 

How different from their conduct, was that of the British 
colonies, now the United States! They had no mines of 
silver and gold. They had before them the boundless forest 
of an uncultivated continent, and beneath their feet, a pro- 
ductive soil, which they encountered with persevering indus- 
try. The forests melted away; the lands were cultivated ; 
the people became numerous, prosperous and powerful ; and, 
in less than two centuries, the country has become the most 
flourishing and happy in the universe. 

Spain has had the advantage of very few men of uncom- 
mon learning or genius. The revival of literature was less 
beneficial to her, than to any other nation in Europe. She 
can boast, indeed, of a Tostatus, said to be the most volu- 
minous theological writer, that ever wrote ; but his writings, 
it is also said, are remarkable for nothing, but their bulk ; 
and are shown as a prodigy, consisting, if we mistake not, of 
above fifty volumes in folio. Crushed beneath the double 
tyranny of kings and priests, the arts and sciences could 
never flourish in Spain. ‘There the gloomy reign of super- 
stition is seen at full length; and without any check, has 
displayed all its horrors. As to the people of Spain, it is of 
little consequence how soon they change masters. ‘Their 
condition can scarcely be worse ; nor indeed, is it likely to 
be made better. 


22* 


40 FRANCE. 


CHAPTER VI. 


CONTINUATION OF THE VIEW OF EUROPE, SINCE THE COM- 
MENCEMENT OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 


FRANCE. 


TO every Englishman, and to every American, the his- 
tory of France, next to that of England, is ‘y far, the most 
important of any European history. The French, for many 
ages, have been a brave, polite and scientific people. Since 
the times of Charlemagne, and especially since the reign of 
Francis I. the power of France, its central situation and 
profound policy, have given it an extensive connexion with 
all the principal concerns of Europe. 

For the long period between the ninth and sixteenth: 
centuries, the fortunes of France, like those of the rest of 
Europe, were fluctuating and unsteady. At each return of 
prosperity, however, they rose higher on the general 
scale, and gained a more commanding situation. In the first 
part of the fifteenth century, Henry V. of England, con- 
quered France, and received, in Paris, the fealty of the 
French nobility, and the crown of France seemed apparently 
confirmed to him and his posterity. But, Henry dying in 
the 34th year of his age, the valor of the celebrated maid 
of Orleans restored the drooping affairs of France, settled 
the crown firmly on the head of Charles VII. and within 
ten years from her being a British province, she was again 
independent, more powerful than she had ever been, and 
nearly able to conquer Britain, then governed by Henry 
VI. the feeblest and. most miserable of all the English 
monarchs. 

In virtue of that conquest by Henry V. the kings of Eng- 
land have since pompously styled themselves kings of Great 
Britain, France and Ireland.* 

Francis I. though one of the most accomplished princes 
of his time, spent a long reign in planning schemes of ambi- 
tion, which proved abortive—in wars, generally unsuccess- 
ful, and in artful and tedious negotiations, at which he was 
a match for any of his cotemporaries. ee im his 


* The British king is now styled, ‘‘ King of Great Britain and Ireland, 
Defender of the Faith, and s so forth.”—Ed. 


FRANCE. 41 


hopes of being elected emperor of Germany, his whole life 
was a scene of rivalship with Charles V. the successful 
candidate for that high dignity. ‘The slow and sullen tem-' 
per of Charles, his cath and profound thought, and his firm 
and even courage, always gave him the adyantage of Fran- 
cis, when in projecting, there was danger from the undue in- 
fluence of passion, or when in action, there was danger from 
temerity. 

In the course of their contentions, which were perpetually 
embittered by personal animosity, and which could only end 
with life, Francis unfortunately became Charles’s prisoner. 
An advantage so great and decided as this, would forever 
have ruined almost any prince but Francis. In the true 
spirit and character of a Frenchman, Francis bore this cala- 
mity with a more equal mind, than most men bear prosperity ; 
and he soon gained his freedom. By an address, which few 
monarchs ever possessed in a greater degree than himself, 
he wound his tortuous course out of a labyrinth of difficul- 
ties, and found himself able once more to look his powerful 
rival in the face. 

It is an uncommon case, that Francis, notwithstanding his 
numerous misfortunes and the failure of most of his favorite 
schemes, left his kingdom at his death, far more powerful, 
prosperous and respectable than he found it. It was his lot 
to contend with very potent enemies; but Francis was a 
most accomplished prince. Such was the benevolence, the 
amiableness, the urbanity of his mind and character, that his 
courtiers loved him as a brother ; and his subjects in general, 
revered and respected him as a father. His more powerful 
rivals merited far less of their subjects, and enjoyed their 
affections far less, than he did. It is the remark of an ex- 
cellent historian, that the reputation and fame of Francis 
have risen in proportion, as those who came after him had 
opportunity to perceive the permanent. benefits, his admini- 
stration conferred on his people. 

It will be impossible to speak distinctly of the kings of 
France ; it being the design of this brief survey, merely to 
convey to the young reader, a general idea of the nse, pro- 
gress and character of nations. ‘There is one event, hove 
ever, in the succeeding reign, which renders it proper to call 
up the successors of Francis to view. 

‘Francis I. was succeeded by his son Henry II. who was 
a prince not unworthy of the character of his illustrious 
father. His wars with Germany, were generally more 


42 FRANCE. 


successful than those of his predecessor, whose hostile tem- 
per towards that neighboring power, he had largely imbibed. 
‘This prince took Calais from the English; since which time 
they have had no footing in France. He was killed at a 
tournament by count Montgomery, A. D. 1559. 

The history of France, from this period, till the reign of 
Lewis XIV. commonly called the Jugustan age of France, 
opens an interesting scene of policy, chicanery, the caprice 
of fortune, cruelty and bravery, with some virtue. Several 
great families and illustrious characters rose into public 
view. The houses of Guise, Conde and Bourbon became 
celebrated through Europe; and by their intrigues and 
conspiracies, influenced not only the French government, 
but shook its throne, and governed the politics of Europe. 
The Protestant religion had made great progress in France, 
and being espoused by many very powerful men, persecu- 
tions terminated in civil wars, and in some of the most horrid 
scenes of blood and cruelty, recorded in history. The hor- 
rors of the massacre of St. Bartholomew’s day, August 24, 
1572, exceed all the powers of description. 

[Massacre of St. Bartholomew’s.—Charles [X. the French 
king, had gained the confidence of the Protestants, or 
Hugonots, by caressing them in an extraordinary manner. 
The more effectually to secure this confidence, and to 
entangle their leaders in the snare laid for them, Charles 
offered his sister Margaret in marriage to the prince of 
Navarre. Admiral de Coligny, the prince of Conde, and 
all the considerable nobility assembled in Paris, to celebrate 
their nuptials. ‘The queen of Navarre was poisoned by 
orders of the court, and the admiral was dangerously 
wounded by an assassin. Yet Charles, redoubling his dis- 
simulation, was still able to retain the Hugonots in their 
security, tillon the evening of St. Bartholomew’s, a few 
days after their marriage, the signal was given by the 
ringing of a bell, for a general extermination of the Protes- 
tants. Charles, accompanied by his mother, beheld from 
a window, this horrid massacre. He greatly incited the 
fury of the Catholics, by firing himself upon the Protes- 
tants, and crying Kill, kill! Persons of every condition, age 
and sex, suspected of any propensity to Protestantism, were 
involved in an undistinguished ruin. The streets of Paris 
flowed with blood. Such was the rage of the murderers, 
that not satisfied with exterminating life, they exercised 
the most licentious barbarity on the bodies of the dead. 


FRANCE. 43 


About five hundred gentlemen ard men of distinction per- 
ished in this massacre, and nearly ten thousand of inferior 
condition. Orders were instantly despatched to all the 
provinces for a general execution of the Protestants. A 
like carnage ensued at Rouen, Lyons, Orleans and several 
other cities. Sixty thousand Protestants are supposed to 
have been massacred in different parts of France. At Rome 
and in Spain, the massacre of St. Bartholomew’s was the 
subject of public rejoicings. Solemn thanks were returned 
to God, for its success, under the name of the triumph of the 
church militant. Among the Protestants, it excited incredi- 
ble horror; a striking picture of which is drawn by Fene- 
Jon, the French ambassador at the court of England, in 
his account of his first audience after that barbarous trans- 
action. ‘ A gloomy. sorrow,” says he, ‘* sat on every face; 
silence, as in the dead of night, reigned through all the 
chambers of the royal apartment; the ladies and courtiers 
clad in deep mourning, were ranged on each side ; and as 
I passed by them, in my approach to the queen, not one 
bestowed on me, a favorable look, or made the least return 
to my salutations.” | 

The Protestants were led by the prince of Conde, and 
the Catholics, by the Duke of Guise, two of the most cele- 
brated personages, as well as able commanders, of their 
time. Rivers of blood were shed; and all the resources of 
a great and numerous people were exhausted in various 
struggles ; while it still seemed doubtful, whether the scale 
would turn in favour of Protestantism or of Rome. Murders, 
assassinations, massacres and plots of every kind, filled 
every corner of France with terror; the blackest atrocities 
incrimsoned the whole nation with guilt, and rendered it 
‘‘ a land of blood.” The german princes, the pope, the 
kings of Spain and England were active, by their emissaries, 
in this scene of horror, and abetted each party, as interest 
or inclination prompted. 

In the midst of these commotions, the celebrated Henry 
IV. ascended the throne of France. He gained that lofty. 
eminence, by making his way through numberless imped:- 
ments. Among many expedients, he resorted to one, 
which the politician may justify, but which the impartial 
narrator of truth cannot mention without disapprobation, 
He abjured the Protestant, and embraced the Catholic 
religion, as the only step, which could advance him to the 
throne; in which feint, he seems to have followed the ex- 


44 FRANCE. 


ample of the celebrated Maurice; and he resembled him 
no less in his untimely death. ‘This was regarded as a 
pious fraud; since it is generally believed, that he never 
altered his sentiments concerning religion; and that he 
still determined, as soon as opportunity should present, to 
favor and establish the Protestant cause. But Providence 
seems to have determined, that this unhappy country, so 
deeply polluted by the blood of innocence, should never be 
purged, but by the blood of the guilty. 

As of the illustrious Henry V. of England, so of Henry 
IV. of France, we can only conjecture what would have 
been the result of a long reign, by the brilliant exploits, 
which he pe:formed in a very short one—by the amazing 
energy, which he manifested—by the comprehensive views 
—by the amiableness, the elevation and grandeur of mind, 
he displayed, in so short a career. 

Henry applied himself, with wonderful address, to the 
affairs of government, and especially to meliorate the con- 
dition ef his subjects. In these important and benevolent 
pursuits, he was aided by the celebrated duke of Sully, the 
ablest statesman of his time. In 1598, he published the 
famous edict of Nantz, which gave free liberty of con- 
science to the Protestants, and allowed them in the pub- 
lic exercise of their religion. He encouraged, or rather 
founded, the silk manufactories in France. 

This illustrious prince was assassinated in his chariot, 
in the streets of Paris, in 1610, by a wretched enthusiast, 
whose name should never have polluted the page of his- 
tory. 

The son and successor of Henry IV. was Lewis XIII. 
He, by the aid of the powerful and ambitious Richlieu, 
crushed, at once, the nascent liberties of France. He vio- 
lated the rights of conscience, deprived the Protestants of 
every privilege, and put a period to the religious struggles, 
which had subsisted for nearly a century, and had destroyed 
above a million of men. 

During Richlieu’s administration, the famous Protestant 
league was formed among the Northern Powers; at the 
head of which, was the great Gustavus Adolphus, king of 
Sweden. ‘This formidable combination in favor of Protes- 
tantism, and which severely shook the German throne, 
originated in the profound policy of Richlieu, the very 
man, who had persecuted and destroyed that cause in 
France, 


o 


FRANCE. 45 


The yeign of Lewis XIII. prepared France for the Au- 
fustus of modern times. He died in 1643, and left as his 
successor, his son, the celebrated Lewis XIV. then in his 
minority. ‘The kingdom was disturbed and torn by factions 
and intestine broils. The Protestants gathering strength on 
the death of Richlieu and Lewis, were headed by a prince 
of Conde, far more celebrated than the former; and the Ca- 
tholics were led by the truly famous marshal Turenne. The 
mother of the young king assumed the administration ; and, 
by the policy of Cardinal Mazarine, not only governed: 
France, but was able to manceuvre the diplomatic corps ot 
every court in Europe. 

The affairs of the French government had been conducted 
with such consummate skill, that Lewis XIV. when he as- 
sumed the reins, found himself one of the most absolute mo- 
narchs in the world. Early in his reign, he had the discern- 
ment and good fortune tc appoint, as his first minister, the 
great Colbert, as he is very justly styled. 

The glory of France has been essentially owing to the 
abilities and virtue of a series of great men, at the helm of 
administration. In this respect it is probable, that no other 
nation was ever so fortunate as France. For more than a 
century, without any cessation, the reins of government 
were holden with strength, stability, dignity and wisdom. 
‘They were held by men of the greatest genius, the most 
extensive views, the clearest foresight, and greatest regularity 
of system; in short, by men of the utmost grandeur and ele- 
vation of mind, always acting in reference to the sublimest 
views of national prosperity and greatness. Such were 
Sully, Richlieu, Mazarine, Colbert and some others. These 
things, however, cannot be said of them all, without some 
qualification. Though aiming, and that successfully, at na- 
tional aggrandizement, yet some of their measures were dic- 
tated by a degree ot cruelty, pride and injustice, whicli cast a 
mournful shade over the prospect—otherwise splendid and 
noble, almost beyond mortal perfection. 

Lewis XIV. aided by such powerful men, enjoyed a reign, 
long, important, and, for the most part, glorious ; to write 
the history of which, would be in effect, to write the his- 
tory of Europe, during that period. The diplomatic 
science, if so it may be called, begun by his prédecessors, 
he carried on with a much higher hand, and probably per- 
fected. He found means to, fill all the courts of Europe 
with penetrating eyes, listening ears, skilful hands and 


Ls 


46 FRANCE, 


nimble feet. He plotted, negotiated, intrigued, deceived, and 
cajoled. Men who were corruptible, he bribed ; and even 
bought all such as were worth his money. 

His abundant success in managing the concerns of Eng- 
\and, can scarcely be read without laughter, or, at any rate, 
without admiration. England, at that time, just landed from 
a disastrous voyage on “the tempestuous sea of liberty,” 
was governed by the second Charles, a prince who cared for 
nothing, but his pleasures and debaucheries. If Lewis found | 
him rather an expensive retainer, he also found the unerring 
clue to manage him and his people. Money, disposed of 
with diplomatic skill, did the work. And it is almost incredi- 
bla, that, in spite of all the virtue of England, Lewis did 
actually govern both parties then existing. He held them 
both in his hand at once, and unsuspected by them, penetra- 
ted the counsels, gained the confidence, and dictated the mea- 
sures of both. Both whig and tory were his tools; and 
while he urged on the tyranny of the court, and inflamed the 
lawless ambition of king Charles, he blew up the living coals 
of patrio:’s fite, and organized a most extensive conspiracy, 
called the Rye-house Plot; in the bosom of which, he formed 
a still deeper plot, to assassinate the king, and revolutionize 
the government. 

Into these dangerous and daring schemes, he drew many 
of the noblest lords of England, and still more of the virtuous 
commons, who were ready to sell their lives, to save their 
country; but who, through an unlucky mistake, sold their 
consciences, for filthy lucre. Lewis played the same game 
in several other courts of Europe, and particularly in Sweden, 
whose fall may be ascribed to French seduction. 

The elevation of France, in this splendid reign, was not 
more conspicuous in her foreign relations, than in her internal 
circumstances. Lewis encouraged the arts and sciences; 
patronized men of learning; and his reign was adorned by 
severa: men, whose names are highly respectabie in the re- 
public of letters. : 

Ambition ‘was the most conspicuous trait in the character 
of Lewis. But his reign was markéd with various circum- 
stancés of injustice, cruelty and impolicy. The most noto- 
rious of these, was the revocation of the edict of Nantz, -in 
1685, passed eighty-seven years before, by his illustrious 
grandfather, Henry IV. This was little better than a law 
for exterminating the Protestants. They fled from his 
dominions in such multitudes, as to leave many places with- 


FRANCE, 47 


out inhabitants. They carried with them, into other coun- 
tries, and especially into England, the arts and sciences. He 
lost his ablest artizans anid’ Hse itas?: ; and from that time 
and that cause, England gained the ascendency over France, 
as a manufacturing country. 

But the latter part of the life of Lewis XIV. as of Charles 
V. was as unhappy, as the first part of it was prosperous. 
His greatness could not raise him above adversity. For ten 
years, he experienced the bitterest reverses of fortune. The 
powers of Europe, alarmed at his overgrown greatness, and 
exasperated by his pride and insolence, formed a combination 
against him. ‘Two men appeared in the field, who were able 
to humble his vanity, and rescue Europe from his oppression. 
The Austrian armies were commanded by prince Eugene, 
and the English, by the duke of Marlborough, one of the 
most celebrated commanders of modern times, and thought, 
by some, never to have been excelled in any age or 
nation. Marlborough and Eugene defeated and cut in 
pieces whatever force Lewis sent into the field; they took 
from him most of his conquests; they entered his domi- 
nions with their victorious armies, and spread a terror and 
consternation, not much inferior to that of Henry V. In 
short, they shook the foundation of his throne, and not only 
humbled the haughty tyrant, but made him tremble for his 
crown and empire. 

This desolating war was closed at the peace of Utrecht 
in 1713; and France, by the preposterous policy of the 
British ministry, was saved from a victorious arm, which 
seemed able to have recovered and re-established the claims 
of Henry VY. and to have given law to the great nation. ‘Two 
years after the peace of Utrecht, on the first of September, 
1715, Lewis XIV. expired, after having experienced the 
vicissitudes of fortune, and exhibited an example of this 
truth, that no mortal, however exalted, is beyond the reach of 
the shafts of adversity. *Lewis might have said with his bro- 
ther Charles Y. that “ Fortune, like other females, loves to 
confer her favors upon young men.” 

The ancient monarchy of France, especially during the 
Feudal System, was extremely limited. The spirit of 
freedom and independence, which prevailed in Europe, 
was no where more visible, than in France. The people 
held various important and powerful checks upon the 
crown. But these, for want of a proper balance and dis- 
tribution of power, wore gradually away; and the royal 

23 ; 


48 FRANCE. 


parosetie prevailed against justice and inalienable right. 
et still the flame of liberty would, at times, break forth and 
burn with great strength, till it was wasted by its own impe- 
tuosity, or extinguished by the regular advances of despotic 
power. Next to the reign of Augustus, that of Lewis XIV. 
was most successful in quelling, silencing, and utterly destroy- 
ing, all notions of civil liberty and of equal rights. The 
French people were ,severely taught to tremble at the power 
and resentment of Lewis ; they were fascinated by his artful, 
winning and insidious wiles ; ; they were astonished and won 
over by his munificence; they were dazzled by his glory ; 
and they were made to believe, that to ‘ bask in the meri- 
dian blaze” of so splendid a monarchy, was their highest 
happiness. 

The reign of Lewis XV. was distinguished by few events 
worthy of particular notice in this brief survey. Ambitious 
without abilities, and proud without energy, his life wasted 
away in the fadmg splendors of a court, so lately illumin- 
ated by a monarch of superior powers. During this reign, 
the principal objects, which will engage the attention of the 
reader of history, are the capture of the isiand of Corsica; 
the suppression of the Jesuits in France; the causes of the 
gradual decline of the power and importance of France 
among the powers of Europe. But for the investigation of 
these subjects, the reader must be referred to other histories 
of France. 

On the 10th of May, 1774, the unfortunate Lewis XVI. 
ascended the throne. We have now arrived at a period, 
in which our readers are acquainted with many more inci- 
dents, than can have a place in this work. We shall close 
on this article by stating a very few things, which are most 
commonly known, concerning one of the most important, 
most eventful revolutions recorded in the annals of time; a 
revolution, which derives importance to us, on account of our 
commercial and political relations ; and especially by reason 
of its very recent date, and the vast consequences likely to 
flow from it. 

It has been generally thought, that France never enjoy- 
ed a more amiable, a more virtuously disposed monarch, 
than Lewis XVI. His misfortune from nature, if that can 
be called a misfortune, in which both kings and people are 
so generally involved, was the want of those extraordinary 
powers of mind, which are always useful, and, on certain 
emergencies, indispensable, inkings. It is doubtful whether, 


FRANCE. 4% 


if he had possessed the mental powers of some of his pre- 
decessors, he would not have suppressed the revolution- 
izing spirit, and preserved the tranquillity of his dominions. 
So far from doing that, when the storm arose, the weak- 
nesses he betrayed, increased the tumult, drew destruction 
upon himself, and the guilt of innocent blood upon his 
country. 

We often contemplate, with horror, the excessive suffer- 
ings of mankind, through the tyranny and oppression of 
their rulers. We as often wonder, that any rational being, 
endued with passions, and at all capable of self-defence or 
of revenge, will endure what so large a proportion of man- 
kind endure from their fellow-creatures, who govern them. 
They are insulted, degraded and trampled in the dust. 
Their rights are torn from them—they are deprived of 
every enjoyment. The scanty earnings of their painful 
labors must be cheerfully given up, to pamper the luxury 
of a wanton wretch, before whom they must cringe, and 
Low, and adore. Why will they endure allthis? Because, 
alas! their case is hopeless. Their disease admits no re- 
medy. The experience of all ages and nations has confirm- 
ed and illustrated the truth, that insurrection, revenge and 
revolution, do but plunge them deeper in misery, and expe- 
dite their destruction. 

Lewis XIV. as already noted, had extinguished every 
ray of liberty, and even of hope; and his immediate suc- 
cessor had neither virtue nor abilities to remedy the evils of 
the government, or the sufferings of the people. The 
clergy, the nobility, and the king, were each of them at the 
head of a separate system of tyranny; so that, in addition 
to the most cruel and odious oppression of the clergy, the 
people were crushed by an immense monarchy, and ground 
to powder by a still more formidable aristocracy. Many, 
therefore, took part in the revolution from a just and lauda- 
ble desire to remedy their condition. Having little fear of 
a worse state, they were determined to try to obtain a bet- 
ter. A strong remembrance of the recent fall and ruin of 
the Jesuits, taught them how easily the most powerful men 
are overthrown, when the multitude are roused and deter- 
mined to take vengeance. 

The restless spirit, which predisposes many for tumult 
and commotion, was a powerful mover in the revolution. 
Such love to be in a bustle. The noise of an uproar is to 
them the sweetest music, Even the cry of fire gives them 


50 FRANCE. 


a kind of ecstasy, provided their own hovel is not in danger. 
They love to rush with a multitude into enterprise ; and 
by how much greater is their number, by so much fiercer 
their enthusiasm flames, Although such men are the scum 
or dregs of society, they are fit tools ina revolution ; and 
seldom would any great.and sudden revolution take place 
without them. Luckily for the revolutionist, they are 
found in abundance in all nations, and especially in France. 

The more enlightened people of France, had no hope of 
erecting a free and virtuous republic upon the ruins cf 
monarchy. Their utmost wish extended only to a salutary 
reform in the government. They wished to limit the 
royal prerogative, and open some prospect for the encou- 
ragement of industry and laudable enterprise, by giving 
security to property. No people will be industrious, unless 
they can be made secure in the fruits of their labor. The 
people of France had no security in this respect. A large 
portion of their income must go to replenish the royal 
revenue; another portion must be paid into the church- 
treasury, to augment the enormous wealth of tyrannical, 
haughty and vicious clergy. Besides all this, every poor 
man was liable to the exactions of his master, land-holder 
or temporal lord. Each of these species of exactions was 
ordinary or extraordinary; when ordinary, they took a 
great part of a man’s earnings; when extraordinary, they 
took all. ‘Thus a wretched laborer was often stripped of 
all he had, and then, to complete his misery, dragged to the 
fleet or army, and forced to leave his family to perish for 
want of bread. 

To remedy these monstrously overgrown evils, benevo- 
lent people were willing to set a revolution on foot, tending 
merely to salutary reform. But, while they were carefully 
uursing the tender infant, and fostering it with gentlest 
hands, like Hercules, it rose formidable from its cradle, and 
crushed them to death, by thousands and by millions. In 
truth, the vail suddenly dropped from the eyes of the people, 
and they saw, in their full light, the horrors of their condi- 
tion. With one universal, strong, reiterated struggle, they 
attempted to rise, and plunged themselves “ ten tnousand 
fathom deep.” 

The prevalence of infidel philosophy, or, as it has been 
styled, Illuminism, in France, had a powerful influence in 
bringing about the revolution. ‘Those philosophers, with 
great apparent justice, availed themselves of the enormous 


‘FRANCE. 51 


corruptions of the religious orders, and the abuses of Chris- 
tianity abounding in the church ; they ridiculed the idea of the 
divine right of kings, and artfully laid open the oppressive 
tyranny of civil government. Under a robe, which to the 
unwary observer, appeared pure and spotless, they concealed 
the most atrocious, vile and blasphemous sentiments, con- 
cerning all government, both human and divine. ‘They set . 
up human reason, as the only light, the only standard of au- 
thority, the only deity in the universe. They wished to 
bring mankind into such a perfect state of freedom, that all 
restraint upon their conduct should be laid aside, together 
with all distinction of property. ‘They wished to abolish, 
absolutely, all law, to annihilate all obligation, and in a word, 
all distinction between virtue and vice. 

This dangerous philosophy prevailed in France; and 
among its disciples, were many of the most eminent literary 
characters in the kingdom. Indeed, it pervaded all orders 
of people; and men of this description filled the uui- 
versities, sustained the most important offices of state, and 
were, in great numbers, in the court, and about the person 
of the king. The savor of their doctrines, and the weight 
of personal influence, put in motion, by degrees, innume- 
rable wheels and springs of the revolution; and when they 
perceived things going according to their wish, they were 
at hand to project the most dangerous and daring schemes, 
and to develope the horrid extent of their views and 
wishes. 

The armies of France had been eye-witnesses of the 
success of the American revolution. They had seen a 
glimpse of the independence, freedom and happiness of the 
United States; and had imbibed a portion of the same 
heroic, invincible spirit, which animated the fathers of our 
happy country. Glowing with sympathy and delight, they 
carried the borrowed flame across the Atlantic. They 
painted, in lively colors, to their countrymen, the pleasing 
scenes they had witnessed; and they affected, most power- 
fully, the imaginations of that gay and volatile people, with 
dreams of fancied bliss. They said to themselves, ‘ Shall 
the Americans alone be free? and must Frenchmen for- 
ever groan with painful servitude 2”? Each peasant became a 
politician ; and freedom was allhis theme, Liverty inspired 
the speculations of the philosopher and the maxims and 
dogmas of the sage. It resounded in the ditties of the milk- 
maid and plough-boy, and enlivened the songs of the shepe 

23* 


52 RANCE. 


herd and shepherdess. Unhappy people! Would to 
Heaven, you might have gained, and long enjoyed, that 
rational freedom, which you saw at a distance, but could 
never realize! In a word, the wild enthusiasm seized the 
lower orders; it ascended to the higher ranks of people, 
and surrounded and overturned the throne. Its progress 
was like that of fire; and its devastations like those of the 
cestroying angel. 

Multitudes of men pushed forward the revolution, actu- 
ated only by the base and selfish consideration, that a popu- 
lar form of government gives power and consequence to 
much the greatest number of men; and of course, gives 
greater hopes of rising, to each individual. ‘They view 
republicanism as. a lottery, more favorable to their ambi- 
tious hopes, than monarchy. Such wretched patriots are 
the curse, the plague, the torment, and indeed, the final 
ruin and eternal disgrace of all republics. At first, they 
cannot be distinguished from the virtuous and honest man, 
who truly loves his country. ‘They bring, of course, all 
honest men into suspicion. They use the language, and 
put on the garb, of virtue. ‘They cover their designs so 
deeply with hypocrisy and lies, that they are often not 
unveiled but by their fatal and deadly mischief. Men of 
this cast, are far more useful in pulling down, than in 
building up, states and governments. Any incendiary can 
bum a palace ; but a skilful artist alone can build one. 
The revolutionist seldom considers, that if he pulls down 
his government, and has not strength and skill to build 
another, he must either inevitably perish in anarchy, or 
must set some master workman to building for him; and 
that the fabricator of the new government becomes his 
new master, and often proves a greater tyrant than the 
former. 

The general character of the moral and political writings, 
which prevailed in the latter part of the seventeenth and 
former part of the eighteenth centuries, especially in Eng- 
land and France, had a powerful influence in the great 
events, which have changed the. face of Europe. But we 
shall close this article for the present, and reserve the nature 
and effects of this important revolution, to be considered, 
when, in a‘subsequent chapter, we shall speak of the present 
state of Europe. 


NORTHERN POWERS. 53 


CHAPTER VII. j 


CONTINUATION OF THE VIEW OF EUROPE. 
NORTHERN POWERS. 


THE northern powers, viz. Denmark, Sweden and 
Russia, may be considered under one head, as it relates to 
several essential articles of their general history. They 
make no figure in ancient history, and very little m mo- 
dern, till since the beginning of the sixteenth century. ‘The 
Danes, indeed, under Canute* the Great, after frequently 
invading, conquered England in the eleventh century, and 
established a new dynasty. ‘This was overthrown by Wil- 
liam the Conqueror; and the Danes make no appearance 
worthy of notice, till the fourteenth century ; when, in 
1397, Margaret, by the peace of Calmar, was acknowledged 
queen of Sweden, Denmark and Norway. The great 
abilities, with which she acquired and governed this im- 
mense dominion, gained her the title of the Semiramis of the 
JVorth. ; 

The political importance of Denmark has been gradually 
diminishing for several centuries. It has generally per- 
formed the office of satellite to some of the chief luminaries 
of Europe ; and its history will be found to afford little to 
profit or to please. 

The extremely imperfect view we have given of the 
North of Europe, renders it necessary, that we enlarge 
little, in this place, to present to the reader, a more general 
sketch of the history of Denmark and Sweden. And as we 
cannot delineate, at full length, even a skeleton of modern 
nations, we have judged it most useful to touch upon such 
parts of the histories of these nations, as are in themselves 
most important. 


* It was principally by Swein, the father of Canute, that the Eng- 
lish were conquered ; and it is a question, whether Swein should not 
be considered as the first Danish king of England.—It does not appear 
to be quite correct to say, that the Danish dynasty was overthrown 
by William the Conqueror. On the death of Hardicanute, 25 years 
before the Conquest, the Danish succession was set aside, and the 
Saxon line restored in the person of Edward the Confessor; and the 
Saxon line was continued in Harold, the successor of Edward, whom 
William conquered and slew.— Ed. 


54 NORTHERN POWERS. 


When we turn our eyes toward the North of Europe, we 
have before us, to use the elegant expression of Dr. Robert- 
son, ‘‘ the storehouse of nations,” and as it has been often 
called “the northern hive.” ‘The countries beyond the 
Rhine, extending northwardly along the shores of the 
Atlantic to the Scaggerac sea, indeed, from the Adriatic to 
the Baltic, were anciently denominated Germany; and — 
those countries in the early times of modern Europe were 
regarded as appendages of the German empire. The 
people of those countries, though extremely fierce and 
warlike, were of a grade of intellect far above mere 
savages. 'The Romans, in the height of their power, found 
them formidable enemies; and they were, at length, the 
conquerors of Rome, and the founders of the present nations 
of Europe. 

We seem almost compelled to believe, that the northern 
parts of Europe, were once more populous than they are at. 
present; and they certainly were far more warlike. If 
their populousness has experienced a decline, ‘t must 
probably have been owing to the frequency of their emi- 
grations, and to other causes ofa less obvious nature. The 
refinements of modern times, in connection with the nature 
of their climate and situation, have produced effects on 
their governments, manners and customs, unfavorable to 
population and a martial spirit On the one hand, they 
have not sufficient motives to industry; without which 
their cold and sterile climate must render them indigent and 
wretched. On the other, they have not sufficient exercise 
in arms, nor motive to war; without which they must grow 
effeminate and cowardly. In the history of governments, 
nothing is more astonishing, than that the sovereigns of 
nations have not been impressed with this truth, that their 
people will not be industrious without a motive, nor brave 
without an example. 

Denmark, which had made a figure under the great 
Canute, in the eleventh century, and given a new dynasty 
of monarchs to England, appears little more in history for 
nearly two hundred years; when, fora short time, it rose 
and became illustrious under a female reign. Margaret 
was daughter of Waldemar III. king of Denmark. She had 
been married to Hacquin, king of Norway, who was the 
son of Magnus, king of Sweden. This commencement of 
her elevation awakened that ambition, and began to 
display those powers, which soon made her the greatest 


NORTHERN POWERS. 55 


monarch, that had ever reigned in the north of Eu- 
rope. 

‘Olaus, the son of Margaret, in right of his father, inherited 
the crown of Norway, that of Sweden, by his grandfather, 
and that of Denmark, by his mother. For although those 
crowns were then elective, yet that election seldom deviated 
from the lineal course, where there was a prospect of 
adequate abilities. But, Olaus dying, Margaret was chosen 
by the states of Denmark, who, already, had satisfactory 
proofs of her capacity to discharge the duties of that high 
station, while she had acted as queen regent of Norway. She 
was soon after elected queen of Norway. |The Swedes, at 
this time, were governed by Albert of Mecklenburg, who 
having become odious by his tyrannies, they made a tender 
of their crown and fealty to the illustrious Margaret. At 
the head of an army, she marched into Sweden, expelled 
her rival, and immediately took possession of the throne and 
goverament: 

Margaret, being now invested with the government of 
Norway, Sweden and Denmark, projected the scheme of 
the celebrated union of Calmar. At that place, she assem- 
bled the states of the three kingdoms, and by their united 
voice, a solemn decree was passed, the substance of which 
is comprised in the following articles ; 

I. That Sweden, Denmark and Norway should thence: 
forth have but one sovereign ; 

II. That the sovereign should be chosen alternately by 
each of these kingdoms, and that the election should be 
ratified by the other two ; 

111. That each nation should retain its own laws, cus- 
toms, privileges and dignities ; 

IV. That the natives of one kingdom should not be raised 
to posts of honor or profit in another, but should be reputed 
foreigners out of their own country. 

A minute detail of the reign of Margaret will not be 
expected. It will be sufficient to observe, that, considering 
the age, in which she lived, the rude and barbarous 
nations, over whom she swayed the sceptre, and the grand 
object she efiécted during her reign, few monarchs have 
been more capable of sustaining the weight of empire. 
Hers was one of the three female reigns, which have 
taken place in modern times, that will ever be illustrious 
in the annals of nations. The names of Margaret, Eliza- 
beth and Catharine, are, at least sufficient to rescue 


56 NORTHERN POWERS. 


their sex from the indiscriminate imputation of weak- 
ness. 

The union of Calmar, which took place in the last year 
of the fourteenth century, though it could not but remain 
unshaken during the vigorous reign of Margaret, from its 
nature, could not continuelong. States and kingdoms cannot _ 
be permanently united, but by a union of interest, policy, 
manners and sentiments. The evident partiality, which 
Margaret had shown for her Danish. subjects, became so 
visible in Eric, her successor, as to excite a general odium 
throughout Sweden. The Swedes, accordingly revolted 
from Denmark, and elected for their monarch Charles 
Canutson, descended from the family of Bonde. Soon after, 
however, they re-established the union of Calmar—thus 
revolting and returning again to their connexion, three times 
in the space of about fifty years; till, at length, they were 
conquered and enslaved, by Christian TL. king of Denmark, 
known by the name of the Nero of the North. 

These revolutions and struggles gradually diminished the 
power.of Denmark, and opened the way for the final sepa- 
ration, independence and elevation of Sweden. Of this, we 
shall give an account somewhat more particular, which we 
take from Russell’s Modern Europe. 

In 1442 the Swedes reyolted from Christian I. king of 
Denmark, and invested with the administration of their 
government, Steen Sture. ‘The cause of this revolt may 
be clearly traced, in the extreme partiality of the Danish 
monarchs to their own particular subjects, which often led 
them into acts of tyranny the most atrocious, and even stib- 
versive of the fundamental articles of the confederation of 
those kingdoms. The succession of Sture’s son to the 
regency of Sweden, although it was generally approved by 
the nation, was vigorously opposed by Gustavus Tolle, 
archbishop of Upsal and primate of Sweden. This haughty 
prelate, whose father had been among the candidates for 
the regency, persisting in his opposition to young Sture’s 
administration, was at length besieged in his castle of Steeka, 
was taken prisoner, deposed by a diet of the kingdom, and 
stripped of all his offices ecclesiastical and civil, 

Trolle, in his distress, made application to eo X. a most 
powerful, accomplished and ambitious pontiff. ‘The pope, 
ready to espouse the cause of the deposed primate, imme- 
diately excommunicated the regent and the party that 
adhered to him consisting of most of the nobility of sweden, 


NORTHERN POWERS. 57 


The execution of this bull, Leo committed to the bloody ~ 
Christian II. king of Denmark. The history of the follow- 
ing events, opens one of the most horrid scenes, recorded in 
the annals of mankind. 7 

Pursuant to the order of Leo X. the king of Denmark 
invaded Sweden, with a powerful army. He was encoun- 
tered by the Swedes in great force, and met with so severe 
a check, that he was forced to change his plan of open hos- 
tilities, for one of the most execrable and enormous treach- 
ery. He proposed to treat with the Swedish regent, and 
offered to proceed in person to Stockholm, provided the 
Swedes would deliver to him, six noble youths, as hostages 
for his own safety. These terms were accepted; and ac- 
cordingly, six young men of illustrious birth, were delivered 
into the power of this bloody, perfidious monster, and were 
put on board the Danish fleet. 

Christian, now supposing that he had all the advantage of 
the Swedes, necessary to bring them to any terms, instead 
of entering, as was proposed, into an amicable accommoda- 
tion with the regent, immediately carried the Swedish hos- 
tages prisoners to Denmark. Of this number the celebra- 
ted Gustavus Vasa was one. Like the great Alfred of Eng- 
land, he learned in the school of adversity, those lessons of 
wisdom, temperance and fortitude, which afterwards enabled 
him to give law to the North of Europe. 

In the following year, 1520, Christian II. returned to the 
invasion of Sweden, witha still greater force. Steen Sture 
met and encountered him, in West Gothland; but being 
entrapped in an ambuscade, was mortally wounded. The 
army of Sweden immediately dispersed ; and the victorious 
Dane, thirsting for blood, marched directly for Stockholm. 
On his arrival at the capital, he found nothing but terror, ir- 
resolution and despair among the Swedes. ‘Trolle, how- 
ever, now resuming his archiepiscopal functions, under the 
conquering standard of Denmark, immediately proclaimed 
Christian king of Sweden. The victorious monarch affect- 
ed the greatest possible clemency, and swore to govern 
Sweden, not as a conqueror, but ina manner mild and he- 
neficent, as though he had been chosen by a regular diet of 
the empire, and by the voice of the people. 

His coronation feast was sumptuous and superb. 'To 
this, all the senators, grandees and nobility of Sweden were 
mvited, and indeed allured by the apparent generosty, 
openness and munificence of the new king. After the frast 


58 NORTHERN POWERS, 


had lasted three days, in the midst of the greatest security, 
hilarity and joy, the archbishop reminded the king, that 
although he had pardoned all offences by a general amnesty, 
yet no satisfaction had been given to the pope, in whose 
holy name, he now demanded justice. An army instantly 
rushed into the hall, and secured all the guests that were 
obnoxious. The archbishop immediately opened his spiri- 
tual court, proceeded against them as heretics, and con- 
demned them to death. A scaffold was erected before the 
palace gate ; and ninety-four persons were executed ; among 
whom was Eric Vasa, father of the celebrated Gustavus, 
who was, at this time, a prisoner in Denmark. 

Thus fell the nobility of Sweden, accused of no crime, 
but that of defending the liberties of their country. And 
when we consider all the circumstances of this horrid 
butchery, and especially, that it laid claim to the sanction of 
Christ’s benevolent religion, there is not a more shock- 
ing occurrence to be found inhistory. The subsequent 
account of this barbarous tyrant leaves little room to doubt, 
that Divine Justice saw fit to make itself visible for his 
punishment, even in this world. Death often lurks in the 
insidious smiles of a tyrant ; and the voice of all history and 
of all experience loudly declares, that he is never to be 
trusted. 

It shall suffice to observe, that Christian II. soon experi- 
enced a total reverse of fortune. His crimes and cruelties 
rendered him odious to the péople of his own kingdom. 
He was deposed by them, and compelled to flee, a wretched 
exile into the Low Countries. He endeavored im vain to 
obtain the assistance of Charles V. his brother-in-law; and 
after various struggles, died miserably in prison ; ‘a fate,” 
says our author, ‘too gentle for so barbarous a tyrant.” 
Frederic, duke of Holstein, Christian’s uncle, succeeded to 
the throne of Denmerk and Norway ; and as for Sweden, 
she not only shook off the Danish yoke, but we shall pre- 
sently see her giving law to the North, and menacing the 
South of Europe. 

In the mean time, Gustavus Vasa, with the other five 
hostages, was treacherously imprisoned in Denmark, as 
before mentioned. From prison, he soon found means to 
escape, and finding himself pursued, fled in disguise, and 
hid himself in the mines of Dalecarlia, where he labored 
for his daily support with the miners. Among the rude 
inhabitants of that country, he soon began to attract 


NORTHERN POWERS. 59 


_admiration. They were charmed with his popular talents 
and winning address. His form was athletic, noble and 
commanding ; and his uncommon strength and agility gave 
him a féady ascendency among his rustic associates. Per- 
ceiving their utter detestation of the tyranny of the Danes, 
he took the opportunity of disclosing to them his extrac- 
tion, at an annual feast. He made himself known, and 
offered himseif as their leader, by a just war, to set his 
country free, and avenge the blood of her most illustrious 
patriots. 

The people listened to him with astonishment; and 
recarding him as a savior sent from heaven, they flocked 
from all quarters to his standard. He immediately attacked 
the Danish governor of the province; and taking his castle 
by storm, put the Danes to the sword. In short, nothing 
could exceed the rapidity of his motions; and in wars and 
revolutions, celerity is always the best insurance of success. 
He crushed all opposition; every impediment yielded to 
his genius, valor and good fortune, till he ascended the 
Swedish throne. His reign was one of the most illustrious 
in the annals of Europe. 

During this time, Christian II. the Danish Nero, had 
fallen, and, as already stated, was succeeded by Frederic of 
Holstein. Frederic in 1533 was succeeded by Christian III. 
considered as one of the wisest and most amiable monarchs 
of that kingdom. Sweden and Denmark were now both 
favored with great and virtuous princes, who made the 
happiness of their subjects their chief aim and highest 
glory. The pope, who had played such bloody games by 
the hands of his atrocious instruments, now lost all ground 
in the North of Europe, and the Protestant religion was es- 
tablished both by Gustavus and Christian III. in their re- 
spective kingdoms. 

The reign of Christian III. terminated with his life in 
1558, and that of Gustavus Vasa, in 1560. Their memory 
is still, and will ever remain, dear to their subjects, and 
famous in history. Gustavus, indeed, may be considered 
almost as the founder and father of his kingdom; ver 
much resembling, as already noticed, the great Alfred of 
England. His reign was long and prosperous. For the 
space of nearly forty years, he maintained the glorious 
character of a patnot king. Though his cotemporaries, 
Charles V. Francis I. Henry VIII. and Solyman the Magni- 
ficent, reigned over fairer realms and more polished people, 

24 


% 


60 NORTHERN POWERS. 


they merit a lower place in the temple of fame, than Gus- 
tavus Vasa. ‘They involved their subjects in expensive 
wars, to gratify their own ambition, and crushed them be- 
neath a spiritual tyranny in doing honor to the Beast. But 
Gustavus rescued his people from a foreign yoke, diffused 
among them, the arts and sciences, and delivered them from 
the Egyptian bondage of spiritual despotism. 

Few events had, as yet, laid open the immense regions of 
Russia and Siberia to the view of history; nor has that ex- 
tensive country, till a late period, made any appearance in 
the concerns of Europe. As early as 1470, John Basilo- 
witz I. grand duke of Muscovy, threw off the yoke of the 
Tartars, under which that country had long remained. He 
scon reduced Novogorod and Cassan, and received the im- 
perial diadem of that country under the title of Czar, which 
in their language signifies king or emperor, as that of 
Czarina does empress or queen. ‘To these territories his 
grandson John Basilowitz Il. added the extensive countries 
of Astracan and Siberia, in 1554. | In this reign, a treaty of 
commerce was formed between Russia and England, then 
governed by queen Elizabeth. j 

The family of this prince soon becoming, in a manner, 
extinct; Russia was harassed with a rapid succession of 
usurpers, and civil wars, till Michae] Theodorowitz, son of 
Romanow, bishop of Rostow, assumed the government ; 
and was able in 1618, to establish a peace with Sweden and 
Poland. This Michael, by the mother’s side, was descended 
from the Czar John Basilowitz; and in his person, was 
again established the ancient dynasty. Alexius succeeded ° 
his father Michael. He left his dominions to his son Theo- 


. dore, both improved and extended. ‘Theodore on his death 


bed, appointed Peter, his half brother, as his successor, to 
the exclusion of his own brother and sister, Ivan and Sophia. 
This was he, who was afterwards called Peter the Great. 
As on the death of Theodore, Peter was very young, Ivan 
and Sophia endeavored to exclude him from the throne. 


. Various struggles were excited; and the existence of the 


empire seemed to be threatened by the prospect of civil 
wars, and the most violent commotions. The fortune of 
Peter, however, at length triumphed ; arid after publicly ex- 
ecuting above 3000 of the malcontents, he found himself in 
quiet possession of the throne. 

When Providence designs to make a great man, some 
door is generally opened for his doing something almost 


NORTHERN POWERS. 6] 


peculiar to himself. The illustrious course pursued by 
Peter, was struck out by his own surprising genius, even 
while unaided either by elegant literature, or that specula- 
, tien, which is the result of long experience. In 1697, he 
retired from his empire, and travelled as a private gentle- 
man in the retinue of three embassadors, with a view of 
visiting various nations of Europe, and especially those 
most famed for industry, economy and the important and 
useful arts. At Amsterdam, he made a considerable stay, 
where, as incredible as it may seem, he entered himself 
in one of the principal dock yards, as a common laborer, 
and fared like other journeymen. At the same time, he 
engaged with the utmost application in the study of naviga- 
tion, commerce, surgery and the various branches of natural 
philosophy. 

Thence, he passed into England, where king William 
received him with marks of respect, due to the imperial 
traveller and student. In England, he completed his 
knowledge of naval affairs; and, after the expiration of 
nearly two years, he returned to Russia, accompanied by 
several men skilled in the arts and sciences. 

The whole life of Peter was spent in the rapid forma- 
tion and still more astonishing execution of those grand 
schemes, which may be said to have giyen existence to 
the most extensive empire, ever known. But before we 
proceed farther with this history, it will be proper to 
call the reader’s attention once more to me history of 
Sweden. 

Gustavus Vasa, of whose life and Hie de we have 
taken some notice, was succeeded in the Swedish throne 
successively by his sons Eric and John. The former, far 
different in his character from his father, was deposed in 
1568, and the latter died in 1592, leaving his kingdom to 
his son Sigismund, already king of Poland. Sigismund, in 
attempting to re-establish the Catholic religion, was also 
deposed by the Swedes in 1600, and his uncle, Charles IX. 
was elevated to the throne. The son and successor of 
Charles IX. was the celebrated Gustavus Adolphus. 

In 1611, Gustavus, upon his father’s death, was declared 
of age, and ascended the throne, though only in his 
eighteenth year. His kingdom, on his accession, was 
enfeebled by a partial subjection to Denmark, which had 
existed, since the times of the great Margaret. He found 
its oteerthd concerns in the utmost disorder—distracted by 


62 NORTHERN POWERS. 


divisions, and torn by intestine broils. All his neighbors, 
the Danes, the Poles and Russians, were at war with him, 
and had already infested his territories with great armies, 
taking encouragement from his youth and inexperience, 
and the known weakness of his kingdom. The great 
Adolphus, on this occasion, showed how far the power of 
genius transcends even experience itself, and all the arti- 
ficial acquirements that are within the reach of man. At 
one effort, he dispelled the storm of invasion; at another, 
he silenced all intestine commotions. Before him, went 
victory and triumph; and tranquillity and order marked his 
footsteps. His enemies, every where met with defeat and 
disgrace, while he extended his conquests, humbled all his 
neighbors, and nearly made himself master of Russia. 

Soon after this, by the policy of Cardinal Richlieu, as 
already mentioned, Gustavus was appointed head of the 
Protestant league, for opposing and humbling the house of 
Austria. His life opens one of the most amazing series of 
splendid actions, recorded in history ; and when we consider 
the power of the enemies, whom he as uniformly conquer- 
ed, as encountered, we shall see reasons for comparing him 
with Hannibal, if not preferring him to that great warrior. 
Finding no equal in the North, he bent his course south- 
wardly, and by a course of victories, penetrated the heart 
of Germany. He defeated the famous Count Tilly, the 
Austrian general, long thought invincible; and gained a 
victory equally complete over his successor Walstein. But 
this victory cost him his life. He was unfortunately killed, 
after the field was won; and with his dying breath, made 
the prophetic declaration, that he had sealed the liberties 
of Germany with his blood. Had he lived, it is thought he 
would have put a period to the German empire. 

The virtues and abilities of no hero or conqueror, ever 
shone with greater lustre after his death, than did those of 
Gustavus Adolphus. They long survived him im _ the 
armies which he trained, and in the generals which he 
formed. The names of Bernard, Torstension, Bannier, 
Wrangel and some others, will be celebrated to the latest 
posterity. Those generals continued the war after the 
death of Gustavus, and gave a blow to the power of the 
house of Austria, which it has never fully recovered. 
Oxenstiern, the first minister of Gustavus, who managed 
the affairs of Sweden during the minority of Christiana, his 

' daughter and successor, by his consummate skill, enabled 


NORTHERN POWERS 63 


that princess, ina measure, to dictate the peace of West- 
phalia in 1648. 

With the great Gustavus and his generals, the fame and 
prosperity of Sweden seemed to expire. Christiana, in _ 
1654, six years after the peace of Westphalia, resigned her’ 
crown to her cousin Charles Gustavus. ‘The life and 
adventures of this celebrated princess, exhibit the most 
surprising extremes of magnanimity and weakness—of ~ 
elevation of mind, and perversion of taste. The adven- 
tures, through which she passed, would furnish ample 
materials for the writer of romance. 

Charles Gustavus, who was the tenth of that name, was a 
prince of considerable abilities, and gained some advantages 
in a war with Poland; but his reign lasted only six years. 
He died in 1660, and was succeeded in his government by 
his son Charles XI. who was an odious and impolitic tyrant. 
So far from imitating the examples of several of his illus- 
trious predecessors, he used his utmost power to oppress 
and enslave his people. During his long reign, though 
apparently successful in several wars, his kingdom and the 
Swedish name were falling from that important and splendid 
rank, they once held in Europe. 

In 1697, by the death of Charles XI. the throne of Swe- 
den was left vacant to the famous Charles XII. his son and 
successor, than whom, probably, no mortal man ever 
breathed more constantly the spirit of war. But, instead 
of possessing the great qualities of Vasa and Adolphus, he 
seemed capable of nothing but war and conquest. Head- 
long as a tiger, he rushed forward, as if only solicitous to 
fight, with very little regard to prospects of advantage, or 
the favourable moment. 

While such a tiger, however, was about to be let loose 
in the North of Europe, a lion, if we may keep up the 
metaphor, was prepared still further north, to keep him at 
bay, and set bounds to his lawless rage. Peter, justly 
styled the Great, had just returned to his own dominions, 
enriched with discoveries and improvements, calculated to 
aid him in the grand scheme of civilizing the North of 
Europe and Asia, when Charles XII. though but eighteen 
years of age, ascended the throne of Sweden. ‘The views 
of Charles relative to the conquest of Russia, may well ve 
compared with those of Alexander in relation to the Persian 
empire. But had Charles acted with that prudent caution, 
which governed Alexander’s counsels and movements he 

24* 


64 NORTHERN POWERS. 


might have avoided those disasters, which ruined himself and 
his kingdom, even though he had failed in the main object of 
his ambition. 

The wars of Charles, however, were tremendous; and 
his name soon became terrible through the world. But he 
was too rash and impetuous to execute his plans by means, 
which were necessary to give permanence to his success. 
We fought in all directions, and was generally victorious. 
He humbled all his adversaries except one, and struck 
terror into all his neighbours. He dethroned Augustus, king 
of Poland, new modelled the government of that kingdom, 
and Gadied Stanislaus, a creature of his own, to be invested 
with that sovereignty. But his whole plan of operations 
may be clearly traced to his great design of subduing 
Russia, which issued in the battle of Pultowa, fought on 
the 11th of July, 1709. With a brief sketch of the circum- 
stances leading to this decisive battle between Charles and 
Peter, we shall close this article, and refer the reader to 
the details of the events in the history of those times. 
While Charles, mad with his design of becoming a second 
Alexander and conquering all mankind, was with the utmost 
diligence preparing the way for his operations against 
Peter, the latter by a stretch of masterly policy, unequalled 
in its kind, was widening his resources, fortifying his power, 
’ improving his immense empire, and strengthening the basis 
of his throne. The victorious standard of Charles, in 
1707, which had been displayed in Saxony, to the terror of 
all Germany, was removed, and again seen in Poland. 
Thither, at the head of 43,000 men, Charles now proceeded 
to oppose the Russian arms, which during his absence had 
been employed in favor of Augustus, the dethroned mo- 
narch. From Lithuania, where he had for some time been, 
Peter directed his march toward the river Boristhenes, 
avoiding for the present a general battle “with the Swedish 
hero. So near were the two armies, that Charles arrived 
im the city of Grodno, on the same day, that Peter left it. 
But the pursuit was in vain. 

The sovereign of Russia, on this o¢ecasion, displayed that 
wisdom, and prudence,. which seemed the prelude to his 
future triumph. Finding himself in his own dominions, and 
justly fearing the consequences of so terrible a conflict, as 
seemed approaching, he sent an embassy to the king of 
Sweden, with proposals of peace. Charles returned for 
answer, that he would treat with him at Moscow. The 


NORTHERN POWERS. 65 


Czar’s remark, when this haughty answer was brought him, 
gives us a trait of the character of the two rivals. ‘ My 
brother Charles,” said he, ‘always affects to play the 
Alexander ; but I hope he will not find me a Darius.” 
The celerity of his retreat defeated all hopes of overtaking 
him; and the Swedish monarch consoled himself by pursu- 
ing his march toward Moscow. Wut in this, he found no 
small difficulty. His army suffered incredible hardships, in 
pursuing the course of the Czar, who, aware of his approach, 
had destroyed all means of subsistence, and indeed almost 
every vestige of human habitation. Vast forests, morasses 
and extensive solitudes presented before them, scenes of 
desolation, and the alarming prospect of destruction. 
Through these dreary wastes, the Russians moved with 
safety, being in their own country, and led by a great com- 
mander, who knew well how to avail himself of his own 
resources, and to leave behind him, nothing to facilitate the 
progress of his pursuer. 

Charles, though now determined to march to Moscow, 
was compelled to alter his line of march, and by a more 
circuitous course, to pass through placts, whence some 
supplies might be derived for his army, now nearly perish- 
ing with fatigue and want. The north of Europe abounds 
with vast forests and trackless wilds, almost impassable 
even in the summer season, and now clothed with double 
horrors, by the approach of winter. ‘The ablest officers of 
his army remonstrated against penetrating those inhospi- 
table climes, in the winter season. Count Piper, on whom 
he had ever placed much dependence, earnestly recom- 
mended it to him to remain in the Ukraine, a province lying 
along the river Boristhenes, till the winter, which at that 
time was intensely severe, was past. He, however, crossed 
that river, and advanced to the banks of the Disna, beyond 
which, he perceived a Russian army posted to resist his 
passage. 

He crossed, however, and continued his march, making a 
slow progress into the Russian territories. Hovering par- 
ties of the enemy added continual surprise to his painful 
and perilous march; and numbers of his men daily perished 
through the inclemency of the season. Wearing away the 
winter in those frosty regions, he at length arrived, on the 
10th of May, at the town of Pultowa, where was an impor- 
tant magazine of stores and necessaries, of which the 
Swedish army was in great want. But Pultowa was de- 


66 NORTHERN POWERS. 


fended by a garrison of 9000 Russians; and the Czar 
himself lay not very far distant, with an army of 70,000 
men. 

The attack of Charles upon this place, which was strongly 
fortified, was one of the most daring enterprises ever 
attempted by any commander. For that reason, he could 
not be dissuaded from so rash a measure. In spite of every 
effort of the Swedes, the town could not be reduced before 
the arrival of the Czar with his main army; and Charles, 
although wounded in his heel by a musket ball, determined 
to give him battle. He ordered his army to advance and 
attack the Russian camp. ‘The Swedes, long inured to vic- 
tory, made a formidable onset, and not without impression. 
The Russian cavalry was broken, but soon rallied behind 
the infantry. The king of Sweden, borne in a_ litter, 
animated his troops, and displayed all the talents of the 
soldier and hero. But he contended agains? superior for- 
tune. On the side of Peter, there were equal skill and - 
bravery with greater numbers. The Swedes fought with 
astonishing fury, for two hours; but were exposed in the 
face of a tremendous train of artillery, which the Czar, 
whose arrangements for the battle were masterly, had 
opened upon them. Their charge -upon the Russian line, 
proved ineffectual; and their defeat, which was inevitable, 
was only announced by their destruction. 9000 Swedes 
fell on the field of battle; and the army of Charles was 
utterly ruined. Charles. himself, with a small party of 
horse, escaped with difficulty, .and hastily crossing the 
Boristhenes, fled with a few attendants to Bender, a town 
in Moldavia, in the Turkish dominions. 

Charles XII. never recovered from this humbling stroke, 
which seemed for a while to give respite to the North of 
Europe; and was certainly followed by vast consequences 
to that part of the globe. But there never was a more 
restless man than Charles. He continued to struggle, 
negotiate and fight, as long as he continued to breathe; 
which was about nine years from the battle of Pultowa. 
For a particular account of the various fortunes and adven- 
tures of this extraordinary prince, the reader is recom- 
mended to peruse Voltaire’s history of him... As already 
noticed, he threw himself into the power of the Turks, 
Jetermining never to return to his own dominions, but as 
a conqueror. He persevered in this resolution, for several 
years; but was compelled to break it at last. Constantly 


NORTHERN POWERS. ' 67 


fomenting intrigues, commotion arc wars in ai directions, 
he could never lay aside his design against Russia, nor . 
indeed his hope of subduing that mighty empire. 

Thus passed the life of Charles, till in December, 1718, 
he was killed before the town of Fredericshall, in Norway, 
by a cannon ball. After he was struck by the ball, he only 
had time to lay his hand upon his sword, grasping which, he 
expired 

All historians, who speak of him, allow him to have been 
one of the most extraordinary men who ever lived. Had 
his prudence been equal to his courage, energy and ambi- - 
tion, he would have equalled, if not excelled, all other 
conquerors. The disasters of his reign gave a blow to 
Sweden, which she has never recovered. She has been 
declining during the last century, and has now become but a 
secondary power in Europe. 

Peter the Great, happily delivered from so troublese: 
and dangerous a neighbour, for the remainder of his rigs, 
had little to frustrate his favorite schemes for improving 
his empire. ile built a city at the head of the gulf of Fin- 
land, which, he determined, should bear his name. In the 
space of a century, Petersburg has become one of the most 
splendid cities in the world. Peter displayed the grandeur 
of his mind more in the arts of peace, than of war. He 
projected a union between the river Dwina, the Wolga 
and Tanais, thus to open a communication between the 
Baltic, Euxine, Caspian and Northern seas. In short, no 
prince, ever did more to enlighten, improve and adorn his 
empire. 

Peter was suceeeded by his wife Catherine I. and she, 
by Peter II. who, after a short reign, died in 1730 of the 
small pox. He was grandson to Peter the Great, whose 
direct male line, in him, was extinct. The throne was 
next filled by Anne, second daughter to Ivan, eldest brother 
to Peter the Great. She was succeeded by. Elizabeth, 
daughter to Peter the Great; Elizabeth, by her nephew 
Peter III. and he, by his wife Catherine II. a princess of 
Anhalt-Zerbst ; whose reign almost eclipsed the glory of 
that of Peter the Great. She was succeeded by her son 
Paul; he, by the emperor Alexander; and he, by his brother 
Nicholas. 


GREAT BRITAIN. 


CHAPTER VIll. 


CONTINUATION OF THE VIEW OF EUROPE. 
GREAT BRITAIN. 


THE history of most nations is but the history of war 
and destruction to the human race. ‘The mind is perfectly 
fatigued and disgusted in reading of nothing but fighting, 
killing, murder, treason and desolation. In the history of 
England, the mind. is often relieved with a most pleasing 
variety of prospect. It is the history of arts and sciences, 
of philosophy and government, of commerce and agricul- 
ture; and, to show, that the English people are of one 
blood, and of one spirit with other nations, there is also the 
history of revolutions, of treasons, plots, massacres and 
_ desolating wars.* But the English people exhibit a sur- 
prising and illustrious example of mental energy and excel- 
lence. ‘They have been able to give transcendent impor- 
tance to a comparatively small island, and that for a long 
time. 

Great Britain is an island much smaller than Borneo, or 
Madagascar, or Niphon, or some others, which might be 
named; yet, for nearly twenty centuries, it has held an 
important rank among the nations of the earth, and is now 
mistress of the sea. In a former chapter, we noticed 
Egbert, at the head of the Saxon Heptarchy, about the 
year 800. The successors of Egbert were exceedingly 
harassed by the Danes; who at length planted themselves 
on the sea coast, and seized all the finest parts of England. 

The great Alfred, the deliverer of his country, and as he 
is styled, the father of the English constitution, was the 
grandson of Egbert. When all was given up for lost, and 
the Danes were considered as masters of England, the 
“immortal Alfred” suddenly broke from his concealment, . 
where he had, for some years, been hidden in the deepest 
disguise and remotest recesses. He erected the standard 
of his native country; which soon became a rallying point. 


* Besides foreign wars innamerable and almost incessant, the 
Enghsh have had, agcording to the enumeration of Le Sage, 16 
civil wars and 9 religious commotions, since the Conquest. In the 
language of Goldsmith, England may well be denominated a land of 
scholars and a nurse of arms.—Ed. 


GREAT BRITAIN. 69 

, 

With a small body of men he encountered and defeated the 

Danes. The rapid rumor of his success drew multitudes to 

his standard. ‘The Danes were every where defeated, and, 
in a short time, expelled from the island. 

Perhaps no monarch ever more justly deserved the title of 
Father of his country, than Alfred. After the incessant wars 
had subsided, which made him powerful and independent, 
he set himself, with the greatest energy and industry, to im- 
prove his kingdom. He founded the university of Oxford 
in 895; he rebuilt the city of London; he divided England 
in counties, hundreds, &c. ; he revived the trial by jury, and 
gave dignity, purity and despatch to the courts of justice. 
In a word, it may be said, that he did his utmost, to diffuse 
individual happiness among his people, as well as to give his 
kingdom the external marks of dignity and splendor. 

The reign of Alfred was long and prosperous. No prince 
was ever more beloved by his subjects; and he died in peace, 
full of days, and covered with glory, in 901. 

The successors of Alfred, for more than a century, were 
employed in wars with the Danes, with various, but at 
length, with declining success. In the first part of the 
eleventh century, Canute the Great, king of Denmark, 
completed the conquest of England, and established himself 
on the English throne. In 1035, he left hisdeminions to 
Harold, who, after a short and inglorious reign, was succeed- 
ed by Hardicanute, in whom the Danish race of kings be- 
came extinct; when the ancient line was restored. 

The Saxon race was restored in the person of Edward 
the Confessor ; but in him was again deprived of the crown.* 
In 1066, he was succeeded by Harold the Usurper, the son 
of the famous Godwin, earl of Kent. 

The British crown seemed now to be unsettled, and, in 
a measure,.at the disposal of the common chances of war. 
William of Normandy, a prince of great territorial resources, 
and of still greater abilities for war, prepared to assert 
his claim to it—a very specious claim indeed, but the 
origin of all monarchical claims; for, as Brennus told the 
Roman ambassadors, ‘* The right of conquerors lies. in 
their swords,” William’s claim was grounded wholly in 
his power ;} and he was successful. Accompanied by many 


* Harold was 4 Saxon, though not of the royal family.— Ed. 
“4 William professed to found his claim to the English érown upon 
the will of Edward the Confessor, though it does not appear, that 
Edward ever expressed any such will in writing —Ed. 


70 _° GREAT) BRITAIN. 

soldiers .of fortune; whom the fame of his abilities and the 
splendor of his enterpri.e had drawn from all parts of 
Europe, he made a formidable descent upon the English 
coast, and landed without opposition. He was soon met by 
Harold at the head also of a powerfularmy. Few fields 
have been more sharply disputed; arguments of great 
strength were used on both sides. Their claims and great 
exertions, in point of merit, as well as in point of strength, 
were nearly equal. Each of the rivals, as well as many of 
their followers, had the same grand objects in view; each 
fought for life, crown, empire, honor, glory and everlasting 
fame. ‘The eyes of all Europe were anxiously turned 
t--vard the scene ; and the pen of the historian was ready to 
transmit the event to unborn ages. Great bravery was, dis- 
played on both sides, 

Harold fell in battle; and William seized, without fur- 
ther opposition, the august prize. He found it, however, 
more difficult to retain, than to acquire, the crown of Eng- 
land. He was kept in continual alarms; and his life was 
endangeied by daring plots and conspiracies. His jea- 
lousies of the English people, which were not increased 
without cause, occazioned universal alterations in the 
internal police of the kingdom. He deeply infringed the 
ancient constitution; and, at length, breaking over all re- 
straint, he caused innumerable confiscations, and, by suborn- 
ed evidence, the most unjust and cruel attainders of treason. 
He nearly exterminated the ancient nobility; and by 
degrees, effected a conversion of the property of the whole 
kingdom. 

From the time of William the Conqueror, to the reign 
of Henry VIII. the history of England presents a variegated 
and interesting scene. ‘The Henries and Edwards were, . 
generally, both statesmen and warriors. It will be impos- 
sible to go into a particular consideration of their respec- 
tive reigns ; but we must beg the reader’s permission to 
pass over this very considerable period, with a few general 
remarks. 

During this period, the struggles between the three 
orders, viz. the king, lords and commons, were incessant, 
and, at times, had well nigh involved the kingdom in ruin. 
The great lords were often too powerful for the crown, 
and for the commons. ‘They held their castles and strong 
fortresses in all parts of the island; and, where a union 
happened to combine their strength, they seemed often to 


GREAT BRITAIN. Ti 


bid fair to do, as Poland has since done to its own utter ruin— 
that is, to overturn the throne, and enslave the people. Of 
all governments in the world, perhaps, an aristocracy is the 
worst. It is like a hydra with a hundred heads ; it is rest- 
less, because ambitious ; and weak, because disunited ; it is 
miserable, because experienced without virtue ; and con- 
temptible, because wise and crafty without power. ‘The time 
proper for action, is consumed ia deliberation ; and the lucky 
moment passes unimproved. 

While the English government leaned chiefly toward this 
form, the nation was feeble, and liable to imnumerable divi- 
sions; and, owing to this cause, had been easily subjugated 
by the Saxons, Danes and Normans. ‘The undue power and 
influence of the great lords, remained firm and unshaken, 
and must have ultimately terminated in the ruin of the nation, 
had it not received a fatal blow by the policy of Henry VII. 
who so far abolished the feudal tenures, as to enable the 
nobility and great peers of the realm, to alienate their landed 
estates, which before his time, they could not. This occa- 
sioned a change, and a much wider distribution of property, 
and had a tendency to produce a juster balance in the powers 
of government. 

The extraordinary abilities, fortunes and characters of 
several of the English monarchs, contributed greatly to 
establish, unite, and dignify the nation. Perhaps: no nation 
in Europe, at this early period, was governed so ably and 
so wisely. Several of the Henries and of the Edwards 
were men of the most consummate abilities. We have 
already mentioned Henry V. With his name, we may 
associate that of Edward ILI. who is called the father 
of the English constitution. He was equally great in 
war; and held, during his glorious reign, no less the con- 
fidence and veneration of his subjects, than the dread of his 
enemies. 

It was the pecular felicity of England, to derive benefit 
from their worst, as well as from their best and ablest, 
princes. ‘They had several kings, who would answer well 
to be put upon the black list of Roman emperors. But, 
even those disgraceful reigns were directly or indirectly 
productive of good. In the contemptible and ingloricus 
reign of king John, was laid the corner stone of Hnglish 
liberty—the main pillar of that mighty fabric of power, 
wealth, political wisdom and safety, which has enabled 
the people of that island to hold, at times, the balance of 

25 


72 GREAT BRITAIN. 


Europe ; and by which they now hold thé empire of com 
merce and navigation, and are able to unfurl their triumphant 
flag throughout the whole world of waters. 

‘The Magna Charta, or Great Charter, is a bill of rights, 
founded on the most obvious principles of natural and civil 
justice ; and regarding it as a human invention, among all 
the nations of the world, if we cxcept the United States, no= 
thing can be found either in ancient or modern times, equal 
or comparable to it. It demonstrates that, even in the 13th 
century, the English nation far excelled Greece and Rome 
in political wisdom and virtue. And the constitutions and 
bills of rights m our own happy country, are but children 
from that illustrious parent. Whether the English nation 
_.are as wise in the 19th, as they were in the 13th century, 

the writer does not pretend. to say. ‘They doubtless, need 
as much wisdom. 3 

There is, perhaps, no reign recorded in the annals of his- 
tory, more weak and miserable, or of much greater length, 
than that of Henry VI. Yet the struggles and revolutions 
during that tempestuous reign, were, by no means, the con- 
vulsions of death ; but, if we may use a phrase sometimes 
used by physicians, they were the vis medicatrix nature* of 
the kingdom. Old Warwick, the king-maker, was then 
alive; and queen Margaret could well fight the battles of 
her husband. ‘The invincible spirit of the nation was often 
roused; nor was it restored to tranquillity, without laying 
some stone in the national fabric, which was destined, for 
many ages, to resist the billows of time. 

In the period now before us, the reader of English his- 
tory, will find his attention drawn to one of the most extra- 
ordinary civil wars, in which any nation was ever engaged. 
It was a contentioii between the house of York and Lan- 
caster, for the crownof England. Both descended from the 
ancient royal line. These wars, after having embroiled 
the kingdom, during several successive reigns, and cost 
much blood and treasure, were happily ended on the acces- 
sion of Henry VII. to the throne, in whom both claims were 
united. 

No monarch ever mounted the English throne under 
preater advantages, than Henry VIII. Itis supposed, that 
his father, at his death, A. D. 1509, possessed more ready 
money, than all the other monarchs of Europe. His king- 
dom was powerful, united, and at peace with the neighbor- 


* The healing power of nature.—Zd 


GREAT BRITAIN. va 


ing powers. His treasury was full; and he was himself a 
prince of great abilities. But Henry, with all these advan- 
tages, was a vain, odious, unprincipled tyrant. His pride 
and vanity could be measured by nothing but each other ; 
because they were both unbounded. He was false, cruel, 
capricious, fickle, and of a temper overrun with the mean- 
est jealousy, and the most vindictive resentment. His 
tyranny seemed always to flow from mere malice and de- 
pravity. 

Providence, however, employed him as an instrument to 
humble the pride of a still greater tyrant, than himself, the 
Roman pontiff. His most celebrated exploits, (for he never 
seemed ambitious of war,) were his matrimonial connections 
and dissentions, his separation from the church of Rome, 
his founding the English church by making himself and suc- 
cessors the head of it, (a temporal head to a spiritual body,) 
and his composing a prayer book and forms of worship for 
the same. 

The support which Luther’s Reformation in Germany re- 
ceived, from several of the most powerful princes of the em- 
pire, had already made a great and irretrievable infraction 
upon the See of Rome. But an event took place in Eng- 
land, which gave a still more deadly wound to Popery. 
Henry VIII. had conceived an attachment to Ann Boleyn, a 
young lady of his court, of great beauty and accomplish- 
ments. But he found it impossible to marry, and make her 
the partner of his throne, without finding a pretext for di- 
vorcing his queen, Catharine of Spain; and he soon found 
one to his wish. Before he married her, she had been the 
wife of his brother Arthur. The king’s conscience sud- 
denly grew remarkably susceptible, and he shuddered at the 
idea of having lived so long in the horrid sin of incest. The 
matter, however, was no sooner suggested, than all imputa- 
tions vanished. It appeared that his marriage was legal, 
and that nothing existed which could, in the slightest degree, 
tarnish the reputation of his virtuous queen. 

But what satisfied others, could by no means satisfy 
Henry. His conscience grew more clamorous; and his 
scruples every day increased.* Finding he could effect 
nothing at home, he made application to the pope, for a 
dispensation of divorcement. ‘The pope, after a full hear- 


* It is probable, that, at first, the scruples of Henry were alto- 
gether hypocritical; but that afterwards, he was really conyinced, 
that his connection with Catharine was unlawful.—Ed. ; 


T4 GREAT BRITAIN. 


ing of the cause, rejected the application in the most. 
peremptory terms. Henry persisted. ‘The pope threat- 
ened. Henry divorced his queen, and married the lady 
Ann. The pope thundered a bull of excommunication 
against him, and laid his kingdom under an interdict, 
absolving his subjects from their allegiance.* Henry, on 
his part, met the pope’s bull by another bull as stout, and 
excommunicated the pope 'Thus the separation of England 
from the Romish church, began; and various causes, of a 
more pure and laudable nature, gave it strength and sta- 
bility. 

‘The cruelty and crimes of Henry increased with his years. 
The noblest blood of England flowed, to satisfy his savage 
barbarity. Even the beauteous Ann Boleyn, whom he had 
married, and raised to his throne, found neither in her charms, 
or virtues, apy security, from the jealousy and rage of this. 
infernal monster. Upon a slight suspicion of inconstancy 
to the king, she suffered death. But we will not waste the. 
reader’s time in tracing the atrocities of a villain of the first 
magnitude, who, considering his superior advantages, de- 
serves to sink into the shades of eternal infamy, ten thou- 
sand degrees below Nero or Domitian. 

‘The death of Edward VI. in his 16th year, left the throne 
vacant to Mary, justly styled the Bloody Mary. Her admi- 
ustration was distinguished by nothing but weakness and 
cruelty. ‘The flames of persecution were lighted up all over 
the kingdom; and the names of Bonner and Gardiner will 
descend, with infamy to all posterity, as being the base in- 
struments of her cruelties. 2 Pa 

Mary died in 1558; and her short and inglorious reign 
was followed by one of a character opposite in all respects. 
Elizabeth, daughter of Henry VIII. by Ann Boleyn, suc- 
ceeded her sister Mary, in her 25th year, and continued to 
govern England 45 years. The chief traits of her adminis- 

ration were energy, sagacity, a good share of justice, able 


* The above representation is, in some respects, incorrect. Ths 
pope did not reject Henry’s application. On the contrary, he greatly 
encouraged his hopes. ‘The pope, howevex, delayed and temporised, 
till Henry was out of all patience. Nor does it appear that Henry’s 
kingdom was laid under an interdict, or his subjects absolved from 
aliegiance ; though he was indeed excommunicated.— Ed. 

{ Perhaps the idea, that goodness is a constituent of greatness, led 
the author to form an opinion of Elizabeth, by many degrees toe 
favourable. —Ed. . 


GREAT BRITAIN. 75 


counsels, a profound and extensive policy, and what Cicero 
calls felicity, or good fortune. Few monarchs ever held | 
the reins of government with a stronger, more steady, or 
more cautious hand, than queen Elizabeth; yet with all 
these, were blended, a slight tinge of the vanity of her sex, 
and of the arbitrary cruelty of her father. 

Under such an administration, as might be naturally ex- 
pected, many important objects were accomplished. The 
internal structure of the English government received vast 
accessions of strength and perfection. ‘The Reformation, 
begun by Henry VIII. and attempted to be destroyed by 
Mary, was rendered permanent under the reign of Eliza- 
beth. The Protestant cause in Europe received counte- 
nance, credit and support from so powerful a friend. Con- 
fusion was poured upon the gloomy counsels and sanguinary 
designs of Philip Il.; and the English navy acquired uni- 
versal respectability by its brilliant victories over the Span- 
ish fleets. 

Elizabeth was succeeded by James VI. of Scotland, and I. 
of England; under whose crown was united the sovereignty 
of the British island. The only great exploit in which 
James excelled other men, was his discovering the powder 
plot; which would, otherwise, have escaped the sharpest 
eyes in England. The Catholic faction had contrived to 
bury 36 barrels of gun-powder under the parliament house, 
where the king, lords and commons were, on a certain day, 
to. be convened. . The plot, though entrusted to nearly a 
hundred persons, had been kept a profound secret for 
eighteen months ; and was within a few days of its con- 
summation, when a certain member of the parliament, 
received an anonymous letter, of the most singular con- 
tents, warning him to abstain from attending the parliament. 
The letter was communicated to the king, who laid it be- 
fore his privy council. . When all were at a loss, and many 
concluded it to be a mere ridiculous whim, the king gave it 
as his opinion, that a plan was laid to blow up the parliament 
with gun-powder. On. searching the vaults of the house, 
the powder was found; and Guy Fawkes, a daring villain, 
was taken with the matches in his pocket, for firmg the 
magazine. 

James, with all the pride of royalty, which any monarch 
needs, had neither genius nor ability to govern. The con- 
trast between him and Elizabeth, was striking. He was 
weak, superstitious, timid, and of course jealous, His 

25 


76 GREAT BRITAIN. 


administration laid the foundation for the misfortunes and fall 
of Charles I. who succeeded him in 1625. 

The revolution of Cromwell, and the history of England 
since that time, are generally well understood. To enter 
particularly into the several important articles of that recent 
period, would protract this work far beyond our original 
design. We must therefore pass it over with a few general 
remarks ; and only add here, that Charles I. fell a sacrifice to 
his own folly and imprudence in Cromwell’s revolution. 
After Cromwell, Charles II. recovered his father’s crown 
and dominions. James II. succeeded him—a prince less 
wicked, indeed, than his brother, Charles Il; but more weak 
and foolish, than his father, Charles I. He was deposed, 
and succeeded by William, prince of Orange. William was 
suceeeded by Ann, and she by George I. II. HI. and IV. 

Cromwell’s revolution, professedly set on foot in the 
cause of freedom, seems to be a convincing proof, that a 
Jumited monarchy is that form of government, above all others, 
best adapted to the character of the English nation. It is 
said by Judge Blackstone, the reader may judge how justly, 
that the English government comprises the excellencies, and 
excludes the defects, of the three leading forms of govern- 
ment. There isa monarch, whose prerogative is limited ; an 
aristocracy, whose powers are defined; and a democracy, 
whose privileges are guarded. If their theory is better than 
their practice, they are not alone. 

The English nation have exhibited one mark of wisdom, 
energy and virtue, above all other nations. After so great, 
so dangerous, so wasting a revolution, as that of Cromwell, 
they seemed to rise, not like Samson after he had lost his 
hair; but like one who is. made virtuous by affliction, 
strong by exertion, and wise by experience. ‘The vicious, 
inglorious and troublesome reigns of the house of Stewart, 
following that revolution, could not. prostrate a’ nation, 
which seemed made, not for the tool, but the scourge, of 
tyrants. 

Since the commencement of the 17th century, the pro- 
gress of the British nation in all the arts and sciences, has 
been truly astonishing, and has outrun all calculation. 
From her universities, have issued an immense constellation 
of learned men, equally useful and ornamental to the world. 
Locke and Newton, from their innumerable excursions into 
the material and intellectual worlds, irradiated the minds 
of men with beams of knowledge, which lay hidden from 


GREAT BRITAIN. 7 


the wisest of the ancients. _Othershave improved upon their 
foundations ; and every art and science has been pursued, 
improved, and brought nearer to perfection. 

The national debt of Great Britain is a matter of admira- 
tion in every point of view. Upon it, the mathematician, 
the financier and the statesman have wasted even the mid- 
night lamp in calculation It has been made, by theorists, 
the subject of controversy, of applause, of ridicule. It has 
exhausted the powers of tongues and pens without number. 
It has often called up the spirit of prediction ; and political 
augurs have foretold its final term and destiny. ‘This im- 
mense debt, if that may be called a debt, which is debt in 
one hand, and credit in the other hand of the same body po- 
litic, has been accumulating, for more than a century, and, 
in 1799, was about 500,000,000/. sterling. It is much more 
now: but the latest calculations we have not at this instant 
before us.* This subject opens various fruitful sources of 
doubt. It is doubtful, whether this vast debt can ever be 
paid. It is doubtful, how long it may continue to accumu- 
late consistently with national tranquillity ; and it is equally 
doubtful, whether to.annihilate it by a revolution, would not 
be fatal to the kingdom. 

The commerce and naval force of Great Britain, are 
subjects of admiration, equal to that of the national debt. 
Her commerce extends to all parts of the world; and her 
navy is more than equal to all the navies of Europe beside. 
By means of her power by sea, she has subdued, or render- 
ed tributary, the finest parts of India, and many of the 
most productive islands in the ocean. Into her immense 
capital, rivers of incalculable wealth are daily pouring, from 
all parts of the world. Her India-trade has opened by far 
the most extensive, lucrative and dignified systems of com- 
merce ever known; and the merchants and nobility of 
London are able to make a display of diamonds and pearls 
in their dress, equalling, if not exceeding, the most superb 
courts of Asia. 

The reign of George IiI. will be considered in history, 
as an important and glorious reign. The loss of jurisdic- 
tion over the American colonies, if an evil at all, is trifling, 
in comparison with the vast accessions of power and wealth, 
which Great Britain has made, during the present reign, in 


*In 1819, it was estimated at 3,748,200,000 dollars; more He 
Peat ka sterling. In 1826, at 900,000,000, nearly 4,000,000,000 dol- 
arse. 7 


78 ECCLESIASTICAL STATE. 


other parts. She can derive as much benefit from the 
trade of the United States, as before the revolution, whicn 
made them independent. Had they maintained their 
colonial relation, her chief benefit must always have been 
of a commercial nature; and that she may still enjoy, if 
she will treat them with good manners. George III. has 
not been celebrated as a statesman, a warrior, or a monarch. 
He has, however, some marks of a wise prince. He has 
not wanted for able and wise counsellors, in his cabinet, 
great commanders by sea and land, and men of integrity 
and talents at the heads of the several departments of go- 
vernment. By these, he alone, of all the monarchs of 
Europe, has been able. hitherto, to resist the madness and 
rage of a revolution, which in its formidable progress, has 
changed the face of Europe; and still threatens to destroy 
its liberties. 


* 
see 


« c ¢ 


CHAPTER IX. 
CONTINUATION OF THE VIEW OF EUROPE. 
b. 

THE ECCLESIASTICAL STATE. 


FROM the first part of the 7th century, the Ecclesiastical 
State has been one of the most powerful and important in 
the world. Its powers were professedly of a spiritual or re- 
ligious, but in reality, of a temporal nature; indeed, we may 
go so far as to say, they were carnal, sensual, devilish. 

In the book of Revelation, it is said, that John saw a wo- 
man sitting upon a scarlet-colored beast; which beast had 
seven heads and ten horns. ‘The woman had written in her 
forehead the names of Blasphemy; and she was called, 
Mystery, Babylon the Great, the mother of harlots, &e. 
This woman is considered as representing the church of 
Rome; and the beast on which she sat, the temporal 
powers, which gave her support. Its seven heads,* accord- 
ing to some writers, represented the seven hills, on which 
ancient Rome was built, or, according to others, the seven 


. Probably the seven heads are doubly emblematical, representing, 
at once, the seven hiils of Rome and the seven forms of the Roman 
government. See Rey. xvii. 9,10. Ed. 


ECCLESIASTICAL STATE. 79 


ferms of government, which have been exercised over. that 
empire ; and the ten horns, the ten kingdoms, over which 
Rome once reigned with a temporal, and afterwards with a 
spiritual deminion. | 

It must be confessed, that the symbols are striking, and 
the allusions extremely just. At any rate, the power of the su- 
preme pontiff, who became universal bishop, A. D. 606, the 
same year that Mahomet forged the Koran, was very great. 
His interdict upon a nation suspended the performance of all 
religious rites, and cut them off from communion. He 
could absolve a nation from their oath of allegiance to their 
king, and give them a right to dethrone and destroy him at 
their pleasure. Such was. the superstition of those times, 
that when a nation was interdicted, they were considered 
as exposed to the immediate wrath of Heaven; the greatest 
consternation prevailed; and their streets would be filled 
with men, women and children, with garments, rent, hair 
dishovelféd, beating their breasts, and deprecating the 
divine vengeance. The sovereign pontiff had power to 
parden all manner of sins, and even to grant indulgence for 
the comngssion of the most enormous crimes. He claimed 
infallibility ; and, as Christ’s vicar and vicegerent on earth, 
held the keys of heaven and of hell. From the enormity 
of these claims, which were sometimes in the hands of the 
vilést and most profligate of mortals, we may conjecture, 
into what extremes of wickedness, they would go. - 

‘They went into all:possible extremes ; and, indeed, ex- 
ceeded any conception which one can form, who never read 
the history of thelr proceedings. Princes and the greatest 
emperors have been known to stand barefoot at the gate of 
the haughty pontiff, patiently waiting for admittance-; and 
when adinitted, the holy father would set his foot upon their 
necks, and tread upon their crowns. In this manner, one of 
the popes treafed an emperor of Germany; but they could 
not tread upon the neck of Henry VIII. 

Since the reformation in Germany and England, the papal 
throne has tottered. While Henry IV. governed France, 
his favor to the Protestants hastened the decline of that 
formidable hierarchy; and even Lewis XIV. though he 

estroyed the Protestants of his own kingdom, yet he aided 
their cause in the person of Gustavus Adolphus, who headed 
the Protestant league against the house of Austria. After 
Gustavus failed, William II. of England,-and queen Ann, 
by the duke of Marlborough, severely shook the throne of 


80 CONCLUSION. 


France, and for a while obtained the most splendid triumphs 
for the Protestant cause ; by which of course, the church of 
Rome was weakened. 

The French revolution threatened, for a while, the 
extinction. of Popery; but the emperor Napoleon, fearing 
the force of the old maxim, JVo bishop, no king, has become 
a friend to his Holiness, and has re-established the Catholic 
church in France. But the weakness of Spain, Portugal and 
Italy ; the reformation of Germany and England ; the irre- 
ligion of France and, indeed, the common sense of man- 
kind, have at length reduced the bishop of Rome nearly to a 
level with other bishops. His vices are censured ; his yir- 
tues are credited; his ghostly power is despised ;_ his infalli- 
bility is laughed at ; and he is little thought of among the ru 
lers of states and empires. | 

Since the fall of the ancient Romans, there has nothing ex- 
isted in Europe, like universal empire; therefore, by the 
course of empire since that time, nothing’ more can be 
intended, than a series of states or kingdoms, which, all 
things considered, have been more powerful than their 
neighbors. On this subject, there may be different opin- 
ions. Were we to represent the course of empire by a line. 
drawn through individual kingdoms, we should draw it 
thus; through Assyria, Persia, Greece, Carthage, Rome, 
Constantinople, Turkey, Germany and France. 


CONCLUSION. 


Thus have we pointed out to the student, the general out- 
lines, or the mere skeleton of what he will find in reading the 
history of nations. As aman, who stands on an eminence, 
and looks attentively over a wide and diversified prospect, so 
is the historian. | , 

Through the long period of five thousand years, his eye 
wanders among innumerable millions, and descries people,’ 
nations, and languages, who were once active in the busy 
scenes of time, but are now reaping the retributions of 
eternity. The great nations, which enjoyed. universal 
empire, are now silent inthe dust. And, as objects subtend 
a less angle in proportion ‘to their distance, so a century, 
buried deep in the vale of antiquity, appears but as an hour, 
and the duration of a nation, but as a day. In the morning, 
its infancy is weak; and its chief defence is in its obscurity 
or insignificance, or in the weakness of others. It gathers 


CONCLUSION. 81 


strength by adversity, and at length acquires a vigorous 
youth, At mid-day, it acquires a strong and lofty attitude ; 
it basks for an hour in the beams of prosperity, and drinks 
deep the inebriating draughts of luxury and pleasure. And 
now its beauty fades ; its strength decays ; its glory perishes ; 
and the declining day hastens a night of storms and clouds 
and everlasting darkness. 

The nations of men resemble the perpetually rolling and 
conflicting waves of the ocean. If a billow rise high, it is 
but to sink as low; if it dash its neighboring billow, it is 
but to be dashed in its turn; if it rage and foam, it is but to 
exhaust itself the sooner ; if it roll tranquilly on the bosom 
of the deep, it is but to sink forever by its own gravity. It 
is thus with all nations, with all human institutions, and with 
all the noblest inventions and works of art. 


“ The cloud-capt towers, the gorgeous yee 
The solemn temples, the creat clobe itself; 
Yea, all which it inherit, shall dissolve, 

And, like the baseless fabric of a vision, 
Leave not a wreck behind.” 


And alas! the ravages of time, though rapid and resist- 
less, are too slow to satisfy the furious rage of restless 
mortals! ‘They must share the empire of destruction. To 
them, the work of death is most pleasant; and to cultivate 
the art of killing and destroying, has been their chief pride 
and glory in all ages, thougn while employed in that dread- 
ful work, they sink in destruction themselves. Unhappy 
children of men! When will you learn to know and to prize 
your true interest?) When will you be convinced of that, 
than which nothing is more certain, that war adds infinitely 
to the number and weight of your calamities? that it fills 
the world with misery, and clothes all nature in mourning ? 
that it covers your souls with crimson, inexpiable guilt, and 
brings upon you, the wrath and curse of Heaven? 

Is there to be no change in this tragic, this direful scene 
of blood and slaughter? Shall brotherly love and cordial 
affection never become universal; and peacé never wave 
her white banner throughout the earth? Is there no dura- 
ble institution, founded in virtue, and permanent, as the 
eternal rules of justice! Is there no firm ground of hope? 
no rock, on which truth and reason may build a fabric, that 
shall never fall? Yes; there is a Kingdom ; its foundations 
were laid of old; its king is the God of heaven; its law is 


827. PRESENT STATE 


perfect love; its dominions are wide, for they extend to 
the wise and virtuous in all worlds ; allits subjects are safe ; 
for they are defended by almighty power; and they shall 
rise to eternal prosperity and glory, when all earthly king- 
doms shall vanish, like a shadow or a dream. 

There is an unseen hand, which guides the affairs of 
nations. Throughout all their changes and revolutions, 
through the seemingly dark and troubled chaos of human 
concerns, an almighty Providence overrules ; and all events, 
past, present, and to come, are employed in directing and 
completing the destinies of all creatures, in subserviency to 
that infinitely great and glorious kingdom, which shall never 
be removed. 


See 


CHAPTER X. 
THE PRESENT STATE OF EUROPE. 


THE great alterations in the affairs of Europe, since the 
French revolution, and the continual changes, which are 
taking place, render the subject before us very difficult. 
Before these sheets are published, the state of Europe may 
be considerably changed from what it now is. As it may 
affect the political relations of that quarter of the globe, 
we can only say, that a great revolution is now on the wheel. 
Whether it will be stationary, progressive, or retrograde, we 
cannot tell. Events may be in embryo, which will defeat 
all calculation, and render the state of Europe better or 
worse, than it ever has been. 


KNOWLEDGE. 


Europe, in point of knowledge, has held the ascendency, 
for more than two thousand years, over the other quarters 
of the globe; and we shall hazard the opinion, that a com- 
parison of the present, with all former periods, will be 
found highly favorable to Europe at the present time.* In 
the most flourishing periods of Greece and Rome, know- 
ledge, or mental improvement in general, was limited to a 


* Most of the literature of Europe is to be found in Britain, France and 
Germany.—Ed. 


OF EUROPE. 83 


few places. If we take into view all the Greek and Roman 
territories, it is probable, that not one to ten among the 
Greeks, and not one to a hundred among the Romans, knew. 
how to read and write; but, at the present time, it it is pro- 
bable, that more than one third of the people’ of all Europe, 
can do both, The art of printing has filled all places with 
books, and brought the means of knowledge within the reach 
of mankind in general. 

Yet how many millions, even in that quarter of the globe, 
are still enslaved by ignorance and error. ‘The peasants in 
Poland, Sweden, Denmark and Russia, are the most igno- 
rant people in Europe. They are bought and sold with the 
farms, on which they live; and their lives are at the 
disposal of the great lords, who own them. Yet they know 
no means of relief. They do not, in many instances, know, 
but that all is right. Like a beast of burden, they bow to 
the yoke ; and if they often groan with painful servitude, 
they seldom think of deliverance. The manners and habits 
of those nations are so firmly fixed, their prejudices so deep 
and strong, that there is little prospect of any alteration for 
the better. . 

It is matter of surprise, that the more enlightened and 
wise part of society in those nations, even that their go- 
vernments, who consist of great and accomplished states- 
men, well acquainted with all Europe, do not reason more 
correctly, and act more consistently toward their peasantry. 
They certainly know, that industry cannot exist, where it 
is not encouraged; that nothing can awaken enterprise, 
but a prospect of great gain, that their peasantry have no 
encouragement to industry, and no stimulus to enterprise. 
They see them to be a poor, miserable, ignorant race, as 
void of ambition as beasts, yet without their docility. Their 
farms are consequently unimproved; the ancient forests 
maintain their ground, and even wild beasts make head 
against them. In times of peace, their agriculture, their 
commerce and manufactures are neglected; and in time 
of war, if we except Russia, their armies are contempti- 
ble. 

The poor of these nations should be encouraged, first of 
all, by giving them instruction, and then, by placing before 
them, the proper motives to industry. 

It has been often questioned, whether the prevalence os 
knowledge in society would not tend to sedition, disloyalty 
treason and rebellion. Experience determines this question 

26 


84 PRESENT STATE 


in the negative.* The most knowing people have been 
generally the most easily governed. Government scarcely 
exists among savages. In barbarous countries, there is 
always a continual succession of turbulent rebellions and 
revolutions. It will not be denied, that the English nation, 
taken as a body, are the best instructed and wisest people in 
Kurope ; and their government is the most regular and _per- 
manent. : 

It is a general observation, that the most learned and best 
informed people, have the best government in practice, at 
least, if not in theory, and commonly in both. For example, 
the governments of France and Germany are better than 
those of Spain and Russia; and the people of the former 
are certainly better informed, than those of the latter. 
The government of Poland has been remarkable for weak- 
ness; that of Turkey, for strength. But both have been 
equally corrupt and wicked ; and the people, who live under 
them, are the most ignorant of any in Europe. The letter 
and spirit of the Russian government consider all its subjects 
as slaves, or even machines without will. They live quietly 
under such a government, because they are without under- 
standing. 

It is an important question, how far a continual and rapid 
increase of knowledge, among all classes of people, would 
go toward remedying the evils of all governments, and even 
toward abolishing the system of war, now pursued by most 
nations. It is also an important question, to what extent 
learning might be carried in society, consistently with its 
true interests. It would be vain and useless to esta- 
blish the former, without previously ascertaining the latter 
question. 

No nation, and doubtless no state, has carried the system 
of education to that height and perfection, which would 
best promote its internal well being and honor. No indi- 
vidual town, even in New-England, has pursued this object 
in proportion to its importance. ‘To open this subject for 


* [t was undoubtedly knowledge and mental improvement, that 
enabled the people of this country to perceive their wrongs, to assert 
their rights, and shake off the British yoke. If a government is 
founded and administered in equity, for the manifest benefit of the 
people, knowledge and mental improvement must conduce to its sta- 
bility; and they must equally tend to excite rebellion against tyranny 
and oppression. No doubt, it is good policy for tyrants to keep 
their subjects in ignorance, —Ed. 


OF EUROPE. &5 


discussion, we will suppose an extreme case, and from that 
extreme, will descend to such means, as muSt be acknow- 
ledged to be attainable. 

For the sake of illustration, we will suppose, that every 
man in Europe had the knowledge of Sir William Pitt ; we 
will say nothing about virtue; the perfection, or prevalence 
of which, among men, is never to be looked for as the fruit 
of their exertions. A change would gradually or suddenly 
take place in all the governments of Europe. A man, when 
he knows his true interest, will naturally pursue it. The pre- 
sent oppressions of Europe are generally mere impositions 
upon ignorance and simplicity. The poor peasant firmly 
believes, that he was born to serve, and his lord, to rule. 
He believes, that his body is made of coarser materials, that 
his blood is less rich, and that his soul, if he knows he has 
one, is from a humbler stock of intelligence. Give him 
knowledge, raise him within the sphere of Pitt’s intelligence, 
and all these delusions vanish. He sees the faults of his go- 
vernment; he sees a remedy within his reach; he pursues, 
and gains it. 

He would never suffer with the poor ignorant wretch, 
who knows not—who thinks not, even in his dreams, of a 
better state. The ignorance and servility of the poor, are 
at once both the cause and effect of their poverty. And 
certainly it invites and allures the impositions, the aggres- 
sions, the domination and insolence of men of stronger 
minds. 

After all that has been or can be said of the power of 
wealth, ‘‘ The mind’s the standard of the man.” Give the 
lower orders of people in Europe but the intellectual 
powers of the higher—give them the mental cultivation, the 
ambition, the fire of genius; and the wall, which separates 
them, will fall to the ground. 

It is readily granted, that allmencannever acquire the know- | 
ledge of William Pitt. . But how vastly ignorant is the bulk 
of the people, in the most enlightened nations! and with 
what ease their minds might be raised, almost infinitely 
above what they are. Let the expense of education rest on 
the government, empowered to draw sufficient funds from the 
nation. ‘This is indeed, partially the present method of the 
New-England States. And from this very source, they are 
the freest, happiest, and most enlightened people on earth. 

No doubt it will be said, that this is theory. What then! 
Ys nothing worthy of regard, which admits of theoretical 


86 PRESENT STATE 


speculation? Is not the education of youth an object worthy 
the attention of government? If it could be regarded as 
such, as it ought universally to be, certainly, no governmental 
object ever outweighed it—no earthly one ever more justly 
demanded legislative wisdom. It was the opinion of Lycur- 
gus, that the partial affection of parents for their children, 
disqualified them for exercising government over them. 
Admitting this as an extreme, we would have government 
interfere no farther with children, than to point out the 
nature and extent of their education, and provide and pay 
their teachers. 

It is no very uncommon thing for boys to be graduated in 
our colleges, at sixteen years of age. If then, we except the 
Greek and Latin languages, every boy might receive a liberal 
education, before he is fit to become an apprentice, or go into 
a counting house. Nor should his improvements be limited 
here. Other institutions should be formed, to extend the 
mind, and to carry into manly maturity the seeds of honor, 
truth and justice, liberally planted in youth ; yet of a nature, 
not to interfere with a course of business. 

if the funds necessary to defray the expenses of these 
important institutions, were raised from an equal assessment 
of property, it would seem at first view, to bear heavy on 
the rich, especially if they had no children. But, for what 
more important purpose can the rich and childless pay their 
money ? Do they not pay freely to support war, govern- 
ment, and almost numberless public institutions? and is the 
formation, the well being, the glory and prosperity of the 
rising generation, an object inferior to any of these? But, 
in effect, it would not bear hard upon the rich; for there 
would soon be very few poor. I appeal to the present, 
though imperfect practice of the New-England States. ‘There 
are fewer poor among them, than in any other part of the 
world. 

There is nothmg wanting then, but virtue in mankind, 
nothing indeed but a proper direction even of selfishness 
itself, to effect far greater improvements in society—far 
more light and knowledge, than ever existed in any nation. 
These improvements, so far from being prejudicial to go- 
vernment, would soon originate governments, which the 
individual happiness of men would induce them to love and 
support. And these governments, whether monarchies or 
republics, would enjoy the confidence of the people, and 
those who administered them would possess a power far 


OF EUROPE. 87 


more permanent and iliustrious, than they can in the present 
system of things. As there must always be, in every nation, 
rulers and ruled, the security and happiness of the latter will 

forever guarantee those of the former. 

Should it be objected, that there could not be a change in 
these respects in Europe, without revolutions and effusions 
of blood; neither can things remain in their present state 
without the same. There is one revolution upon another ; 
there will be treasons, rebellions and bloody wars. Tyrants 
never had, and neyer will have, rest. 

If the several governments in Europe would begin to 
effect this glorious reform, by opening to their subjects, the 
fountains of knowledge—by setting before them the proper 
motives to virtue and industry, they would find domestic con- 
cerns sufficient to call their attention from foreign wars ; and 
the millions of money, employed in cultivating the art of 
war, would be employed in promoting the grandest objects 
of human happiness. 

But who shall begin this salutary work?. What power— 
what potentate has magnanimity sufficient? No mention 
shall be made of virtue, they only want the knowledge of 
their interests, and the means of happiness is within their 
reach. 


INDUSTRY. 


There are but few industrious nations in Europe. The 
wealthy despise it; and the poor have not the proper 
incentives to it. ‘The Dutch have, perhaps, been excelled 
by no European nation in this respect; but their industri- 
ous days are over. A rapacious and powerful master now 
stands ready to seize what they have got, and to anticipate 
what they may get hereafter.* The Turks, the Italians 
and the Spaniards are nearly on a footing as to industry. 
Among them, a soft relaxing climate has completed all the 
idle and vicious habits, which their governments naturally 


* In the year 1806 Napoleon erected Holland into a kingdom ; and 
his brother Lewis was crowned king. In 1810, Lewis was constrain- 
ed to resign his crown; and Holland was united to France. In 1813, 
Holland was emancipated from French usurpation and tyranny. 
The next year, Belgium, or the French Netherlands, was united to 
Holland. In the following year, 1815, these countries were formed 
into a limited monarchy with a liberal constitution. This monarchy 
is denominated The Kingdom of the Netherlands.--Ed. 

26 


88 PRESENT STATE. 


induce. Their rulers seem determined, that they shal 
have nothing ; and the people, lost to all ambition and sense 
of freedom and honor, have become willing, that it shall be 
so, and are willing to possess nothing. They, therefore, 
live in a very poor, and, at best, in a precarious manner. 
With their present exertions, they would literally starve, did 
they not live in very fruitful countries, where nature pro- 
duces almost spontaneously for their sustenance. _ 

The people in the North of Europe are compelled to 
labor, or they must perish. But their toil is ill directed, 
and without any spirit of enterprise, although severe. 
They cannot work with courage, and surmount difficulties 
with cheerfulness; because they are strangers to the 
animating hope of acquiring wealth, or even a comfortable 
living. Whatever they get must go to pamper the pride of 
a haughty, tyrannical master, who can hardly be willing they 
should breathe the vital air without paying a tax for it. So 
stupid and extreme is the folly of the governments them- 
selves, that their exactions are an effectual check even upon 
the spirit of commerce ; and all the means of the people, in 
general, to acquire any degree of opulence, are completely 
fettered. 

This is eminently the case in Sweden and Denmark. 
Thewr governments know it; their king's, their ministry, their 
philosophers and all thew statesmen and wise men know it ; 
yea, and much more than all this, they well know that while 
things remain in this state, they can never flourish. They 
must be poor, feeble, faint-hearted and wretched, always 
ready to join the basest and most cowardly, but never 
capable of a noble enterprise. They know all this; and 
yet they will, with their eyes open, strive to maintain the 
present mad system. They will keep it up, till they are the 
scorn of Kurope—till they share the fate of Poland—till 
their kings, ministry, statesmen, philosophers, wise men 
and men of learning, shall all fall a prey to their own pre- 
posterous folly—till they shall: have their houses burned, 
their throats cut, their kingdoms destroyed, and their terri- 
tories sown with salt. 

Germany and France, while they have loaded industry 
with: almost insuperable burdens, have, it must be confessed, 
afforded some important encouragements, both as to honor 
and emolument. ‘They have, on the whole, made it better 
for people to be slaves, than lazaroni; for, though they are 
almost pressed to death, by monstrous. exactions, extortions, 


OF EUROPE. 89 


taxes, imposts, excises, customs, tolls, duties, rates, tithes, 
fees, rents, contributions, donations, tributes, and several 
other species of public demand, yet many industrious people 
are able, notwithstanding all this, to acquire wealth, and to 
attach respectability to themselves and families. 

The English people excel all the rest of Europe in indus- 
try. There are no bounds set to enterprise ; and the far- 
mers, tradesmen, and especially the merchants, avail them- 
selves, to an amazing extent, of their advantages. ‘This has 
long been their character ; and it has long been their salva- 
tion. Give a people knowledge, industry, and virtue, and 
they will flourish. Nothing can depress them. A national 
debt, as heavy as mount Olympus, cannot sink them ; a re- 
volution cannot crush them; a tyrant cannot long hold them 
prostrate, any more than the strength of one can resist the 
strength of millions. 


TERRITORY. 

Most nations of every age have been ambitious of exten- 
sive territories. Hence originates the desire of conquest, 
by far the most fruitful source of war. ‘The charge, that 
monarchies are addicted, more than other governments, to 
war and conquest, is by no means just. None of the an- 
cient nations were more’ warlike, or more greedy of con- 
quest, than the three great republics of antiquity; Athens, 
Carthage and Rome. They seemed never satisfied, while 
any nation remained independent of them. ‘The situation 
of Europe is best calculated for small kingdoms and states. 
Its several parts are remarkably separated by large rivers, 
mountains, straits and seas, which serve to impede the pro- 
gress of armies, and check the rapidity of conquest. If 
‘ modern republics have been less warlike than ancient, it is 
because they have seen less prospect of being able to cope 
with their neighbors. 

No nation of very extensive territories ever long main- 
tained its freedom. Rome cannot be brought as an ex- 
ception to this remark, since it must be remembered, on 
the one hand, that the conquered provinces of that republic 
were governed with the most despotic sway, and on the 
other, that Rome, in fact, lost her liberties immediately 
upon the fall of Carthage. It will hence follow, that re- 
publicanism is better adapted to small, than to large terri- ~ 
tories. Itis hoped, that the United States may form one 


90 PRESENT STATE 


lasting exception. We give so much credit to the doctrine, 
however, that we strongly question the policy of enlarging 
our territories. . 

The Russian empire is the largest, that ever existed. It 
includes a complete northern section of Europe and Asia, 
and, according to some late calculations, comprehends ‘one 
seventh part of the habitable earth. ‘This immense territory 
is ‘governed by a most absolute, despotic sovereign. The 
Russians were little known, till the reign of Peter I. called 
the Great. He extended his arms and conquests over the 
barbarous tribes, which thinly inhabited the vast countries 
from the gulf of Finland to the sea of Kamschatka, and from 
the Caspian to the White sea. The rivers, forests, and ex- 
tensive plains he passed, presented greater difficulties, than 
the defenceless people he conquered. 

The long, active and glorious reign of the great Catha- 
rine was, in a good measure, devoted to the improvement of 
this mighty empire ; and she did much. She instructed and 
civilized her people ; she organized a powerful and com- 
bining system of government, founded, for the most part, on 
a humane and rational policy. | 

But how vastly distant from civility, humanity and hap- 
piness, are the numerous millions of that empire! It is a 
country too large to be governed by any single mortal ; 
and it will, probably, one day, fall in pieces by its own 
weight, under some feeble reign. Indeed the rebellion of 
Pugatshef, in the reign of Catherine, came near to rending it 
in pieces. 

The history of the reign of Catherine II. opens one of 
the most important scenes, found in the annals of nations. 
Few reigns were ever more prosperous ; and few monarchs 
ever governed with more consummate skill. She was 
loved and feared by her subjects ; she held an extensive in- 
fluence in the politics of Europe, both in war and peace ; and 
she was surrounded by a group of great and very extraordi- 
nary characters. ‘Such were the Orloffs, Potempkin and 
several others. 

Were it made a question, what extent of territory is most 
conducive to national happiness and security, we should be 
at a loss how to answer it. Little instruction could be 
drawn from experience.. The histories of nations afford no 
certain ground for con¢lusion. Empires and states of all 
sizes, from that of St. Marino in Italy, which comprehended 
the inhabitants of but one small village on a hill, to that of the 


OF EUROPE. 91 
empire of Russia, or of Ghenghis Khan, ‘seem at all times, 
to have owed their safety and happiness to far other circum- 
stances, than their size. An independent state sometimes 
owes its safety to its poyerty ; sometimes, to the virtue of 
its neighbors ; but oftener, to the weakness ; sometimes, to 
its own power and prosperity; but oftener far to its virtue and 
industry. If size were of any account in the happiness or 
duration of a state, certainly Poland would have been happy, 
and would not have been torn in pieces by her rapacious 
neighbors. Spain would be very powerful and happy, if 
power and happiness were the offspring of territories both 
rich and extensive. ‘The same mpy be said of ‘Turkey, 
Germany and many others. 

Among the largest empires may be reckoned those of 
Sesostris, Nebuchadnezzar, Cyrus, Alexander, Cesar, Ghen- 
ghis Khan, Tamerlane, Charles V. and Peter the Great; 
among the smallest, which have made any figure, those of 
Tyre, Judea, Sparta, Palmyra, Venice and Britain. But 
from a careful attention to the history of these nations, it 
will be difficult to determine, which have been the most 
happy or secure. Probably, however, Venice and Great 
Britain, if we consider merely the condition of individuals, 
have been surpassed by few. Nations consist of individu- 
als; and if the people of any nation are happy and pros- 
perous, it is of little consequence to them, what the extent 
of their empire is. A nation, considered as a body, state, 
or empire, is not a creature, which actually exists, and that 
feels pleasure and pain. It exists no where, but in idea; 
nor even in that, if, as philosophers now mostly allow, there 
be no such thing as a general idea. A nation, in fact, is 
an ageregate of individuals, united under certain laws and 
regulations, for the purpose of mutual benefit. The great 
and only end of all national objects and measures, is pro- 
perly the good of the individual: and apart from this, the 
terms, national glory, honor, character, interest, &c. are high 
sounding words without meaning. 

If a nation, in its collective capacity, formed one great 
giant, as much larger than an individual, as the nation is ; 
and this giant had organs, understanding , affections, and 
passions, ‘equal to his dimensions ; then Tnight we talk of 
naticnal glory, as a thing Daltabla, and of importance ta 
individual welfare. But certainly, if national glory is but 
the honor and respect which rations pay to each other ; 
and not to be purchased but by the palpable misery of a 


92 PRESENT STATE 


large proportion of its constituent parts—such glory is 
rather a curse than a blessing to mankind.* 


CONQUEST. 


If we except those of France, since the revolution, there 
have been few conquests in Europe, for the last five hun- 
dred years. ‘The success of the French under Bonaparte, 
as yet, hardly deserved the name of conquests. Their per- 
manence, in some measure, depends on the life and for- 
tunes of a single man. If the present emperor should, by 
any means, fail, or be remoyed, they would generally re- 
vert to their former state. A slight view of the geogra- 
phy of Europe, will show, that it is favorable to the existence 
of small states; and modern policy has erected a strong 
barrier against the ambition of heroes and conquerors. 
Negotiations, treaties and defensive alliances have been 
carried to sucha degree of perfection and to such an ex- 
tent of refinement, that Europe has borne some resem- 
blance to a society of individuals, in which the strength of 
the whole is exerted for the protection of individuals. How 
happy for man, were this system carried still farther—that 
nations would see it for their interest, not only to abolish 
conquest, but war—that they would be willing to settle their 
differences in a grand court of justice, like the Amphictyonic 
council. 

The moderns, however, have shown as good an appetite 
fer conquest, as the ancients ; but have had the precaution, 
in their own defence, to give origi and effect to a scheme 
of policy, which renders it far more difficult. Italy has 
been several times nearly conquered, within five hundred 
years ; but soon recovered. France was nearly conquered 
by Henry V. ; and Germany, by Gustavus Adolphus. Even 
Russia itself might have been overcome by Charles XH. 
if he had not been a mad-man. So, Sweden and Poland 
were nearly subdued by Margaret, the Semiramis of the 
North. Indeed, there #8 scarcely a nation in Europe, that 
has not been in danger of subjugation, but has escaped; and, 


* Ifa nation 1s respected, may it not prove beneficial to individuals 
of that nation? If for example, the American flag is highly respect- 
ed, may it not be the means of saving many an American vessel 
from insult, from search, from detention, from condemnation? It is 
very manifest, however, that such respect ought not to be purchased 
by the misery of numerous individuals.—Ed. 


OF EUROPE. 93 


except Poland, no one of any considerable note has been 
conquered in Europe for the last 300 years. The conquest 
of the empire of Constantinople, by Mahomet the Great, is 
the last of any considerable importance, till the tornado of 
French republicanism arose. Where or when that will 
settle, is known only to Infinite Wisdom. 

Conquests generally, though not always, ruin the con- 
quered. If they are small, they cost the conquerors 
more than they are worth; if large, they often ruin them. 
Thus, as we have said before, the conquests of Nineveh 
conduced to ruin the Medes; that of Babylon, the Persians. 
The conquest of Persia corrupted the Greeks, as did that 
of Carthage the Romans. Should the French, under Bona- 
parte, subdue all Europe; France, which now forms a com- 
plete empire, would then be only a part of one; the seat 
of government might be removed, and she would become 
but a satellite; Bonaparte’s successors might quarrel, and 
divide his dominions, as did those of Alexander ; and France 
might be liable to change masters, and be fleeced from> 
time to time by various competitors for empire. In her 
present boundaries, France bids much fairer for indepen- 
- dence, happiness and duration, than if she were to conquer 
Europe. 

England forms an exception to ourrule. She rose more 
powerful, after being conquered by the Saxons, the Danes, 
and the Normans. Whether the effect will be similar, 
should she fall under France, we shall not pretend to say. 
‘There has been one eminent instance in Asia, in which 
both conquerors and conquered were equally benefitted. 
in 1644, the Tartars subdued China; and the descendants 
of ‘Tamerlane ascended the throne of that ancient and 
mighty monarchy. The ferocious Tartars gradually de- 
clined or were lost in the immense population of China, 
and, in effect became the conquered people, by adopting 
the customs, and conforming to the manners, of the Chinese. 
By this great conquest, the Chinese, grown effeminate, 
were strengthened, and rendered warlike; the Tartars 
were civilized and reduced to a settled form of society ; 
perhaps both were equally benefitted, since, together, they 
form the greatest and most powerful monarchy in the 
world.* 


* It is by no means certain, that the Chinese monarchy is the most 
powerful in the world.—Ed. 


94 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 


There are several circumstances in the present state_ of 
Europe, ‘which are awfully portentous. Several of the pri- 
mary powers have greatly declined in the course of the past 
century, particularly Spain, Germany and Turkey, which in 
the reign of Charles V. held a commanding eminence. In- 
deed with regard to Turkey, some great change seems to be 
impending. It is indeed mortifying to see the finest parts of 
Europe, the ancient nursery of the arts and sciences, from 
age to age, in the possession of a gloomy, savage race, in- 
sensible to the beauties, and peapable of appreciating the 
advantage of their situation. 

They hold not only the great city of Constantinople, 
which has descended through the dark ages unimpaired, but, 
in general, all the remains of fine architecture in Greece 
and Asia Minor. Over all those classic grounds, held in 
such high veneration by the literary world, and from which, 
those who would wish to travel in quest of knowledge, 
are in a great measure debarred, the ‘Turkish standard is still 
waving. 


FRENCH REVOLUTION. 


The French revolution threatens more serious conse- 
quences to Europe, than any other, since the fall of ancient 
Rome. Ithas utterly defeated every calculation and pre- 
diction, excepting one. It was early foreseen and foretold, 
that it would injure, or rather would not help, the cause of 
freedom.* The torrents of innocent blood, shed in that 
hornd scene, could never fertilize the soil of liberty and 
justice. ‘Those sacred names were used as a watch-word, 
to commence an onset of tragic horror, at the sight of 
which, Domitian or Commodus would have relented. 
They have injured the cause of freedom; and_ they 
threaten to exterminate every principle of civil liberty. 
Where are all the republics of Europe? Where is Venice, 
who shielded Christendom from the ‘Turks ?—who enriched 
Europe with her commerce? She survived the league of 
Cambray, but to expestence a _severer fate; she escaped 
the rock, and is lost in the whirlpool, She is subjugated, 
enslaved, ruined, and is no,more known among independent 
nations. 


* Even this prediction may fail. The French Revolution, however 
dreadful in its nature, may yet, in its consequences, prove subser- 
vient to the cause of freedom.—Ed. 


FRENCH REVCLUTION. 95 

Where is the once powerful and flourishing republic of 
Holland? Where the immense treasures of her bank, per- 
haps the richest in the world?) Where her powerful fleets, 
by which she was able to dispute the empire of the sea with 
Great Britain ?—Where her universal commerce ?—her pub- 
lic credit {—her importance, prosperity, and glory? It avails 
her nothing, that she could once resist the arms of Philip II. 
and Lewis XIV.—that she has, by unparalleled industry, 
turned the most unpromising spot in Europe into a garden. 
Her sun is set; her glory forever faded ; and she is humbled 
in the dust. 

Switzerland, situated among the rocks and declivities of 
the Alps, a prize utterly unworthy of a great conqueror, is 
swallowed in the same gulf. ‘The story of the brave and 
virtuous William Tell, must no longer be remembered. The 
days of liberty, independence, honor and virtue are past; 
and the Swiss cantons must, without complaint or remon- 
strance, submit to the mandates of a foreign master, or 
perish by fire and sword. 

The revolution in France has given the severest blow to 
the cause of civil liberty, that it ever received since the foun- 
dation of the world. By one tremendous shock, it has an- 
nihilated most of the lesser powers of Europe ; and those, 
which remain, stand on doubtful ground. ‘Trace over the 
map of Europe, and see what it presents. Turkey is in her 
dotage. But were it otherwise, she is the hereditary foe of 
all Christian powers—by her condition perfectly unable, and 
equally unwilling by her principles, to benefit her Christian 
neighbors. The Russians, under Count Ramanzow, se- 
verely shook her foundations; and should the Gallic con- 
queror, point the thunder of his invading columns at her 
head, her triple crown would form but a feeble defence ; 
she must fall. 

Poland has conquered herself. She managed her affairs 
so feebly, that her more powerful neighbors judged it 
incumbent on them to help her out of her difficulties, and, 
by their interference, to afford her that quiet, which she 
could not hope from her own energy and wisdom. They 
stepped in and performed an act, which Solomon himself, 
if alive, must confess to be a new thing under the sun. 
They dismembered, if we look merely at natural advan- 
tages, one of the most powerful kingdoms in the world, 
and partitioned her off, with nearly as little disturbance, as 
they would an uninhabited, unappropriated forest or island. 

27 


S6 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 


Italy is conquered and provinciated. Germany in fact, is 
©. ncrbathen or, if that is saying too much, she is a huge, 
disjointed, unwieldy body, incapable of vigorous defence. 
She can place no confidence in her best armies. Her go- 
vernment is without authority ; ; her officers are traitors ; and 
her soldiers, cowards. A hundred thousand of them will 
stand still m their places, and suffer themselves to be cut 
down. ‘The millions of Germany, though naturally brave 
and warlike, will flee before the standard of Bonaparte, as 
grasshoppers, in a mown meadow, before the strides of a 
giant. It is time, that Germany were conquered. When 
the army of any nation or state can conduct like the army of 
Mack, that nation or state is unworthy of independence. It 
is fit for nothing but to be enslaved—to be made the scullions, 
of servants in the kitchens of their conquerors. One. vigor- 
ous campaign would be sufficient to enrol Germany with 
FLolland and Italy. 

Sweden and Denmark, though so loudly warned by the 
fate of Poland, their neighbor and ally, yet follow her ex- 
ample, and are far advanced in her path. The motto of their 
government should be pride and poverty, and that of their 
people, iwnorance and msery. ‘They can scarcely maintain 
their independence, though let entirely alone. They cannot 
resist the arms, nor have ‘they much to allure the avarice of a 
conqueror ; which last consideration. will probably be their 
shield. i 

Russia from her local situation, cannot interfere effectually 
in the South of Europe. Her strength though great, is like 
the inertness of nature. She has vast power of resistance ; 
but is little disposed for a distant attack. 

Prussia has no longer the great Frederic et her head. 
Her short-sighted policy and feeble counsels will soon re- 
store her to her former insignificance; nor will she be 
thought worthy to hold the stirrup of the modern Cevar. 
In the present eventful struggle, which threatens the liber- 
ties of Europe, the conduct of the Prussian cabinet is 
matter of admiration to a distant, impartial spectator. Does 
Prussia possess and feel that reciprocity of condition, which 
will enable her to share, with France, the empire of Europe? 
That surely'is the language of her conduct. She might have 
given weight to a coalition; but, when standing alone, a sin- 
gle campaign willl make her an inconsiderable province of 
France. 


FRENCY RRVOLUTION. 97 


Spain and Portugal are independent only in idea, and on 
paper. ‘Their sovereignty is substantially vested in France. 
For a century past, they have been but the efligies of king- 
doms, they have a name to live, and are dead. In the last 
stages of a lingering but irrecoverable decline, they exhibit 
one among many other proofs, that a nation may perish by 
far other means, than those of war and conquest. 

The western shores of Europe, from the mouth of the 
Elbe to the strait of Gibraltar, are all under the power of 
France. From that strait, her power extends to the south 
point of Italy, from thence to the head of the gulf of 
Venice, and from thence to the Rhine and Hibe ; compre- 
hending Portugal, Spain, Italy, Switzerland, France, part 
of Germany, the Netherlands, and the states of Holland. 
All these powers, if not provinciated, are in a state of degra- 
dation, waiting, in trembling suspense, the uplifted blow, 
which shall subjugate them forever.* 

The revolutionary parties in France, in quick succes- 
sion, have rushed on, impetuous as a whirlwind, from mo- 
narchy to anarchy; from anarchy to democracy; from 
democracy to oligarchy; and from thence to despotism ; 
which, of all forms of government, is probably the only 
one, under witich they can live. ‘They have already made 
more than one complete revolution. In the irresistible and 
mighty whirl of their affairs, they have brought to light a 
soldier of fortune, who unites the rapid genius and grand 
views of Alexander to the ambition and good fortune of 
Julius Cesar. He has, even though not a Frenchman by 
nation, been able to curb, restrain, and direct the fury and 
pride of thirty millions of people, and to fix a double bridle 
in the jaws of mighty Franve. In the midst of flames, darts 
and daggers, he has founded and ascended an imperial 
throne, while thunders were bursting round his head, and 
volcanoes beneath his feet. He now reigns triumphant 
over conspiracies at home and coalitions abroad. 

Like the great heroes of antiquity, he has infused his 
own invincible spirit into his armies, which seem almost to 
rise out of the earth at the stamp of his foot. Let not 
Frenchmen complain of Bonaparte. He has done better 
for them, than they could do for themselves, and has given 
them as ied a government, as they are: capable of re- 
eoiving. 


* A short forever, truly !—Ed, 


8 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 


There is but one power in Europe, which can oppose 
any barrier to the crowning of his ambition. That is found 
in Great Britain. ‘The British have been growing power- 
ful by sea, for several ages. Their power, on the ocean, 
has at length become greater, than that of any other nation. 
They are masters of the whole world of waters; and, ina 
regular course of events, they must first be conquered by 
sea, before they can be by land. At present, the fleets of 
England are superior to all the fleets of Europe besides. 
But great revolutions despise regularity, and delight in 
surprising mankind with unforeseen events; and, in the 
revolution we have been considering, events have taken 
place, which evince the weakness of calculation or conjec- 
ture, and warn us to be prepared for great and sudden 
changes. 

The eyes of Europe, nay, of all nations, are now turned 
toward France and England. If we regard the passions, 
the motives, the interests and views of the parties, we can- 
not say less, than that the struggle, which has already been 
long and fierce, is extreme and tremendous. Its issue, which 
involves great consequences, is still covered among the 
deep designs of the Almighty. 

To an eye, accustomed to view, in the affairs of nations, 
an overruling Providence, the French emperor cannot be 
considered otherwise, than as a special instrument of that 
Providence, the full designs of which no creature can fore- 
see. It may be, that one end of this great revolution is to 
punish Christian nations for their astonishing wickedness 
and ingratitude, under all their privileges, which they. 
have spurned and trampled in the dust; and of course, 
that the wheel will continue to roll, till those, whom God 
has marked out as the objects of his anger, shall be sifted 
out and driven away before the rough wind of his indigna- 
tion. 

Infinite Wisdom attaches less value and importance to 
states and empires, than men do. ‘To the All-seeing Eye, 
an empire is but a bubble ; even all the nations of men are 
but as the dust of the balance—a thousand years are as but 
one day, and one day as athousand years. That Provi- 
dence, whose wheels are high and dreadful, crushes, in a 
moment, the grandest of human institutions, whose foun- 
dations were deeply laid and strongly fortified, and 
whose superstructures have been rising and decorating for 


ages. J 


FRENCH REVOLUTION. 99 


To those, who place confidence in the truth and reality of 
revealed religion, the present seems a moment of peril and 
alarm to the old national establishments of Europe, whe- 
ther civil or ecclesiastical. It is their almost universal be- 
lief, that the time cannot be far distant, when the Son of God 
is to put down all rule, and all authority and power, and set 
up his own kingdom throughout the world. Before this 
great event, there must be changes and revolutions ; and the 
Almighty Redeemer shall, in his own time and way, show 
who is the blessed and only Potentate, the King of kings 
and Lord of lords. 

Whatever may be the advantages and improvements of 
Europe, in its present state, (and they are many) we there 
see many reasons to deplore the folly, the depravity and 
the madness of our species. ‘The life of man, when com- 
pared with endless duration, or even when viewed with 
relation to the important ends of his existence on earth, is 
very short. ‘To see nations eagerly engaged in mutual 
destruction, laboring incessantly to push their fellow crea- 
tures from the stage of action, is shocking beyond expres- 
sion. Yet such seems to be the business of the principal 
powers of the most enlightened and civilized quarter of the 
globe. They surely are as forgetful of their duty and 
destiny, as they are mistaken in the pursuit of happiness. 
How ill prepared are they to go from the crimes and hor- 
rors of the bloody field, into the presence of their final 
Judge? 

Is the tide of ruin and desolation never to cease? Are 
the dark ages returning, with redoubled horror, upon man- 
kind ? -or shall light and peace break forth, like the sun from 
behind a cloud? 


$$ —___——_— THOU only know’st— 
Thou, whose broad eye the future and the past 
Joins to the present, making one of three.” 


[4 connected account of the French Revolution and of Bo- 
naparte.—Lewis X VI. ascended the throne of France in the 
year 1774. Wanting in decision of character, he was occa- 
sionally influenced by sinister counsels, and led into arbi- 
trary measures. The influence of his queen was not 
always salutary. Nursed in a despotic court, and finding 
the established government in France, unfettered and un- 
chastised, by a regard for the rights of the people, she 
frequently comming the patriotic views of Lewis, and 

2 


100 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 


oppdsed_ those mae measures, to which he was naturally 
inclined. 

Lewis found a court abandoned to the utmost extrava- 
gance and prodigality ; for the support of which, the Third 
Estate, or commons, suffered the most cruel extortions. 
They alone were subjects of taxation. Besides a dissipated 
court, an army of 200,000 men in peace, and double that 
number i in war; a great marine establishment, public roads, 
works, &c. were all supported exclusively by the common 
people. While the commons thus suffered in every form, 
all ranks were kept in terror by the Bastile and Leiiers de 
Cachet.* 

Lewis, early in his reign, discovered a disposition tv 
ameliorate the condition of his subjects, and to reform 
the abuses of government. He recalled the venerable 
count de Maurepas, whom the vicious policy of the late 
reign had banished from the court. M. Turgot, an upright 
and enlightened minister, was chosen, to fill the place of 
comptroller general, that the disordered state of the 
finances might be rectified. In conjunction with men of 
such talents, Lewis hoped for a salutary reform. In com- 
pliance with the general wish of the nation, he restered 
the ancient courts, denominated parliaments. 'The eccno- 
mical administration of ‘Turgot soon procured copious cen- 
sures from the court and clergy. He was dismissed. In 
1776, the cclebrated M. Necker was appointed to the 
office of supreme director of the finances. His distinguish- 
ed duties justified his appointment, and showed, that the 
king had consulted the real imterest of the nation. He 
Jabored with sedulous zeal, to bring the expenditure within 
the compass of the receipts. His efforts were crowned 
with success. In an account presented to the king, afte 
three years of war, he stated, that the established revenue 
exceeded, by 1,887,000 dollars, the ordinary expenses of 
the state ; thus providing a basis for future loans. Intrigue 
and cabal at length effected the removal of Necker. His 
successors either wanted his mtegrity or abilities. In 1785 
the finances were in so deranged a state, as to set the king 
and the parliament of Paris completely at variance. ‘The 
famous M. de Calonne was at that time, comptroller gene- 
ral. Feeling, that the imposition of new. taxes by royal 
authority, would be dangerous, he suggested to Lewis the 


* Letters from the king of France, by which a person was arbitrar ily 
imprisoned or exiled. 


FRENCH REVOLUTION. 101 


expediency of convening an assembly of the Notables, con- 
sisting of reputable and distinguished persons, selected by 
the sovereign from the privileged orders. ‘This assembly 
met on the 22d of February, 1787. Calonne reported the 
state of the national funds; exhibited the immense extent 
of the public debt, and the insufficiency of the revenues for 
the annual expenses of the nation. He laid before the 
assembly, his plan of reform and taxation. The principal 
object of this, was to equalize the public burdens, and thus 
diminish the weight of oppression, which, for years, had 
crushed the lower classes. His method of taxation, from 
which none were to be exempt, was strongly opposed by 
the nobility, clergy and magistracy. ‘The influence of the 
minister sunk before that of the privileged orders. M. de 
Calonne was dismissed, and fled to England. The Notables 
refused to share with the people in supporting the public 
burdens; and the assembly was dismissed without having 
accomplished any thing beneficial. ‘The disputes between 
the king and the parliament became daily more serious. 
In order to dispel the darkness, which surrounded the poli- 
tical horizon of France, and to dissipate the clouds, which 
portended awful destruction, the king resolved to convoke 
the States General; a legitimate assembly of the nation, 
consisting, like the British parliament, of the nobility, the 
prelates and commons, or representatives of the people. 
To a meeting of the States, all classes looked forward with 
anxious eagerness. Almost every one became a politician, 
capable, in his own opinion, of discussing important questions 
of government, of inquiring into the rights of man and the 
laws of society. 

The three orders, at length, convened at Versailles, May 
5, 1789. But their first proceedings were attended by 
circumstances inauspicious. Unanimity of council was pre- 
vented by the opposite views of the different orders; and 
the people, distracted by various rumors, imagined, that 
these dissensions were fomented by the intrigues of the 
court. An unusual scarcity of provisions, at the same time, 
increased the ferment; and the populace corrupted by dis- 
organising principles, ascribed every evil, whether political 
or natural, to regal or aristocratical influence. While the 
court was embarrassed and torn by party views and feelings, 
the general ferment in Paris increased. 'The people, at 
length, broke out into open revolt, rushed to the hotel of 
Inyalids, and seized on the arms there deposited. The 


102 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 


Parisians now being supplied with arms and ammunition, 
broke through every restraint. But while the Bastile 
remained in the power of the crown, the revolutionists 
could not think themselves secure. On the 14th of July, 
1789, that awful fortress of despotism, whose name, for 
ages, had inspired terror, was invested by a mixed multitude 
of citizens and soldiers, and levelled with the ground. But 
so comparatively mild had been the government of Lewis, 
that in the apartments of this justly dreaded prison, so long 
sacred to silence and despair, were found only seven prison- 
ers ; four of whom were accused of forgery. | 

With a view of having the king more completely in their 
power, the revolutionary chiefs resolved to procure a re- 
moval of the assembly to the metropolis, where riots might 
easily be excited for the purpose of intimidation. 

To effect this, men and women of the lowest class were 
instigated by the democratic faction, to go to Versailles to 
demand bread. A formidable body with Maillard at their 
head, commenced a disorderly march for that purpose.’ 
The mayor and municipality of Paris ordered La Fayette 
instantly to set out for Versailles, at the head of the national 
guards. When he arrived with his army at 10 o’clock at 
night, he found the Assembly in a very unpleasant situation. 
Their hall and galleries were crowded with Parisian fish 
women, and others of the mob, who, at every instant, 
interrupted the debates. La Fayette prevailed upon the 
assembly to close their sitting for the night, and planted 
guards in every quarter. All was quiet, till 6 in the morn- 
ing, when a great number of women and desperate persons 
rushed forward to the palace, and attempted to force their 
way into it. Two of the guards were killed, and the assail- 
ants entered the palace, denouncing vengeance against the 
queen. She had opportunely escaped to the king’s apart- 
ment. The tumult every moment became more violent, 
and sudden death seemed to threaten the royal family. La 
Fayette, now at the head of his troops, was successful in 
driving the mob from the palace, which they were begin- 
ning to pillage. The riot being quelled, the royal family 
ventured to show themselves at a balcony. A few voices 
exclaimed, The King to Paris. 'The shout soon became 
general ; and Lewis after consulting his ministers, concluded 
to take up his residence at Paris, provided he should be 
accompanied by the queen and his children. The assembly 
voted itself inseparable from the court, and made prepara- 


FRENCH REVOLUTION. 103 


tions for the immediate progress of one hundred members, 
in company with the royal family. The heads of two ' 
victims were carried upon pikes by the advanced guard of 
the rabble; the Parisian militia followed ; and the “ royal 
captives (in the forcible and indignant language of Burke) 
were slowly moved along, amidst the horrid yells, and 
shrill screams, and frantic dances, and infamous contumelies, 
and all the unutterable abominations of the furies of hell, 
in the abused shape of the vilest of women.” This triumph 
of faction over royalty, so disgusted many of the represen- 
tatives, that they seceded from the assembly. The king was 
constrained to dismiss the body guards from the precincts 
of the palace. His ministers were harassed with suspi- 
cicns and calumnies; and his views and intentions were 
studiously misrepresented. 

In the progress of varied arrangements, alterations were 
made in the state of the church, by placing all her property 
at the disposal of the nation; monastic establishments were 
dissolved; feudal privileges and rights suppressed; and 
the kingdom, by the artful Abbe Sieyes was divided into 83 
departments. 

As the anniversary of the destruction of the Bastile ap- 
proached, great preparations were made for the celebrity of 
a national confederation. A spacious amphitheatre was 
thrown up in the Champ de Mars, or plain of Mars, capable 
of containing 400,000 spectators. 2000 workmen were em- 
ployed in this operation ; and the people of Paris, fearing, 
lest the plan might not be completed, assisted in the labor. 
All ranks of persons, the nobles, clergy and even ladies, 
with an eagerness for novelty so peculiar to that people, 
united their efforts. 

The 14th of July, at length, arrived. At six in the 
morning, the procession was arranged on the Boulevards, or 
walks, which was extremely splendid. The National 
Assembly passed through a grand triumphal arch, and the 
king and queen, attended by the foreign ministers, were 
placed in a superb box. After a solemn invocation to God, 
the king, amidst the deepest silence, approached the altar, 
and took the following oath. I the king of the French, do 
swear to the nation, that Iwill employ the whole power delegated 
fo me by the constitutional law of the state, to maintain the 
constitution, and enforce the execution of the laws. 'Then the 
National Assembly, the deputies of the national guards, and 
every individual of this immense assembly, took the civic 


104 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 


oath. Ze Deum was then sung. The performance was 
sublime beyond description. Never perhaps before was 
there such an orchestra, or such an audience. Their 
numbers baffled the eye to reckon, and their shouts in full 
chorus, rent the skies. 

After an interval of comparative tranquillity, new dis- 
turbances arose. The count of Provence, the late Lewis 
XVIII. and the count d’Artois, prince de Conde, and several 
nobles of high rank and fortune, at the commencement of 
the disturbances, retired from France, and found an asylum 
in Germany. Lewis, weary of captivity, had resolved to 
adopt the same measure. On the night of the 20th of June, 
1791, the king and queen with their family, made their 
escape from Paris. But their plans being ill concerted, 
and their mode of travelling calculated to excite suspicion, 
they were arrested at Varennes, in proceeding toward the 
German frontier, and reconducted to the Thuilleries. 
This singular -and unfortunate occurrence destroyed all 
confidence between the nation and the king. 

In 1792, Austria and Prussia manifested a disposition to 
interfere in behalf of the king and royal family. But 
instead of intimidating the revolutionary party, it drove 
them to greater acts of violence. In April, war against the 
king of Hungary.and Bohemia, was ratified by the French 
monarch. In the meantime, the combined armies of 
Austria and Prussia were ready to enter France ; and their 
general, the duke of Brunswick, published a declaration, 
threatening the city of Paris with. total destruction, if the 
least outrage should be offered to the king, queen, or any 
of the royal family. 

This thundering menace, in all probability, determined, 
or at least, accelerated, the fate of Lewis and his family. 
The hostile armies were advancing toward Paris; and the 
people imagined, the king was confederate with. their 
enemies. <A terrible scene was the consequence. In 
August, an attack was made upon the palace. ‘The nearer 
approach of the Prussian army occasioned new outrages. 
The prisons of Paris were filled with nobles, ecclesiastics, 
and opulent citizens, suspected of favoring the aristoeratic 
party. ‘The Jacobinical demagogues urged the expediency 
of destroying them, before the enemy should reach the 
capital. On the 2d and 3d of September, bands of ferocious 
assassins burst open the prisons, and massacred all the 
aristocrats, estimated at notless than five thousand. ‘The 


FRENCH REVOLUTION, y 105 
power of the legislative assembly was annihilated ; and from 
this moment, the cannon of the Parisians dictated all its de- 
crees. The period, which ensued, has justly been styled, the 
“reion of terror.” During these transactions, General La 
Fayette, finding himself marked out for destruction by the 


-* Jacobinical party, resolved to avoid the scaffold, by quitting 


his country. He was arrested by the Austrians, and carried 
to the prison of Olmutz, where he underwent a series of suf- 
ferings seldom paralleled in a civilized world. 

A new National Assembly, or Convention, met on the 
24th of September, 1792; and on the opening of the session, 
the abolition of monarchy was decreed, and France was 
declared a republic. They then decided, that the king 
should be brought to trial On the 11th of December, 
Lewis was ordered to the bar of the Convention, where, 
though he had received no previous intimation of the 
charges against him, he replied with clearness and pre- 
cision, and with much composure and dignity. But his 
implacable enemies were bent on his destruction.. The 
convention decided, that Lewis Capethad been guilty of a 
conspiracy against the liberty of the nation, and made an 
attack on the general security of the state. By a majority 
of only five voices, he was condemned to suffer death by 
the guillotine; and on the 21st of Jan. 1793, was publicly 
executed. . 

The execution of Lewis excited general horror. All 
governments concurred’ in condemning the conduct of the 
French regicides. Great Britain, Holland, Spain, Portugal 
and the princes of Germany and Italy, united with Austria 
and Prussia against the French republic. While menaced 
from abroad by the combined forces of Europe, the sufferings 
of the republic at home under the tyranny of the blood thirsty 
Robespierre and the execrable Marat, are without a paralle 
in history. 

The horrid butcheries, perpetrated by the committee of 
public safety, are shocking to the feelings of humanity 
One of their earliest victims was Maria Antoinette, th 
wretched widow of Lewis. She had suffered a closv 
captivity of three months in a miserable dungeon, when 
she was led before the revolutionary tribunal, and charged 
with various crimes, which were not substantiated; but 
revolutionary vengeance had pre-determined her death. 
She heard the sentence without the least discomposure, and 
retired from the court in dignified silence. October 16, 


106 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 


preparations were made for her execution. At 11 o’clock 
in the morning, the queen was brought out of her prison, 
dressed in a white dishabille ; she was conducted to the place 
of execution in an open cart; her hair from behind was 
entirely cut off; and her hands tied behind her. In this 
degraded situation, she passed through the streets, wholly 
unmoved by the brutal shouts of the people. On reaching 
the scaffold, she ascended with seeming haste and impa- 
tience, turned her eyes with great emotion toward the 
garden of the Thuilleries, the abode of her once happy 
days, and then submitted to her fate, with heroic intrepidity. 
She had not completed her thirty-eighth year; but her 
sufferings had given to her countenance and form, the 
appearance of more advanced age. ‘The hair upon her 
forehead had become perfectly white. The death of the 
queen was followed by the destruction of the Girondine 
party. The profligate and intriguing duke of Orleans was 
brought to trial. He was executed on the 6th of Novem- 
ber, amidst the deserved insults and reproaches of the 
populace. On the 17th of this month, the Christian reli- 
gion was abjured by the Convention. Reason, Liberty and 
Kiquality were considered as the only deities, and of course 
the only objects of worship. The sabbath, that grand safe- 
guard of the morals of man, was abolished; and a respite 
from labor allowed on every tenth day. During a great 
part of the year 1794, the system of terror reigned at 
Paris with increasing vigor; and the mutual distrust of the 
tyrants rendered it not less destructive to themselves, than to 
those who were subject to their authority. The members of 
the Convention, actuated by mutual jealousies and suspi- 
cions, directed their views toward mutual extermination, and 
successively fell on the same scaffolds, on which they had 
immolated so many innocent victims. 

The government of France, although nominally republi- 
can, was now almost entirely vested in one man, the tyrant 
Robespierre. Never before was the reign of any despot 
so terrible. Under his sanguinary administration, the 
prisons of Paris, at one time, contained more than seven 
thousand persons ; and a day seldom passed without sixty or 
eighty executions. Among the many victims, that were sa- 
crificed to his tyranny, was the beautiful and accomplished 
princess Elizabeth, sister to the unfortunate Lewis. She 
was condemned on the most frivolous eine her royal 
pent being her only crime. 


FRENCH REVOLUTION, 107 


But the reign of Robespierre was now soon to terminate. 
Every member of the Convention began to tremble for his 
own safety. ‘Those who were most sensible of their danger, 
resolved to prevent theirown destruction, by the death of 
the tyrant. Having artfully prepared the public mind, and 
taken the most judicious measures for diminishing the in- 
fluence of the demagogue over the Parisian populace, they 
impeached Robespierre and his accomplices in barbarity, of 
a conspiracy against the Convention. Their arrest was 
decreed. Robespierre now discovered, that his reliance on 
the mob was fallacious. He was himself deserted by the 
people ; and couvinced, that his tyrannical career was at a 
close, shot himself in the mouth with his pistol. The ball 
failed of its intended effect, but carried away part of his jaw. 
He was seized, together with his friends (if the name of 
friend can be applied to demons) and dragged before the 
revolutionary tribunal. And by that tribunal, which had so 
often been the instrument of his cruelty, Robespierre was 
sentenced to death, together with 20 others. On the 28th 
of July, 1794, they were executed amidst the loud bursts 
of public execration. Thus fell a monster, who in cruelty, 
surpassed all other tyrants both of ancient and modern 
times ; and whose death put an end to what is so emphati- 
cally denominated the ‘ reign of terror.” 

Notwithstanding the internal scenes of horror, the exer- 
tions of the republic during this period, were prodigious, 
and almost incredible. France displayed a political and 
military picture, to which the history of the world affords 
no parallel. Infidels directed her councils, and desperadoes 
conducted her armies. . Her generals placed between the 
scaffolds of Paris and the cannon of their enemies, having 
no alternative between death and victory, -immortalized 

“their names by their bold enterprises and splendid suc- 
cesses. 

The campaign of 1794 closed with the most signal 
victories’on the part of the republic ; and that of the suc- 
ceeding year effected an important change in the political 
aspect of Europe. Its commencement was marked by the 
conquest of Holland, which was begun and completed in 
the space of ten days. General Pichegru on the 10th of 
January, passed over the Waal with his army, and on the 
20th, entered Amsterdam, and offered to the inhabitants, 
the boon of Gallic freedom. ‘The prince and princess of 
Orange fled to England. In Spain, the French armies were 

28 


108 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 


equally successful. The grand coalition sustamed a great 
loss in the defection of two of its members, the kings of 
Prussia and of Spain, who in the course of the year, con- 
cluded treaties of peace with France. 

In 1796, the celebrated Napoleon Bonaparte was appointed 
to the command of the army in Italy. His military talents, 
hitherto but little known, now burst upon the world with 
uncommon splendor. 

In 1796 and 7 the French armies, conducted by Bonaparte, 

completed the conquest of all the Austrian dominions in 
Italy, established the Cisalpine republic, and compelled all 
the other Italian states to submit to such terms of peace, as 
the victors thought fit to impose. After these triumphs on 
the southern side of the Alps, the victorious Napoleon 
penetrated the mountainous region of the Tyrol, and ad- 
vanced so near to Vienna, that the imperial capital was filled 
with consternation, and daily expected the approach of the 
enemy. In this critical situation of his affairs, the emperor 
of Germany, Francis Il. opened a negociation with the 
French general; and a treaty of peace followed. 
_ In the meantime, great dissensions prevailed at Paris, 
between the legislative Councils and the Directory. Even 
the directors were divided among themselves, and resorted 
to the most sanguinary measures. 

Bonaparte, in 1798, commenced his Egyptian expedition, 
the real object of which is not known. On the 20th of 
May, he sailed from Toulon, with an army of 40,000 men, 
most of them veterans, who had served in the Italian cam- 
paign. This mighty armament, on the third of June, pre- 
sented itself before the island of Malta, and without 
resistance, took possession of those strong and almost 
impregnable works, which, for ages, nad been considered 
as a bulwark of Christendom, and had withstood the most 
formidable efforts of the Turks, when in the meridian ef 
their power. After leaving a garrison of four thousand 
men in Malta, the French armament directed its course 
for Alexandria. General Bonaparte landed his army on 
the Egyptian waste, and on the eighth of July, took Alexan- 
dria by assault, with a terrible slaughter of the Arabs and 
Mamelukes. He then proceeded to Rosetta, and after 
taking possession of that place, advanced along the banks of 
the Nile, toward Cairo. On the 20th, was fought the 
famous battle of the Pyramids, which determined the fate 
of Egypt. 


FRENCH REVOLUTION, 109 


But while victory crowned his every effort, Bonaparte was 
alarmed with the intelligence of the destruction of almost the 
whole of his fleet by the British, which he had moored in the 
bay of Aboukir. 

This victory was achieved by Admiral Nelson, August 1, 
1798, frequently termed the battle of the Nile. The 
destruction of the French fleet by Nelson, gave a new turn 
to the war. <A fresh coalition was formed against France, 
This unprincipled attack of France on Egypt, induced the 
Ottoman Porte to declare war against her. Austria, aided 
and encouraged by Russia, recommenced hostilities against 
the republic. Germany was struggling for liberty. But 
{taly was the grand theatre of action. France, in the mean 
time, agitated with civil dissensions, which threatened the 
most disagreeable results, felt the necessity of establishing 
a new and better order of things. For this purpose, a plan 
was concerted by Abbe Sieyes, and a few others, and com- 
municated to Bonaparte. He immediately appointed 
general Kleber to the command of his shattered army, and 
clandestinely embarked for France. Attended by his usual 
good fortune, he escaped all the English ships cruising in 
the Mediterranean, and arrived in Paris just in time to take 
advantage of the distracted state of the government. Urged 
on by ambition, he severed with his sword, the Gordian 
knot, and by the aid of the military, overturned the directo- 
ral government. A new constitution was formed Noy. 9, 
1799. The executive power was vested in three consuls, 
Bonaparte and two others; but its exercise was almost 
wholly confined to Bonaparte, who was distinguished by 
the title of First Consul, as a mark of pre-eminence. On 
May, 1800, the first consul put himself at the head of his 
army, to regain his lost possessions. He crossed the moun- 
tain of St. Bernard, one of the Alps, and entered Milan, to 
the great surprise of his enemies, and re-established the 
Cisalpine republic. ‘The Austrians were defeated in the 
memorable battle of Marengo, which was followed by an 
armistice; and a definitive treaty of peace between Austria 
and France was signed on the 9th of February, 1801, 
Portugal also made peace with France; and her example 
was followed by the king of Naples. The whole of Egypt 
was recovered from the French, by the English under the 
command of Sir Ralph Abercrombie and his successor, 
general Hutchinson. This event, together with the naval 
victories of Great Britain, led to negociation for peace 


119 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 

between the two powers. By the definitive treaty of 
Amiens, which was signed on the 25th of March, 1802, 
Great Britain ceded all the possessions and colonies, she 
had acquired during the war, excepting the Spanish island of 
Trinidad, and the Dutch possessions in Ceylon, Thus 
ended the revolutionary war, the most important contest that 
Europe had ever witnessed, since the establishment of her 
existing governments. 

The possessions of the French republic, at this time, 
were immense. 

During the short season of general tranquillity, the first 
consul of France displayed in his political schemes, all the 
activity, that had characterized his military genius. ‘The 
treaty of Amiens had inspired all Europe with the hope of 
enjoying a happy tranquillity during a long period of time. 
But the prospect was illusory. ‘The restrictions imposed 
on British commerce, by the first consul of France, too 
plainly indicated, that peace would be of short continuance. 

The spring of the year 1803, stands distinguished in his- 
tory, by the renewal of hostilities between France and Great 
Britain; in which all the powers of Europe became inyol- 
ved, and which ended in the extermination of the revolu- 
tionary hydra. 

The invasion of England was avowedly the grand object 
of the first consul. ‘The most formidable preparations 
were made for that purpose, in the ports of the French 
republic, and also of the Batavian or Dutch republic. The 
British government adopted the most judicious measures 
for repelling the threatened attack. In the beginning of 
the year 1804, the preparations for invasion on one side, 
and for resistance on the other, were completed. France 
and Great Britain presented to each other a formidable 
front; but no military or naval transaction of consequence 
took place. 

Scenes of great importance, however, opened in France. 
A conspiracy was formed against the first consul; but was 
quickly crushed. A revolution was likewise effecsed in the 
government. Bonaparte, by a decree. of the tribunate, 
was constituted emperor of the French, May 18, 1804 ; and 
the imperal dignity was declared hereditary in his family. 
In order to equal, or rather surpass, the glory of Charle- 
magne, the pope was brought from Rome, to perform the 
ceremony of his coronation. On the 2d of December, 1804, 
he was anointed and crowned in the Cathedral of Notre 


FRENCH REVOLUTION. Mli 


Dame, by Pius VII. Josephine his wife, was crowned at 
the same time, and prociaimed empress. ‘Thus fel repub- 
licanism in France, after hundreds of thousands of French- 
men had fought and bled for its establishment. 

Until this time, the efforts of the Belligerent powers had 
been displayed only in tremendous preparations; but the 
year 1805 exhibited a scene of activity, to which no parallel 
is found in the annals of Europe. 

The rapacity of the Ftench emperor determined the 
monarchs of Russia, Prussia and Austria to unite with Eng- 
Jand, and renewedly resist his encroachments. 

As soon as it was discovered, that the combined French 
and Spanish fleets had sailed from Toulon, the British 
fleet, commanded by Nelson, was despatched in pursuit of 
them. On the 21st of October, the combined fleet was dis- 
covered at the distance of four or five leagues from Cape 
Trafalgar. It consisted of eighteen French and fifteen 
Spanish ships of the line, seven frigates &ad eight corvettes. 
To oppose this great force, Lord Nelson had only twenty- 
seven sail of the line; a disparity which would have ap- 
palled any one but the hero of the Nile. When the ships 
were advancing, he gave as a signal, these memorable words; 
‘‘ England expects, that every man will do his duty ;” an 
appeal which was received with loud acclamations. He 
then said to a friend, “I thank God for this great opportu- 
nity of doing my duty.” Boldly pressing forward, the ad- 
miral was saluted by a furious discharge from the Bucentaur, 
the particular ship of the French commander. The thun- 
ders of the Nile were renewed; the battle raged with 
horrible carnage. The British were victorious. This 
memorable defeat nearly annihilated the naval power of 
France and Spain. It also terminated the career of the 
British hero, who fell in the moment of victory. 

Although France was unfortunate in her naval enterprises, 
her successes on the continent were truly astonishing. The 
celerity with which Bonaparte executed the boldest plans, 
confounded his enemies, and ensured him success. 

Near Austerlitz, the grand contest was decided. Bona- 
parte at the head of the French fought against the Russians 
and Austrians led on by their respective emperors. 

The 2d of December 1805, was the eventful day, which 
Jaid the continent of Europe, at the feet of the French 
emperor. At dawn of day, Bonaparte was surrounded by 
his generals, giving them directions. To his army, he 

28* 


ltd FRENCH REVOLUTION. 


remarked, ‘ Soldiers we must finish this campaign by a 
clap of thunder, that will confound the pride of our enemies.” 
To one regiment he said, ‘I hope the Normans will dis- 
tinguish themselves to-day.” ‘[‘o another, ‘ Recollect, 
that it is many years, since I surnamed you, the Terrible.” 
Rapturous shouts of Long live the emperor, burst from eyery 
part of the army. At sunrise, orders were given for the 
attack; and at one in the afternoon, the victory was de- 
cided in his favor. The French took a hundred and fifty 
pieces of cannon and forty-five standards. ‘The events of 
this campaign produced important changes in the political 
system of the continent. Some of the most important of 
these can only be mentioned in chronological order. 

The French emperor had no sooner concluded the treaty 
of peace with Austria, than he proclaimed the Bourbon 
dynasty at Naples at an end, and conferred the crown on 
his brother Joseph, Dec. 27. In June, 1806, Napoleon 
changed the Batavian or Dutch republic, into a monarchy, 
and gavé its crown to his brother Lewis; who soon fell 
into disgrace with his imperial brother, for attempting to 
mitigate the rigor of French decrees. This revolution in 
Holand was followed by the dissolution of the Germanic 
constitution, and the formation of ‘* The Confederation of 
the Rhine,” of which Bonaparte was declared the protec- 
tor. In Oct. 1806, Prussia and France commenced hostili- 
ties. ‘The rapid conquests of Bonaparte in Prussia, alarmed 
Alexander, and excited him to the most vigorous efforts for 
the protection of his dominions. A battle was fought at 
Pultusk, on the 26th of December, between Alexander and 
Bonaparte, another at Eylau on the 7th of February, 1807, 
and the battle at Friedland, on the 14th of June of the 
same year. In the two former, each party claimed the 
superiority. In the latter the French were decidedly vic- 
torious. This was followed by an interview between the 
emperors of France and Russia, and the king of Prussia ; 
and on the 7th of July, treaties of peace were concluded be- 
tween the three belligerents. Jerome Bonaparte was consti- 
tuted king of Westphalia, and his kingdom was enlarged by 
the’cession of all the Prussian territories to the west of the 
Elbe. 

The French emperor, having overcome all opposition in 
the North, found himself at leisure to pursue his schemes 
of aggrandizement in those countries. In February, 1808, 
Napoleon seized on the whole of Italy, except Naples, of 


FRENCH REVOLUTION. 113 


which his brother Joseph was king. ‘Tuscany, Parma and 
Placentia were incorporated with the French empire. 
Rome, with the whole of the Papal territory, was annexed 
to the Italian kmgdom. 

Such was the preponderating power of France, that in 
the beginning of the year 1808, all the ports of Europe, 
except those of Sicily and Sweden, were closed against the 
trade of Great Britain. 

In March, 1808, owing to French intrigue, great popular 
tumults took place in Spain. On the 19th of this month; 
Charles IV. abdicated the throne in favour of his son Ferdi- 
nand VII. Soon after, Charles and Ferdinand, with the 
whole of the royal family, were allured to Bayonne, for a 
friendly interview with the emperor of the French. Napo- 
leon, having both the kings in his power, obliged them to 
sign a formal abdication ; and on the 6th of June, conferred 
the crown of Spain on his brother Joseph, who resigned the 
kingdom of Naples to Prince Joachim Murat, grand duke 
of Berge. 

This unprincipled conduct of the French emperor proved 
the signal for a general insurrection in Spain. The patri- 
otic flame first burst out in the province of Asturia, and was 
rapidly communicated to every part of the kingdom. The 
assistance of England was solicited by the patriots, and 
readily granted. This struggle for life and freedom con- 
tinued for several years, with various success ; and at length, 
terminated in the emancipation of Spain from French tyranny, 
and the restoration of the throne of the Bourbons. 

In 1809, Austria resolved to make a magnanimous, but 
hazardous attempt, to regain her former power, which had 
been greatly abridged by the treaty of Presburg. Hostili- 
ties commenced on the 9th of April. So rapid was the 
progress of the French, that after three severe actions at 
Abensberg, Eckmuhl and Ratisbon, Vienna was compelled 
to capitulate on the 12th of May. And thus, a third time, 
acknowledged Bonaparte as conqueror. ‘The battle of 
Wagram, on the 6th of June, in which the French were 
victorious, terminated the war. A treaty of peace soon 
followed, highly advantageous to the great usurper of the 
rights of man. 

Napoleon, in order to consolidate his power, demanded 
in marriage the archdutchess Maria Louisa, daughter of 
Francis I]. The nuptials were solemnized at Paris, with 
great splendor, April 2, 1810. 


114 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 


In 1812, the Russian emperor, indignant at the ruin of 
the trade of his empire, disdained to submit any longer to 
the restrictions of the continental system, established by the 
French emperor. ‘This gave rise to a war between France 
and Russia, attended with a destruction of the human 
species, unparalleled in modern times. In June, Bona- 
parte entered the Russian territories with an army of 
about 300,000 men, in the highest state of equipment and 
discipline. After being decidedly victorious in several 
battles, and claiming the victory at the sanguinary battle 
of Borodino, he advanced to Moscow, and, on the 15th of 
September, entered that capital, and sat down on the throne 
of the czars. Previous orders having been given for the 
destruction of the city by fire, the invader found himself in 
the midst of smoking ruins. Napoleon fixed his head 
quarters in the Kremlin, and offered peace to the Russian 
monarch. Kutusoff replied, that neither the emperor, 
nor the nation, would condescend to treat, while a single 
foreign soldier remained within the wide extent of the 
Russian dominions ; and expressed his surprise at the pro- 
posal, as the campaign on his part, was merely on the 
point of opening. The French emperor, perceiving the 
impossibility of procuring supplies, began his retreat on 
the 18th October, exposed to the incessant attacks of the 
Russian armies, collected from every quarter. In these 
bloody encounters, the French were constantly defeated ; 
and the winter having set in prematurely, and with a severity 
unusual even in that rigorous climate, this immense invading 
army was almost annihilated. The French emperor, with 
his principal generals, escaped with great difficulty, and 
reached Paris about the end of December. .The victorious 
Russians, with Alexander at their head, continued without 
opposition, their progress towards Germany, issuing procla- 
mations, inviting the enslaved nations to throw off the 
oppressive yoke of France. 

Prussia was the first to secede from her tyranny; and 
her example was followed by several German. states. 
Austria and the crown prince of Sweden, Bernadotte, for- 
merly one of Napoleon’s generals, joined in the con- 
federacy. 

Napoleon on arriving at Paris, commenced a strenuous 
effort to resist tne approach of the allies. An army of 
350,000 men was readily furnished, and with these fresh 
recruits, he hastened to join the shattered remnants of his 


FRENCH REVOLUTION. 115 


Russian invaders. Many battles were fought in the course 
of the summer, with doubtful success, previous to the 
great battle of Leipsic, which decided the fate of Napo- 
leon, of France and of Europe. ‘This stupendous military 
scene opened on the 16th of October, 1813. Here were 
exhibited the banners of contending nations, from the At- 
lantic to the Caspian. And here were the mighty energies 
of nearly 500,000 combatants displayed in tremendous 
effort. The contest was desperate; and ,the carnage 
dreadful. Victory decided in favor of the allies; and the 
French retired with the loss of 40,000 men killed, wounded 
and prisoners; and between 60 and 70 pieces of cannon. 
The next morning, Leipsic was carried by assault. Bona- 
parte was at the palace with the king of Saxony, when the 
cannonade commenced. He retired with a small train, 
and rode with speed to the Elster, while disorder and 
alarm pervaded the city. The streets were rendered 
almost impassable by mingled artillery and wagons; the 
troops of the deserter pushed forward with eagerness, and 
when the allies rushed in, the confusion and terror rose to 
the extremity of horror. Slaughter raged in the streets. 
Many of the fugitives were deprived of life by that close- 
ness of pressure, which they could not elude, and many were 
driven into the Pleisse, where they miserably perished. 
The emperor of Russia, the king of Prussia and the crown 
prince of Sweden, at the head of their respective troops, 
entered the town at opposite points, and met in the great 
square. ‘They congratulated each other on the splendid 
successes, which had attended the arms of the coalition, 
and looked forward, with all the alacrity of hope, to the 
ruin of their malignant enemy. The whole loss of the 
French in these actions, in and near Leipsic, amounted 
to more than 60,000 men and a hundred pieces of artillery, 
exclusive of the desertion of the Saxon troops and those of 
Westphalia. 

Napoleon, with the shattered remains of his army, made 
i. precipitate retreat into France. On the 14th of January, 
1814, he appeared before the conservative senate, to state 
his exigences, and to propose such arrangements, as would 
be requisite for the defence of the country. In reply to 
a speech from the senate, Bonaparte remarks, ‘ All Eu- 
rope was with us a year ago; all Kurope is now against us. 
We should have every thing to dread but for the energy 
and power of the nation, Posterity will say, that, if great 


116 FRENCH REVOLUTICN. 


and critical circumstances presented themselves, they were 
not superior to France and to me.” It was decreed that 
300,000 conscripts should be raised for the defence of the 
country. The French emperor left Paris on the 25th. 
Every plan was formed, that great military talents could 
devise, and every effort was put forth, that heroism could ex- 
ert, to prevent the progress of the allied armies, and to pre- 
serve the independence of France, or rather, to preserve his 
own independence, as tyrant of the world. 

In the mean timé, the allied sovereigns of Russia, Austria 
and Prussia had assembled at Frankfort, whence the me- 
morable declaration was issued, that they would never lay 
down their arms, until the political state of Europe should 
be re-established, nor until they had secured’a real peace, 
which should restore them their freedom, tranquillity and 
happiness. 

All Bonaparte’s efforts were abortive. The allied armies 
entered Paris on the 31st of March, 1814; not however, 
as conquerors, but as deliverers. ‘The emperor Alexander 
and the king of Prussia were received by all ranks of citi- 
zens, with the most cheerful and feeling acclamations of 
joy. A provisional government was formed; and on the 
2d of April, the senate decreed the deposition of N apoleon. 
The humbled tyrant, aware of the necessity of yielding to 
the urgency of imperious circumstances, declared his readi- 
ness to sacrifice every personal advantage, not excepting 
even life, to the interest of France; and, as his continuance 
in his exalted station was deemed the only obstacle to the 
re-establishment of the peace of Europe, he renounced, 
for himself and his heirs the thrones of France and Italy. 
Lewis XVIII. was invited to take possession of the throne 
of his ancestors. A constitution was framed for his accept- 
ance, which happily blended the prerogatives of the sove- 
reign with the liberties of the subjects. And after an ab- 
sence of nearly 25 years, Lewis made his entry into Paris, 
on the third of May, 1814, amidst the plaudits and benedic- 
tions of the people. Napoleon retired to the island of 
Elba, (a residence of his own choice) of which the allied 
powers ceded to him the sovereignty, with a yearly pension 
of two millions of francs. ‘The empress Maria Louisa was 
constituted archdutchess of Guastalla, and her infant son, 
Francis Napoleon, duke of Parma and Placentia. All the. 
branches of the Bonapartean family obtained an ample 
provision by annual pensions. 


FRENCH REVOLUTION. 117 


The jarring passions of the nations were now hushed ; 
and they seemed to be reposing under the balmy wing of 
peace, when, like an unexpected volcanic eruption, an event 
occurred, that filled all Europe with amazement and terror. 
The imperial prisoner of Elba burst from his confines. 

At Paris, the partisans of Bonaparte had studiously in- 
trigued for his restoration. They malignantly vilified the 
acts of the king, and took every opportunity of fanning the 
flame of discontent. Emissaries were easily found, who 
conveyed such intelligence to Elba as stimulated the hopes 
of the dethroned emperor. He no longer exhibited an air 
of resignation to his fate. He avoided society, and brooded 
with a gloomy aspect, over his secret thoughts. Taking 
advantage of the absence of the British supervisor, he 
assembled his guard and an additional troop of adventurers, 
and harangued them in support of those pretensions, which 
he had been compelled, by foreign arms, to relinquish. He 
accused the allies of acting from the most illiberal and sel- 
fish motives, and ridiculed the imbecility of the Bourbons. 
He represented himself as the only leader qualified to re- 
trieve the glory of France, and rescue the nation from a 
degrading yoke. His speech was received with the most 
animated shouts; and the party, consisting of 1140 men, 
embarked at night in a brig and six transports ; and eluding 
the vigilance of the British cruisers, landed at Frejus in 
Var, in the southeastern part of France, the first of March, 
1815. On meeting the advanced guard of Lewis, he ap- 
proached them with confidence, and exclaimed, “ Soldiers, 
you have been told, that I fear death. If there be among 
you one soldier, that would kill his emperor, let him plunge 
his bayonet into my bosom.” ‘The effect was instanta- 
neous ; the arms of the soldiers were hurled to the ground ; 
and the air resounded with cries of Long live the emperor ! 
At Grenoble, Bonaparte was joined by Labedoyere; and 
the military every where hastened to his standard. Napo- 
leon having triumphantly reached Fontainbleau, Lewis was 
advised to seek safety by- flight. He, accordingly, left 
Paris, accompanied by all the members of the royal family, 
and arrived in safety, at Ghent. The national guards, to 
the number of 100,000 men, were placed at Melun, between 
Paris and Fontainbleau, to impede the progress of Bona- 
parte to the capital. They were drawn up in military 
array, facing the skirts of the woods of Fontainbleau, and 
with anxious silence waited the approach of the enemy. 


118 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 


At length, a small escort appeared; a carriage followed, 
in which, was seated a warrior, whose features were imme- 
diately recognized, and “ Long live the emperor !’’ burst 
simultaneously from the delighted soldiery. Napoleon 
passed triumphantly through the whole of the royal army, 
and at eight o’clock, the same evening, entered Paris. 
‘Thus in twenty days, Napoleon found himself quietly seated 
on the throne of France, without having shed a drop of 
blood. . 

As soon as Bonaparte’s arrival in France, was known at 
Vienna, where the congress from the allied powers, was 
still assembled, a manifesto was published by that august 
body, declaring, that ‘* Napoleon Bonaparte, by thus break- 
ing the convention, which established him in the isle of 
Elba, had placed himself without the pale of civil and 
social relations, and had rendered himself liable to public 
vengeance, as an enemy and disturber of the public tran- 
quillity. 

As the manifesto of the confederate princes seemed to 
require an answer, a declaration appeared in the name of 
Napoleon, accusing them of a violation of the treaty of 
Fontainbleau, not only as far as it concerned him and his 
family, but as it respected the nights and interests of the 
French. These infractions of treaty, he presumed, justified 
his return, and, as the French had honored him with the 
- most friendly reception, and had gladly permitted him to 
reascend their throne, he could not conceive, that any just 
grounds existed for the interference of foreign powers. ‘The 
French wished for that independence, which they had a 
right to expect. They wished for peace, and would faith- 
fully observe the stipulations of the treaty of Paris; and, as 
no change, ominous to the repose of Europe, had occurred 
in their country, they demanded, from the allies, a respect 
for their rights, and a forbearance of injury. 

Not content with the dissemination of this manifesto, he 
addrressed a letter to each of the allied potentates, depre- 
catin;; a renewal of war. He affirmed, that his resump- 
tion of authority, was the result of an irresistible: power, 
the effects of national unanimity, displayed in a just cause ; 
and expressed a strong desire of rendering his restoration 
to the throne instrumental of preserving the tranquillity of 
Europe. That tranquillity, he remarked, might be _per- 
manently secured, if other princes would follow his exam 
ple, and, instead of rivalry in war, would contend for pre- 


FRENCH REVOLUTION. 119 


eminence in the great duty of promoting public welfare and 
private felicity. Napoleon could not conceal his mortifica- 
_ tion, when he found, that his letters had not produced a single 
reply. The lofty demeanour of the allied sovereigns, keenly 
wounded his feelings, and humbled his pride. He became 
upbarunily reserved and thoughtful ; gloom sat upon his brow, 
and discontent rankled at his heart. 

Disappointed in the hope of deluding foreign princes 
into an opinion of his being influenced by sentiments of 
moderation, Napoleon made preparation for war. As his 
power was not sufficiently established, to insure him the 
national support in a protracted war, he needed the dazzling 
blaze of decisive victory, to renew the charm once attached 
to his name and fortunes. He resolved to make a sudden 
irruption into Belgium, and by a rapid movement, to direct 
his whole force against the English and Prussians, hoping 
that by so vigorous a measure, he might defeat his enemies 
in detail; and that one splendid victory would completely 
restore his influence in France, and enable him to carry the 
conscription into full effect; and thus present a formidable 
front to the combined powers of Europe. 

On the 14th of June, 1815, Napoleon issued an address 
to his army consisting of 150, 000 men. He reminded ihe 
troops of the victories of Marengo, of Austerlitz, of Jena, 
of Friedland and Wagram; and after setting before their 
eyes a display of their former achievements, and of the 
glory, which they were now to expect, he observed, that 
the moment had arrived for every brave Frenchman to 
conquer, or to die. 

On the following morning, 15th of June, the French 
emperor put his army in motion, and suddenly burst 
into Belgium. The out-posts of the Prussians were driven 
in with loss. The next day, the French commenced a 
furious assault upon the Prussians, commanded by Blucher, 
and upon the English commanded by Wellington. The 
conflict was severe and obstinate. The Prussians retreated, 
leaving 15,000 of their number either dead or wounded on 
the field of battle. But the English, with undaunted firm- 
ness, withstood the fiercest charges of the enemy. The 
conflict, which took place at a hamlet, called Quatre Bras, 
was desperate. The duke of Brunswick was killed, and 
the loss was great on both sides. Wellington, however, 
kept the field; and marshal Ney fell back upon Fransnes. 
In consequence of the defeat of the Prussians, the English 

29 


120 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 


commander, instead of following up his advantages at 
Quatre Bras, resolved to fall back to such a position as would 
afford communication with the Prussian army. The English, 
accordingly, took a position about a mile in front of the 
village of Waterloo, communicating, on the left, with the 
Prussians at Wavre ; and Napoleon established his quarters 
at Planchenoit, a small village a little in the rear. Thus 
arranged, the two armies and their commanders anxiously 
waited the arrival of morning, and the events, which it was 
to usher m. The night was excessively stormy. The 
furious gusts of wind, the heavy falls of rain, the vivid 
flashes of lightning, and the loudest thunder ever heard in 
that climate, concurred in forming a tempest, violent in the 
extreme. ‘To the fury of this tempest, both armies, who 
were about equal in number, were exposed, without shel- 
ter, and destitute of the means of enjoying repose or re- 
freshment. 

At length, the morning of the memorable 18th of June, 
arrived, when Napoleon was to begin his last deadly 
struggle. ‘The battle commenced at ten, and during nine 
hours a succession of the most furious attacks were made 
on the British, which were repelled with the most undaunt- 
ed heroism. Although an almost incredible number, both 
of the cavalry and infantry of the French had fallen in the 
sanguinary conflict, this horrible carnage did not prevent 
Napoleon from risking a final and desperate effort. The 
imperial guards, which had been kept in reserve, about 
15,000 in number, led on by Ney, made a charge on the 
British guards, tremendous beyond all description; con- 
tinued for some time, with a dauntless perseverance, ‘that 
seemed to bid defiance to all opposition, although their co- 
lumns were almost annihilated, as fast as they advanced, by 
the British artillery. At length the assailants began to re- 
tire. The advance of the Prussians, who had been detained 
by bad roads ; and the consideration of having no reserve, 
added confusion to their retreat. The British now resumed 
the offensive. The French were thrown into irretrievable 
disorder, and fled in the utmost confusion, leaving behind 
them 150 pieces of cannon. The British cavalry being 
completely exhausted, the pursuit was committed to the 
Prussians, under Blucher, who made most dreadful hayoe of 
the fugitives. 

‘rhe consternation of the vanquished commander was ex- 

treme. All his ambitious views, all his prospects of con- 


HAYTI, 12] 


tinued power, seemed to vanish into air. After-a precipi- 
tate and melancholy flight, he reached Paris on the second 
evening after the battle, in deep dejection. Having 
resigned his crown to his son, he repaired to Rochefort. 
He continued above a week in that town, in a state of 
gloomy discontent, anxiously waiting the course of eyents. 
Having in vain endeavored to escape by sea, he resolved to 
throw himself on the generosity of the British. In a letter 
to the prince regent, he remarks, ‘I have terminated my 
political career; and I come, like Themistocles, to seat 
myself at the hearths of the British people. I place my- 
self under the protection of their laws, which I claim of 
your Royal Highness, as the most powerful, the most con- 
stant, and the most generous of my enemies.” On the 
15th of July, 1815, he unconditionally surrendered himself 
into the hands. of Captain Maitland, of his Majesty’s ship 
Bellerophon, and was conducted to Torbay in England. 

The allied sovereigns fixed his residence on the rocky, 
dreary island of St. Helena, where the everlasting barrier 
of an immense ocean prevented him, during, the few re- 
maining years of his existence, from disturbing the repose 
of the world. | 

His death occurred on the 7th of May, 1821. 

Immediately after the total defeat of Napoleon at Water- 
loo, the combined British and Prussian armies advanced to 
Paris. On the third of July, the articles of capitulation — 
were arranged and signed; and Louis XVIII. returned to 
the seat of his government. His inglorious reign closed in 
September, 1824. He was succeeded by his brother, the 
Count d’Artois, whose title is Charles X.] 


[ Hayti.—the island of Hispaniola, or St. Domingo, is 
memorable for having been the seat: of the first European 
settlement in America, and the scene of the first indepen- 
dent empire, founded by African slaves. It was discovered 
by Columbus, on the 6th of December, 1492, on his return 
from Cuba. It had borne the name of Hayti, among the 
natives, an appellation, which.has been recently revived 
in the western part. Columbus called it Espanola, or 
Iutile Spain, and it has since acquired the name of St. 
Domingo, from the chief town, so called by Bartholomew 
Columbus. . 

The impression, made on Columbus by the beauty of the 
country, and the simplicity of the natives, was such, that he 


Yeo: . HAYTI. 


determined to form a settlement here; and accordingly, 
left 38 Spaniards at the Bay of St. Nicholas, when he 
sailed for Spain in January, 1493. These were the first 
colonists of America. On his return, in November, 1493, 
he founded a second town on the Northern coast, which he 
called Jsabella, the first settlement having been nearly 
destroyed by the natives. The licentiousness and avarice 
of the new settlers again provoked the Indians to attempt 
revenge; but these mniserable beings were overpowered 
by European skill; and great numbers perished by famine 
and the sword. In 1496, Columbus returned to Spain, 
leaving his brother Bartholomew lieutenant governor, who 
soon afterwards removed the colony to a more eligible 
situation, on the south side of the island, where he founded 
the city of St. Domingo. The number of inhabitants ap- 
pears, after this, to have increased rapidly. Nicholas de 
Ovando brought, in one armament, 2500 settlers. These 
and the former colonists were distributed by Columbus 
in different districts, and a certain number cf natives 
- were appointed, to cultivate each allotment. ‘This unhappy 
race dwindled away fast under disease and a species of 
labor, to which they were unaccustomed. We find their 
numbers were so much reduced, about the year 1513, that 
Ovando, to supply the necessary ‘fund of laborers, decoyed 
40,000 of the inhabitants of the Bahamas into St. Domingo; 
and notwithstanding this accession, it is said, that towards 
the middle of that century, scarcely 150 Indians remained 
alive. The colonists, in the mean time, degenerated from 
the spirit and enterprise of their ancestors. ‘Their mines 
were deserted, and their agriculture neglected; and, al- 
though Ovando had introduced some slips of the sugar cane 
from the Canary islands, yet, such was the indolence of the 
inhabitants, that they could not be persuaded to cultivate it. 
In this state of things, the island remained for upwards of a 
century. ‘ 

About the middle of the 17th century, a French colony 
was established in the west end of the island. From the 
year 1776 to 1789, the French colony was at the height of 
its prosperity. Its productions were immense and valuable, 
and its commerce in the most flourishing state. 

The French revolution opened a fountain of evil for the 
whites of St. Domingo. In 1791, an alarming insurrection 
of the negroes broke out in the French colony. In two 
months upwards of 2000 whites perished, and large dis- 


HAYTI. 123 


tricts' of fertile plantations were devastated. From the 
northern province, the rebellion spread to the west; where, 
however, it was soon quelled. In 1792, the National 
Assembly proclaimed the political equality of the free 
negroes and the whites, and, in the succeeding year, ap- 
pointed three commissioners of extreme republican princi- 
ples, who, on their arrival, decided the fate of the colony, 
by proclaiming the emancipation of the slaves. On the 
2ist of June, 1793, Macaya, a negro chief, entered Cape 
Francois at the head of 3000 slaves, and began an indis- 
criminate slaughter. In this state of things, the British 
government, hoping to take advantage of the confusion, 
sent a body of troops from Jamaica, who landed at Tiburon 
captured Leogane, and afterwards Port au Prince. The 
yellow fever, however, breaking out, reduced their numbers 
rapidly ; and the blacks, headed by Rigaud, a mulatto, and 
the celebrated Toussaint L’Ouverture, who had been ap- 
pointed by the French government, commander in chief, re- 
took the principal places. The English were reinforced by 
successive detachments of large bodies, but were confined 
within the capital by the blacks, and thinned in numbers by 
the fever. At length, after an enormous loss of men, they 
finally evacuated the island in 1798. Previously to this, 
Spain had ceded to France the eastern part of the island ; 
but the cession produced no advantage to the latter, in con- 
sequence of the deranged state of affairs. 

At the beginning of the year 1800, the blacks found 
themselves powerful in numbers, and improved in skill and 
discipline, to a degree, that rendered them competent to 
contend for the possession of the whole island. On the Ist 
of July, in the succeeding year, the independence of Hayti 
was proclaimed. The French government had, by this 
time, recovered from its delusion, and saw the error it had 
committed. Under the vigorous administration of Bona- 
parte, then first consul, a force of 20,000, under general 
Le Clerc, was despatched in December, 1801. They land- 
ed at the bay of Samana. But before they entered Cape 
Francois, the city was laid in ashes. _ In February, 1802, 
general Le Clere began the campaign, and fought with 
varied success, until the 1st e* May, when a truce was con- 
cluded between the contendmg armies. During the con- 
tinuance of this truce, as is said by English writers, 'Tous- 
saint was surprised and conveyed a prisoner on board a 
vessel, by which he was carried to France, and there died 

29 


124 HAYTI. 


in the month of April, 1803. Hostilities were now resumed 
with greater animosity on each side. ‘The command of 
the black troops devolved upon Dessalines, one of the 
chiefs, who prosecuted the war with vigor and success. 
The yellow fever aided the cause of the negroes, and 
swept off great numbers of the French. By the middle 
of October, 1803, Fort Dauphin, Port de Paise, and several 
other important posts, were carried by the blacks. General 
Le Clere died shortly afterwards. Under his successor, 
Rechambeau, an armistice was concluded, during which 
the blacks received large reinforcements, while the French 
were blocked up by the English ships. At the expiration of 
the armistice, the French, now reduced toa handful, were 
driven into the Cape, where, on the 30th of November, 
1803, they were forced to capitulate to the English squad- 
ron ; "and thus a greater part of the island was abandoned by 
the French, and the negroes left to enjoy their indepen- 
dence. 

The liberated blacks now determined on discarding the 
name given to the island by Europeans, and reviving that 
of Hayti. On the Ist of January, 1804, the general and 
chiefs of the army entered into a solemn compact, in the 
name of the people of Hayti, renouncing forever all depen- 
dence on France. At the same time, they appointed Dessa- 
lines governor for life, with very extensive powers., The 
next step in the promotion of this military chief, was such 
as might have been expected. On his return, in Septem- 
ber, from an unsuccessful expedition against the city of St. 
Domingo, which was still occupied by some Spaniards and 
French, he assumed the purple, and. the title of Jacques I. 
emperor of Hayti. His reign was brief, and though some 
sagacious measures were adopted for the government and 
improvement of the people, yet his various acts of tyranny 
rendered him universally detested. He was slain by a 
military conspiracy in October, 1806. Christophe, his 
second in command, immediately assumed the administra- 
tion of affairs, under the title of ‘Chief of the Govern- 
ment.” Petion, however, another: chief, appeared as a 
candidate for the sovereign power, and the struggle be- 
~ tween him and Christophe was long and fierce. A severe 
battle was fought on the Ist of January, 1807, in which 
Petion was defeated. Christophe’s progress to supreme 
power was similar to that of Dessalines. In 1807, he was 


appointed Chief Magistrate for life, with the power of 


MODERN GREECE. 125 


appointing his successor, and, in 1811, he changed the title 
to that of King, calling himself Henry I. The office was 
made hereditary in his family. From 1810 to 1820, the 
part of Hayti, formerly belonging to the French was under 
distinct and rival governments. In the north, was the 
kingdom of Christophe ; and in the south a republic existed, 
at the head of which was Petion, who is represented to 
have possessed both sagacity and virtue. In 1806, he was 
-appointed President for life, and retained the office until 
May, 1818, when he died, universally lamented by his 
fellow citizens. The character and end of Christophe 
were widely ditferent from those of his republican opponent. 
He appears to have been an avaricious and cruel despot, 
and to have well deserved his fate. ‘The military, who had 
been both the instruments and objects of his oppression, 
revolted in October, 1820, dragged him from his retreat, 
and destroyed him. In consequence of this event, the 
whole colony has been united under Boyer, the successor of 
Petion, in the office of President, and who is said to possess 
many of the virtues of his predecessor. 

It is probable that Hayti is now the most inviting asylum 
for the liberated blacks in the United States. There they 
can enjoy property, freedom, respectability and all the 
endearments of civil, social, domestic and _ religious privi- 
leges. | 


[ Modern Greece.—We have seen the states of Greece, 
emerging from barbarism, throwing off the yoke of domestic 
tyranny, and with undaunted resolution, and invincible ardor, 
withstanding foreign enemies. We have seen them, giving 
examples of eloquence, of arts, of prowess, for the astonish- 
ment of future ages. ; 

Again we have beheld, and they were elated by pros- 
perity; they were corrupted by luxury; they were ruined 
by disunion; they could not stand before the power of 
Macedon. 

The Macedonian yoke was only exchanged for the 
Roman; and the Roman, for that of different tribes of 
barbarians, or of the Eastern emperors; until, about the 
middle of the fifteenth century, they found a melancholy 
repose in the stability of the Ottoman empire. In 1453, 
Mahomet I. took Constantinople, and soon after, Greece. 
Since the period of that capture, or for the space of nearly 
400 years, the Greeks have been abandoned, by the com- 


126 MODERN GREECE. 


mon consent of Europe, a prey to Turkish domination ; and 
subjected to a slavery, which in all the odious features. of 
brutality and cruelty, of rapacity and pollution, lacks a 
parallel in the annals of the world... Since that time, till 
within a very few years, wherever they have lived, what- 
ever character they have sustained, they have been com- 
pelled to feel, from day to day, that every Turk, whom 
they met, was a master, and every Greek a slave. The 
Sultan, and under him, the Pacha, and under him, the Bey, 
and under him the Aga, was avowedly the proprietor of 
their estates, and the disposer of their lives. Their wives, 
their daughters, were never secure from violence. Life 
always hung in doubt before them. | Property could be 
safe, only as it was concealed. To the Greek, no house 
has been a sanctuary; no temple a refuge. Wherever he 
has cast his eyes, he has seen the crescent frowning on the 
churches of the living God, the bible supplanted by the 
koran, and the ministers of Jesus, driven out, to make room 
for the imans of Mahomet. Ever since the Turks have 
had the country in their possession, they have exerted a 
wanton industry, and shown the natural hostility of igno- 
rance to taste, by mutilating statues, demolishing temples, 
and defacing the elegant forms of sculpture. The spot, 
where stood the magnificent temple of Minerva, is now 
indicated only by huge masses of marble. ‘The renowned 
Pireus is now distinguished only by the traces of a small 
theatre, and a monastery of mean architecture. The ruins 
of temples and theatres, infermixed with flat-roofed cot- 
tages, and marble tablets inscribed with characters, which 
neither the ignorant Turks, nor the modern Greeks can 
decipher, are melancholy memorials of a more noble and a 
more refined people. .The shores of Attica are waste and 
desolate ; few villages are to be seen from Eleusis to the 
promontory of Sunium, and thence even to the plains of 
Marathon; the eye of the inquisitive traveller discerns 
nothing but scattered ruins along a coast of eighty miles in 
extent.* 

However the Athenians are depressed by their haughty 
tyrants, they still retain marks of their original charactey 
They possess much of that quickness of apprehension, 
vivacity of temper, and urbanity of manners, which distin 
guished their ancestors. The native character of the 
people long continues, like the peculiarities of the soil, 


* In 1803, 


MODERN GREECE. ; 127 


But a long state of servitude and superstition, has degraded 
the native powers of their minds; and the recollection or 
the fear of blows and indignities, so often inflicted by their 
conquerors, makes them stoop to the artifices of cunning 
and dissimulation. It will, however, be recollected, that 
this remark upon their character, was made several years 
ago, and the wisdom, the valor, the disinterested patriotism, 
they have since exhibited, will go far to efface such recol- 
lections. 

The commerce of the Greeks is an anomaly in the history 
or nations. Elsewhere, commerce has flourished, either 
when left to itself, or when encouraged by the fostering hand 
of government. In Greece, it has flourished, in spite of 
opposition and rapacity. ‘They have extended it with 
unbending resolution, and increasing activity, until it covers 
all the shores and harbors of the Mediterranean. Accord- 
ing to a statement published in 1813, we find them eight . 
years previous to the revolution, possessed of 615 merchant 
vessels, armed with 5,878 cannon, and manned by 17,526 _ 
seamen. Since its commencement, the number of vessels 
has rapidly increased, for the small island of Hydra alone 
now possesses upwards of 600. The beauty and swiftness 
of their vessels evince their skill in naval architecture ; 
while their seamen are celebrated through the Mediter- 
ranean for the dexterity, with which they manage their 
ships. | 

Schools, which are accessible to all classes, are exten- 
sively established; and the great body of the people can 
_ read and write. The college at Haivali, founded in 1803, 
had 200 students, and a competent number of professors, 
supported by the liberality of the citizens. That at Scio, 
founded ten years earlier, and supported by the merchants, 
had immediately before its destruction, from 700 to 800 
students, 20 professors, chiefly educated in Europe, an 
atheneum, and a library of 10,000 volumes. ‘The course 
of instruction in literature and the sciences was rapidly ap- 
proximating to the European standard of perfection. Be- 
sides these, public schools of a respectable character were 
found at Yanina, at Athos, at Athens and at Patmos. More 
than 500 of the finest young men of Greece regularly re- 
ceived a still higher education at the universities of western 
Europe. Several printing presses have been established 
and several newspapers circulated. 


128 MODERN GREECE. 


Though the Greeks have so long worn the yoke of slavery, 
they have not. worn it tamely and patiently, For the last 
fifty years, no seeming opportunity has offered of liberating 
their country, but they have, at once, embraced it. 3 

Under the reign of Bonaparte, the prospect of the eman- 
cipation of Greece from Turkish tyranny, began to brighten. 
Secret societies had long existed in Paris, and were even 
encouraged by the French, government, for the purpose of 
exciting an insurrection among the Greeks. In the years 
1810 and 1811, vast preparations were made in furtherance 
of this design, Arms and ammunition were sent into 
Albania and Epirus ; the most powerful Beys and Pachas 
were engaged in the French interests ; the Servians openly 
revolted; and an army under Marshal Marmont, was on the 
point of marching from Dalmatia, to be joined by another 
from Corfu, when the disastrous events of the Spanish and 
Russian campaigns, once more left the Greeks to their own 
resources. 

In 1816, a society was formed for the encouragement of 
Grecian literature. It was connected with a similar institu- 
tion at Athens; and another in Thessaly, called the 
“ Gymnasiun of Mount Pelion.” 'The treasury and general 
office of the institution were established at Munich. No 
political object was avowed by these institutions ; probably, 
none contemplated. Still, however, they had their effect 
in hastening that condition of things, in which the Greeks 
felt competent to the establishment of their independence. 
Many young men, for years, had been annually sent to the 
universities in the western states in Europe, for their educa- 
tion; and after the general pacification of Europe, many 
military men, discharged from other employment, were ready 
to enter even into so unpromising a service, as that of the 
revolutionary Greeks. 

In 1820, war commenced between the Porte and Ali, 
the famous Pacha of Albania. Differences existed also with 
Persia, and with Russia. In this state of things, at the 
beginning of 1821, the Greeks actuated by an unconquera- 
ble spirit of freedom, and deadly hate of tyranny, broke 
out into an open insurrection, which, it 1s confidently 
believed, will terminate in thei final independence. It 
ommencbd in the northern provinces of the Turkish 
empire, under Prince Alexander Ypsilanti, who had served 
with distinction, in the Russian army, during the French 


MODERN GREECE. 129 


invasion. Through the spirited exertions of this officer, 
and the aid afforded by Ali Pacha, it spread through every 
portion of European Turkey. From those cities in which 
the Christians out-numbered the Mahometans, the latter 
thought it prudent to retire. In revenge for this, an 
indiscriminate slaughter of the Greeks followed in those 
places, in which the Mussulmen exceeded the Christian 
population. At length, it was determined by the Divan, to 
strike terrer into the insurgents, if possible, and by. one 
decisive blow, to check the further progress of insurrec- 
tion. The patriarch of Constantinople was venerated by 
all ranks for his talents, his disposition, and superior 
sanctity of character. After having been compelled to 
utter an anathema against his countrymen in arms, he was 
suddenly seized by the Turkish soldiery, as he came from 
the performance of worship on Easter Sunday, and hanged 
in his pontifical robes, before the gates of his own cathedral. 
This almost unparalleled atrocity, however, instead of pro- 
ducing the intended effect, served only to rouse the indig- 
nant spirits of the Greeks, and to urge them on to acts of 
dreadful retribution. 

The Greeks soon possessed themselves of the open 
country of the Morea, and drove their enemy into the for- 
tresses. Of these, that of Tripolizza, with the city, the an- 
cient Mantinea, fell into the hands of the Greeks. 

At the commencement of 1822, the whole force of the 
Turkish empire was ina condition to be brought against the 
Greek rebellion. Many anticipated the immediate destruc- 
tion of their cause. ‘The event, however, was ordered 
otherwise. Where the greatest effort was made, it was met 
and defeated. Entering the Morea with an army, which 
seemed capable of bearing down all resistance, the Turks 
were nevertheless defeated, and driven back, and pursued 
beyond the isthmus, within which, from that time to the pre- 
sent, they have not been able to set their foot. 

It was in April, 1822, that the destruction of Scio took 
place. That island, a sort of appanage of the Sultana 
mother, enjoyed many privileges peculiar to itself. In a 
population of 130,000 or 140,000 it had no more than 2000 
or 3000 Turks; by some accounts, not nearly so many. 
The absence of these ruffian masters, had in some degree, 
allowed opportunity for the promotion of knowledge, the 
accumulation of wealth, and the general cultivation of 
sdcicty, Here was the seat of the modern Greek litera- 


130 MODERN GREECE. 


ture; and here were libraries, printing presses, and other 
establishments, which indicate some advancement in retine- 
ment and knowledge. Certain of the inhabitants of Samos, 
it would seem, envious, of this comparative happiness of 
Scio, landed upon the island, in an regular multitude, for 
the purpose of compelling its habitants to make a com- 
mon cause with their countrymen against their oppressors. 
These, being joined by the peasantry, marched to the city, 
and drove the Turks into the castle. The Turkish fleet, 
lately reinforced from Egypt, happened to be in the neigh- 
boring seas, and learning these events, landed a force on the 
island of 15,000 men. ‘There was nothing to resist such an 
army. ‘These troops immediately entered the city, and be- 
gan an indiscriminate massacre. The city was fired ; and, 
in four days, the fire and the sword of the Turks, rendered 
the beautiful Scio a clotted mass of blood and ashes. The 
details are too shocking to be recited. Forty thousand wo- 
men and children, saved from the general destruction, were 
afterwards sold in the market of Smyrna, and sent off into 
distant and hopeless servitude. Of the whole population, 
which has been mentioned, not above 900 persons were left 
living upon the island. 

Though the Turks gained some advantages, the campaign 
closed with signal victories in favor of the Greeks; as did 
that of 1823. 

Mr. Webster, in his speech before congress in favor of aid- 
ing the Greeks, has the following remarks, ‘‘ They have held 
out for three campaigns. Constantinople and the northern 
provinces have sent forth thousands of troops ;—they have 
been defeated.—Tripoli, Algiers and Egypt, have contri- 
buted their marine contingents ;—they have not kept the 
ocean. Hordes of Tartars have crossed the Bosphorus ;— 
they have died, where the Persians died. ‘The powerful 
monarchies in the neighbourhood have denounced their 
cause, and admonished them to abandon ii, and submit to 
their fate. They have answered them, that, although two 
hundred thousand of their countrymen have offered up their 
lives, there yet remain lives to offer; and that it is the de- 
termination of all to persevere, until they shall have establish- 
ed their liberty, or until the power of their oppressors shall 
have relieved them from the burthen of existence.” . 

The following extract from a recent paper, will exhibit 
the flattering prospects of the Greeks, at the close of the 
year 1824; 


PRESENT STATE OF ASIA. 131 


* The government is established in the strong place of 
Napoli di Romania. Its members possess the confidence 
and affection of all ranks of citizens. ‘They receive from 
all quarters, the most satisfactory proofs of obedience. 
Anarchy and confusion, too often the associates of a newly 
established state, have seceded from Greece, and left in 
their stead, union and amity. Foreign powers look upon 
Greece, as worthy of the advantages she has gained. ‘The 
subjects of the most enlightened nations have contributed 
liberal assistance; and Greece seems rapidly advancing 
toward that state, which will enable her to shew her 
gratitude for their support. Her enemy is no longer 
regarded, as that colossal power, which could not be suc- 
cessfully opposed. Revolution reigns in the heart of 
Turkey ; her subjects throw off their allegiance, or behave 
in a manner, which plainly indicates their sentiments. The 
people have lost their confidence in her ministers ; depo- 
sition follows deposition, and yet discontent maintains her 
empire. ° 

Providence, evidently aids the Greeks ; who, in their turn, 
attribute to the hand of their Creator, the successes which 
accompany their efforts. 

The campaign of next year will, in all probability, con- 
duce still further to their consolidation, and render their in- 
dependence no longer problematical. | 


CHAPTER XI. 
THE PRESENT STATE OF ASIA. 


THE people of Asia may be considered under seven 
grand divisions. ‘The Russians possess the northern ; the 
Chinese, the eastern; the Indians, the south-eastern; the 
Persians, the southern; the Arabians, the south-western ; 
the Turks, the western; and the Tariars, the central 
regions, of this great division of the globe. Our view of 
Asia, though very brief, will be two-fold. We shall first 
direct the eye of the reader to these grand divisions sepa- 
rately, with an intention to notice some of the peculiarities — 
of each; and, secondly, we’ shall notice certain things, in 
which they all agree; and shall close with remarks applica- 
ble to the whole. 

30 


132 RUSSIA IN ASIA. 


‘ I. RUSSIA IN ASIA. 


Few governments in the world are more despotic, than 
that of Russia; and, for the last hundred years, that govern- 
ment has generally been in hands, which managed its proper 
machinery with incredible skill and energy. From Peters- 
burgh, the royal residence, situated at the head of the gulf 
of Finland, this empire extends eastward the amazing 
distance of several thousand miles, to the eastern ocean, or 
sea of Kamschatka. Yet, over so considerable a portion of 
the globe, the imperial mandates are spread with astonishing 
celerity, and are obeyed without murmurs or delays. 

The Russians of Asia are of a more mild and amiable 
character, than those of Europe. Their numerous tribes 
live in pleasant countries ; their towns and villages being 
situated in extensive plains, and on the banks of noble and 
majestic rivers. It is said, there is scarcely a hill of any 
considerable size from Petersburgh to Pekin; and through 
those vast plains, many rivers meander in various directions. 
Some late geographers say, there are no less than eight 
rivers, which run a course of two thousand miles. But the 
North of Asia, like that of Europe, still abounds in forests, 
many of which are of very great extent. 

The people in those extensive countries, are yet in a bar- 
-barous state, not very many degrees in advance of the savage. 
They have no point of union, nor combination, but what is 
found in the powerful arm of government. They speak 
many languages, and are of many different religions ; for 
although the Christian religion and the Greek church are 
established in the empire, yet most of the remote provinces 
are still pagans, or, indeed, have no settled notions of the 
Deity, nor forms of worship. 

But notwithstanding many gloomy and forbidding circum- 
stances in the condition of the Russian empire, it is 
probably improving faster, than any other part of Asia; or, 
to speak more properly, it is improving in some small 
degree ; which can scarcely be said of any other part of 
that quarter of thé globe: The people are becoming more 
agricultural ; a regular commerce begins to awaken a spirit 
of enterprise ; civility gains ground; the arts and sciences 
are spreading their benign influence in some very remote 
provinces. The great Catharine erected schools, and 
opened several missions in the provinces bordering on 


RUSSIA IN ASIA. 133 


Kamschatka, and offered adequate encouragement to emi- 
grants disposed to settle in those countries. 

The vast plains of Russia facilitate land carriage ; and 
her numerous large rivers render easy the transportation of 
their various commodities from one country to another. 

As early as the tenth century, the Russians make some 
inconsiderable appearance in the histories of Europe. ‘The 
ancient capital of the empire is Moscow. There every 
monarch must be crowned, before he can be acknowledged 
sovereign of all the Russias. But the empire was in a 
state of the utmost barbarity, before the reign of Peter the 
Great. No monarch of modern times, or, perhaps, of any 
age or nation, ever did more for his empire, than Peter did 
for his. He condensed the resources of a multitude of 
tribes; he combined their strength in a regular plan of 
government; he put a stop to their incessant wars among 
themselves; he exterminated innumerable banditti of rob- 
bers, which infested, and fearlessly ravaged all those 
countries ; he built cities, removed forests, caused the earth 
to be cultivated, settled the inhabitants of his empire in 
fixed places, and reclaimed them from the roving life and 
precarious subsistence of the Tartars. Peter did more than 
all this. He did not encourage merely, but he originated 
the arts and sciences among his people. He built a city, 
which, in less than a century, merited a place in the first 
rank of cities. ‘To that city, he invited, from all parts of 
the world, the most able mechanics, and the most elegant 
artists, whom he encouraged with royal munificence, Not 
contented with a most powerful land force, he determined to 
be known on the watery element. With this view, he 
became a ship carpenter, and worked with his own hands in 
the ship yard; he studied the art of navigation, and prac- 
tised its he surveyed the shores and coasts of the Cas- 
pian sea, and drew, with his own hands, an elegant chart, 
which he presented to the museum at Paris; in short, he 
raised his empire to the first rank among the powers of the 
world. 

There is something singular in the military character of 
the Russians. They are remarkable for passive valor. It 
is said, they will endure the greatest fatigues and sufferings 
with patience and calmness. ‘They will resist, better than 
make an onset; though it is certain, that very few nations 
in the world produce better soldiers than the Russian. 
They have had several considerable wars with the Turks 


134 TURKEY IN ASIA. 


and Persians, over both of whom, they have gained great 
advantages. It has been thought they would expel the 
Turks out of Europe, and put a period to the Ottoman em- 
pire. Count Romanzow, in the reign of the great Catharine, 
defeated them in a series of battles, carried terror and con- 
quest almost to the heart of the empire, and filled the world 
with the fame of his victories. 


Il. TURKS IN ASIA. 


We have already noticed the history of the Turks; but, 
in this place, it will be proper to regard them, a moment, 
as an Asiatic power; and, in so doing, we cannot avoid the 
reflection, how different the people in the East have cared, 
from those in the West of Asia. In the East, the empire of 
China, like a majestic luminary, has shone in glory un- 
eclipsed and unrivalled, for 3000 years. Inthe West, the 
Assyrians, the Persie: the Greeks, the Roflahs,” the 
Goths, the Saracens, and at last, the Turks, have driven the 
ploughshare of destruction over the fairest provinces of the 
earth. ‘To an eye or to a mind, that can contemplate 3000 
years, as we can a day, the people in the West of Asia must 
have appeared like a nest of serpents, incessantly striving to 
destroy one another. But the simile utterly fails ; for a nest 
of serpents, a den of tygers, the gloomy haunts where the 
deadliest monsters and dragons meet in concourse, are 
scenes of peace and friendship, in comparison with those 
wretched countries. } 

After the wars of the Saracens and crusaders had spent 
their rage in Western Asia, the Turks, like an irruption of 
furies from the bottomless pit, overran those countries. 
They established four independent kingdoms, whose capitals 
were Iconium, Bagdad, Aleppo and Jerusalem. ‘These in- 
stitutions perished, after a while, in the furnace of their own 
vices; and, from their ashes, the Ottoman Turks, about the 
beginning of the 13th century, arose, to complete the 
wretchedness of Western Asia, in which their territories 
were much the same, as those of the Romans. 

The remnant of the ancient inhabitants of those once 
flourishing countries, are now miserable beyond the power 
of description. It will suffice to say, that they have no 
security of property or life. The petty tyrants, to whom » 
the grand seignior commits the governments of those 
provinces, exercise their vices and villanies without 


TURKEY IN ASIA. 135 


remorse and without restraint. In Thompson’s and Vol- 
ney’s travels through Syria and Palestine, the character and 
condition of these wretched beings are fully described. 

The condition of the Turks themselves is not a whit 
better, than that of the other inhabitants. They are equally 
subjected to a barbarous tyranny, liable to similar extortion 
and injustice. They have nothing they can call their own— 
no right—no property—no security. They are liable to be 
murdered at midnight, by unknown messengers, and for 
unknown crimes; or they may be strangled at mid-day, in 
the midst of their friends and families, without any consci- 
ousness of guilt—without any form of trial—even without 
accusation or subsequent reasons assigned. ‘ Mystery,” 
says one of the above writers, ‘ reigns round their habita- 
tions.” Allis fear, concealment, melancholy and distrust ; 
they are forced to conceal their food and raiment ;_ they dare 
not make any show of opulence ; for the possession of 
wealth would work their ruin. 

The Turks, considered in all the various traits of their 
character, are probably the most unlovely of all nations. 
Their character is dark, unsocial, jealous, cruel and beastly, 
in its tranquil state. They are strongly addicted to the 
rough and violent passions ; and when roused, their revenge 
is vindictive, deadly and horrid beyond expression. 

The Christians of Asia are generally in Turkey. Their 
state is truly deplorable. They are literally trampled in 
the dust; and the vilest of mortals reign and triumph over 
them. They have but a name, that they live, and are 
dead. They generally subscribe to the tenets, or rather 
the superstitions of the Greek church, but have departed 
far from the standard of truth; and their distance from the 
purity and simplicity of the gospel is immense. It is to be 
feared, that they retain little more than ihe name of 
Christianity. 

The provinces of Turkey in Asia exhibit a melancholy 
proof of the changeable nature of all human affairs. They 
witness, to every observer, that the most flourishing insti- 
tutions may decay and perish forever. Those countries 
were once rich, powerful and happy. ‘They were blessed 
with a mild and genial climate; they enjoyed freedom and 
prosperity; they were among the most enlightened and 
wise of the human race. But how changed is the scene! 
Such of their advantages, as a bad government could not 
destroy, nor a oe people anmihilates have become 


136 ARABIANS. 


useless, or are altogether unknown. ‘Their fertile fields 
have lain so long uncultivated, that their fruitfulness is for- 
gotten. Their fine harbors are visited by few sails, except 
those of foreigners. The ruins of their ancient cities and 
temples are stupendous proofs of the opulence and glory of 
former ages, and of the degeneracy and wretchedness of the 
present times. 

If the Turkish power in Europe is on the decline, which 
is not to be doubted, it is much more so in Asia. ‘The con- 
nection between the parts of that extensive empire, is grow- 
ing more feeble, and evidently declines with the energy of 
government; a disease natural to great empires, whose dis- 
tant provinces, if powerful and rebellious, will bring more 
expense, than profit, to their masters ; and, if weak and de- 
fenceless, will certainly not be worth defending. 

The government of the Turkish empire bears some faint 
resemblance to the Feudal System; but, in one important 
respect, perhaps more, to that of the ancient Romans. 
The revenues of the provinces seem to be farmed out. 
Each bashaw, or superior lord, undertakes to pay such a 
sum annually into the public treasury; and he has a 
province, district, or city allotted him, on which he is to 
levy that sum, and, in fact, as much more, as his ingenious 
and merciless avarice can lay hold of. If the province is 
large, this bashaw or bey commonly parcels it out, in the 
same manner, to his vassals. very species of oppression 
and injustice, of cruelty and extortion is practised, and has 
been, for so long a time, that the whole country is com- 
pletely ruined, and, though naturally rich, has become one 
of the poorest in the world. By these means, the Turkish 
empire is fast declining, and, by one vigorous effort of some 
neighbouring power, might be overthrown. ‘Thirty years 
ago, it was thought the Russians would accomplish it. It 
is now laid out asa part of the future task of the modern 
Cesar. 


Ill. ARABIANS. 


We have already taken some notice of the origin and 
general history of the Arabians. A remarkable circum- 
stance respecting them is, that they have never been con- 
quered. For that, however, two very natural reasons may 
be assigned ; first, they have never possessed much, which 
was worth conquering, or could allure a conqueror—and 


ARABIANS. 137 


secondly, the situation of their country is eminently secure 
from invasion, especially considering their mode of defence. 
Their country, which is upwards of a thousand miles 
square, forms exactly the southwest part of Asia, as Spain 
and Portugal do of Europe, and is commonly divided into 
three parts, viz. Arabia Petraea, Arabia Deserta, and Arabia 
Felix. Arabia Felix, or the Happy, is said to be one of the 
most delightful regions upon earth. The truth is, these 
flattering accounts are more frequently taken from legen- 
dary tales than from real facts. In such parts of Arabia, as 
are well watered, vegetation is, indeed, luxuriant beyond 
conception ; and some of the most valuable odors and choice 
perfumes are the produce of that country. The people 
generally live in tents, and, of course, their manner of life 
is roving, like that of the Tartars and Scythians. Obtain- 
ing a precarious subsistence with little labor, they are 
addicted to every species of theft. They will receive you 
with kindness; entertain you with the utmost hospitality ; 
divide with you their last loaf; and then increase their 
store, by stealing from you all you have. ‘They seem to 
prefer not to take life; but, on an emergency they will rob 
and murder. 

Arabia has been governed, at times, by powerful.mo- 
narchs, who have brought great and very effective armies 
into the field; and various attempts have been made to 
subdue and explore that country by their powerful neighbors. 
Arabia Felix is, indeed, a sequestered ‘country. It is 
skirted round on all sides by seas and sandy deserts; and 
the nature of the country and the modes of fighting, prac- 
tised by the Arabs, have rendered it difficult and dangerous 
of access ; and it has been regarded asa kind of mysterious 
and forbidden ground. 

The last attempt to conquer this country was made by 
the Turks, commanded, if we mistake not, by Amurath Ii. 
about the year 1468. The haughty Turk, at the head of 
a great army, flushed with continual victory, advanced into 
Arabia, determined to rend the veil, which had long cover- 
ed that country, and to know what was in it, and whether 
it was worth conquering. As he advanced toward the 
interior of the country, a herald, on horseback, met him, 
and warned hin to retire, telling him, that though the 
Arabians had no war with the Turks, yet, if he advances 
farther, he would have reason to repent of his temerity. 
The sultan treated the message with contempt, and pushed 


138 ARABIANS. 


forward at the head of his army. At length, there was per- 
ceived a cloud of dust arising, and before the cause of ft 
could be well discovered, his army was attacked by a formi- 
dable column of 40,000 horse. Their approach was like 
a whirlwind; .and the Turks, already wearied with wading 
in the sand, were blinded. and suffocated with dust, and were 
cut in pieces without much resistance. ‘The sultan mount- 
ed ona fleet horse, had the good fortune to make his escape, 
with a few of his guards, and recover his own dominions, 
and being fully satisfied with one attempt.upon Arabia, he 
chose rather to sustain his disgrace, than retrieve his honor 
by hazarding a second. 

The Arabian horses are famous for strength and swift- 
ness; and the men of that country are excellent horsemen. 
©0 great is their dexterity, that it is said, they will throw 
forward their lances and recover them from the ground, 
while on full speed. ‘Their mode of fighting is extremely 
desultory, and their military tactics peculiar to themselves ; 
yet their attack is fierce and terrible, and can only be resist- 
ed by the most disciplined valor. 

The Arabic language is soft, liquid and harmonious, by 
reason of an uncommon prevalence of vowel sounds. Not- 
withstanding the singular character of this people, they 
have not been destitute of science. During the dark ages, 
the Saracens were, perhaps, the most scientific people in 
the world. They introduced learning into Europe. Several 
of the sciences they improved; and they justly claim the 
honor of being the inventors of algebra. In arithmetic, we 
follow them generally, and especially in the use of their nu- 
merical characters. 

It is both difficult and dangerous for Europeans to travel 
in that country. The hardships and perils, to which they 
must be exposed, are very great. Of course the present 
state of the country cannot be very well known. We shall 
close on this article with remarking, how wonderfully fitted 
mankind are to sustain the inconveniences of all cli- 
mates. ‘The Bedouin Arabs, in large collections or hordes, 
at certain seasons of the year, will visit the seaports and 
commercial cities, for the purpose of bartering their com- 
modities, and procuring such articles as they need. When 
this is done, they plunge again into the trackless regions of 
their native deserts, where they spend the year. But how 
they live, or what they subsist upon, that Being only knows, 
who clothes the fields with grass, and feeds the young 
ravens, when they cry. | 


PERSIANS. 139 


IV. PERSIANS. 


The Persians alone of the ancient empires in the West 
of Asia, have preserved and perpetuated theirexistence as 
an independent nation.* ‘They were, indeed, subdued by 
Alexander ; but that conquest, at last, terminated in the over- 
throw of the Greeks themselves. ‘The Persians became 
surprisingly renovated, and were able, on the decline of the 
Greeks, to resist the arms of Rome, as well as those of the 
Scythians, Saracens, Turks and Russians. In the year of 
Christ, 1750, the celebrated Thamas Kouli Khan ascended 
the Persian throne, and was one of the most powerful mo- 
narchs of his time. He invaded India, took Delhi, and re- 
turned to his own donsiaions, loaded with immense riches. 
No power baffled and defeated the Turks oftener, than the 
Persians did; and Emir Hamzi, the famous Persian, was 
doubtless, the greatest warrior in Asia during his time. 
Fad he not been cruelly murdered, as was supposed, by the 
order of his unnatural father, he would probably have put 
a final stop to the progress of the Turkish arms. 

The Persians, as a nation, are brave, polite, civil, and 
courteous to strangers; but extremely ostentatious, vain- 
glorious and proud. ‘Their country, like Arabia, can boast 
of some most pleasant and delightful places. All travellers 
speak in raptures of the richness, Juxuriance and pleasant- 
ness of the vale of Shiraus ; but, in general, Persia is exces- 
sively dry, having few rivers, brooks, or springs of water. 
It is no easy matter te conceive, how the inhabitants obtam 
a sufficiency of water for necessary uses. They seldom 
have rain, and no country has a more arid atmosphere. 

Yn very northern climates, dire necessity compels man- 
kind to continual labor, to avoid perishing with cold and 
hunger. In the middle countries of the temperate zone, 
industry is partly necessary to subsistence ; but it is oftener 
prompted by honor and ambition. But as we approach the 
torrid zone, the earth produces more spontaneously ; where 
it is fruitful, it is abundantly so ; and the people are able to 
ve with little exertion. It is impossible, that the inhabi- 
tants of hot climates, as for instance, of Arabia and Persia, 
should exercise the laborious industry of England and Hol- 
land ; and, of course, they are provided for without. It is 


| A 


* The Arabians can hardly be considered as a political body, ecnstitu. 
ting an empire, 


140 PERSIANS. 


however worthy of remark, and of gratitude to Providence, 
that in very hot climates, great industry is rewarded with 
great profit and advantage ; as in the cases of ancient Car- 
thaze and Egypt. If the people of southern climates, 
adapting their labors to the nature of their countries, would 
practise the industry of the North, empire, independence 
and glory would soon return to those countries they have 
long forsaken; and would certainly give a preference to 
their ancient seats. 

‘Lo form a just estimate of any nation, it is necessary to 
look carefully into their internal, as well as external state. 
Our views of the people of Asia, in these respects, must be 
imperfect and superficial, at best. There is but little in- 
tercourse between the Persians and any nation of Europe. 
The wide difference in language, manners, religion and 
government, sets bars between them very difficult to be 
passed. We cannot but believe, that the condition of the 
great body of the people in Persia, is very miserable. The 
superstition, absurdities and even vices of their religion, 
are extreme. ‘Their government is cruel, capricious, and 
arbitrary. Many things are there sanctioned by custom, 
which in any part of Europe would fill mankind with horror 
and rage, if we except Turkey; and even the Turkish go- 
vernment is less despotic than the Persian. 

People of fashion in this country are graceful in their 
persons ; and although their complexion is somewhat darker 
than that of the European nations, yet their countenances, 
rather Roman than Grecian, are expressive, and often 
display the most delicate lines of beauty. But the common 
people, who are much exposed to the sun, are considerably 
swarthy. 

~The Persians have neither greatly excelled, nor been 
greatly deficient, in literature. The late justly celebrated 
Sir William Jones, the most skilful in Asiatic learning of 
any European of modern times, has given some elegant 
specimens of Persian poetry in English translation. ‘They 
cin, however, boast of no very great writers, either in 
poetry or prose. Notwithstanding all their attainments, 
they must be considered in the light of barbarians, and it 
is difficult to say, whether they are now emerging from 
_ignorance and barbarity, or sinking deeper in them. 


TARTARY. 141 


V. TARTARY. 


The boundaries of 'Tartary have never been ascertained. 
The central regions of Asia, from time immemorial, have 
been inhabited by numerous tribes of roving people. The 
have rarely been combined under one head, although that 
event is supposed to have taken place in the 13th century, 
under the reign of Ghenghis Khan, and again in the 15th, 
under Tamerlane. ‘These people were anciently called. 
Scythians. Their character has been surprisingly uniform 
in all ages. During the time of the four great monarchies, 
whose history has been sketched in the first volume of 
this work, they were but too well known by their formidable 
irruptions into the civilized provinces of Asia and Europe ; 
the first of which was in the reign of Cyaxares I. king of 
Media. 

Our best geographers state very little with certainty con- 
cerning the vast countries of Tartarye Travelling in those 
countries is difficult and dangerous ; and the nature of the 
intercourse, kept up with them by their more civilized 
neighbors, is not such, as to draw very satisfactory intelli- 
gence from them. They may be regarded as fruitful 
sources of regret and sorrow. From various circumstances 
and known facts, it is not to be doubted, that the middle 
parts of Asia equal in richness and fertility, and especially 
in pleasantness and beauty, any part of the continent. 
Though vastly distant from the ocean, the countries are 
well watered, and extend almost the width of the temperate 
zone. ‘They have numerous lakes, where numberless rivers 
and rivulets discharge their waters. Their majestic rivers 
meander slowly through delightful and extensive plains. The 
verdure of an almost perpetual spring clothes their banks in 
perennial bloom and sweetness. Yet those fair scenes 
seemed formed only to be seen by the eye of savages, never 
to be enriched by handsome villages and flourishing cities ; 
or made the charming abodes of science, virtue, order and 
humanity. 

The Tartars, though not entire savages, are but little 
better. They are very slovenly in their persons and dress, 
and have no notion of cleanliness, taste or order in their 
habitations. Their property consists chiefly in horses and 
cattle, of which some of them possess a great number. 
Their title to land is mere occupancy. When they have 


142 INDIAs 


consumed the pastures of a particular place, they remove to 
some other. They claim no title to any place, but what they 
possess for the time being. In some places, however, they 
have habitations more settled, and do even live in cities. 

They seem to have no regular or consistent notions of 
religion or government. ‘They commonly profess subjec- 
tion to some chieftain, and in time of war, or upon an excur- 
sion for rapine, follow his standard ; but, as to the nature of 
their civil government, or whether they have any, properly 
speaking, we are not prepared to say. ‘They certainly have 
ideas of a distinction between right and wrong, on which they 
found certain maxims, resembling a code of morality; but. 
their penal code differs little from an indefinite rule of per- 
sonal retaliation. 

There seems to be no prospect of their improving in 
either of the three important articles of religion,* govern- 
ment or civilization. We think ourselves warranted in say- 
ing, that they have not improved for the last two thousand 
years, in either of these respects. 


VI. INDIA. 


The river Indus gives name to nearly one quarter of the 
surface of the terraqueous globe. One of the great oceans, 
half the islands in the world, nearly a quarter of the continent 
of Asia, and all the original inhabitants of the new conti- 
nent, are called for it. The country of India forms the 
south part of Asia, as Russia does the north. North of it 
lies Tartary ; east and south, the Pacific and Indian oceans; 
and west, the empire of Persia. : 

The wealth of India has, in every age, been even pro- 
verbial. So great is the fame of its wealth, that when we 
hear its name pronounced, we immediately think of a land 
ef wealth. The riches of India consist in the natural fer- 
tility of the soil, which is heightened and perfected by the 
best of climates; the advantages of commerce and naviga- 
tion; the, greatest plenty of all the necessaries, conve- 
niences, and luxuries of life; rich mines; and abundance 
of gold, silver, and jewels; and a race of people who seem 
. to be naturally virtuous,f honest, pacific, ingenious, indus- 


* The religious prospects of the Tartars appear to be a little more 
encouraging, than they were, when the above remark was written.— 
Led. 

_ 1%t is ascertained that the Hindoos are generally at a great 
remove from virtue.—Ed. 


INDIA. 143 


trious, somewhat enterprising, and immensely numerous. 
In the course of their commerce, they are not fond of receiv- 
ing the commodities of other nations in exchange for their 
own. ‘They never pay money, nor make war upon other 
nations. 

Exclusive of the internal trade of India, that country has 
from the earliest ages, carried on two great branches of 
foreign commerce ; one by land, and the other by sea. As 
from that country, every thing valuable, beautiful, rich, or 
useful was to be obtained, all commercial nations sought an 
interest in its trade. The Chinese, the ‘Tartars, Persians, 
Arabians, Syrians and Egyptians, traded with them by land ; 
and the numberless commodities of India were transported 
by numerous caravans, on the backs of camels, dromedaries, 
mules and horses, to very-distant nations. The wealth and 
glory of many ancient cities of Asia, rose from this trade ; 
_of which the splendid and magnificent city of Palmyra was 

once the grand mart and emporium. This city, situated 
between Arabia and Syria, bordering on the deserts, was 
once the deposit of the wealth of the East, from whence it 
was again dispersed through numerous channels to the West 
of Asia, to Europe and Africa. ‘This city, far more splen- 
did, but Jess warlike, than Rome itself, flourished for ages, 
and was at length destroyed by the emperor Aurelian. Its 
last monarch was the illustrious but unfortunate queen, Ze- 
nobia, whose counsels were directed by the celebrated Lon- 
ginus, as already noticed, one of the last luminaries of Gre- 
cian literature. 

The Phenicians, Carthaginians, Greeks, Sicilians and 
Romans, and, in later times, the Italians. and many other 
8 of Europe, have pursued the Indian trade by sea. 

ill the Portuguese had doubled the Cape of Good Hope, 
the common voyage to India was from the ports of the Red 
Sea, through the straits of Babelmandel, and across the In- 
dian ocean. ‘The majestic ruins of Palmyra demonstrate 
the former greatness of her wealth and commercial impor- 
tance. Indeed the same remark applies to the great cities 
of Egypt—to Tyre, Sidon, &c. 

At present, the naval commerce of India is almost 
engrossed by Great Britain, whose subjects, tributaries, or 
allies, extending far up the river Ganges, are said to com- 
prehend some of the fairest and richest parts of India. 
The British trade to India has become the most lucrative, 
important and dignified system of commerce, ever carried 

31 


144 INDIA. 


on. It cannot, indeed, be viewed ‘without astonishment. 
The English people, by means of the South Sea and India 
companies, are able almost to command the wealth and 
credit of the globe. 

The interior parts of India, especially beyond the Ganges, 
are but little known. It is a very great country, and some- 
what more mountainous, than the more northerly parts of 
Asia. The people of India, regarding the whole section of 
Asia called by their name, are probably among the most 
_ mild and pacific of all the human race. ‘They never have 
been famous for war in any age. ‘They have doubtless 
had wars, both foreign and domestic, and perhaps several, 
of which we have no knowledge. They have several 
times been invaded, in different ages of the world, as it is 
said, by Sesostris, Semiramis, Cyrus, Alexander, Ghenghis 
ikhan, Tamerlane, and of late, by the Persians, under 
Thamas Kouli Khan. But the English invasion of India 
will be attended with the most serious consequences to that 
country ; and it is feared, with little good. Their conquests 
comprehend a greater territory and much more numerous 
population, than they possess in Europe.* But if those 
conquests have increased the power of Great Britain, they 
have produced a contrary effect on the unhappy Indians. 
They have quite altered the face of things in that country. 
The name of Hastings will descend to posterity blackened 
with indelible guilt and infamy ; and it would be well for 
the English people if Hastings were the only man, who had 
been ouilty of exercising cruelty, extortion and outrage upon 
the defenceless Indians. 

Hastings, after remaining long enough in power in India, 
to amass a princely fortune—after practising the most 
horrid, outrageous cruelty, and every crime, which can 
Hladken and deform the human character, returned in 
triumph to his native country, to enjoy in quiet the spoils 
of innocence, and to riot in luxury on the fruits of extortion. 
A feint was made towards bringing him to justice; but 
what was the issue? Instead of suffering an infamous death 
for crimes worthy of eternal perdition, his wealth enabled 
him to set justice at defiance, his infinite turpitude was 
gilded over with a title of Syme and he became Lord 
Hastings. 


* The British subjects in Europe are supposed to be about 17 millions ; 
those in India, about 90 millions.—Ed., 


INDIA. . 145 


The English conquests in India wit probably be attended 
with disastrous consequences to that country. The Indians 
will directly lose all motives to industry ; and in addition to 
ther own constitutional and national vices, they will learn 
those of their cruel conquerors and unjust oppressors. — In- 
dustry and enterprise can only go hand in hand with liberty 
and justice. Those people, finding themselves oppressed, 
insulted, crushed, and forever abandoned to hopeless sla- 
very and misery, will give up all as lost—will become utterly 
useless to themselves and others, and regard death as the only 
alternative of hope. ‘The country will grow miserable and 
poor; and will follow the footsteps of Carthage, of Egypt, 
and of all Western Asia. ‘Trade will gradually fall; and 
the wealth and abundance of those countries exist only on 
the page of history. Should they change masters, they 
would still be the losers. Should Great Britain fall, even 
independence might revisit India too late. What advantage 
could Egypt or Syria reap from the fall of the Turkish em- 
pire? Nothing but the slow revolving wheel of numerous 
ages, or the more immediate intervention of almighty power, 
can restore those unhappy countries. Before any probable 
or natural* course of events can restore the West of Asia 
to what it once was, it is probable the destiny of the earth 
itself will be complete, and the wheels of nature cease to 
move. 

The Indian character and temper seem very mild and 
placid; yet no people are more inveterate or more obsti- 
nate in their religious prejudices. With them, religion is, 
properly speaking, the property and business of a particular 
class or set of people. ‘The rest neither know, nor are 
allowed to know or care, any thing about it. They have 
certain notions of the Deity, of futurity, and of virtue and 
vice. The people, at large, are required to perform a cer- 
tain routine of duties, consisting chiefly in useless formali- 
ties, and unmeaning or ridiculous ceremonies. But as to 
the great business of intercourse with the Deity, or know- 
ledge of him, it is wrapped in mystery, and belongs to the 
priests or bramins. 

The immense country of India, from the river Indus to 
the eastern ocean, was probably never united under one 
government. Its present state is not clearly known to the 


~ The author undoubtedly believed, that by the grace of God, that 
wretched country would ere long rejoice and blossom as the rose.—E4. 


146 CHINA. 


best of our geographers. Monarchy is the only kind of 
government existing in any part of Asia; but, in India, it 
seems to be of a less fierce, cruel, and despotic nature, than - 
it is in the west. The most predominant crime among 
the Hindoos is said to be suicide. ‘They have little fear 
of futurity, and are impatient of present evils. They 
therefore take as they suppose, the directest way to get rid 
of them. 

When shall they become free, enlightened, and happy ? 
As far as we know, they rather degenerate, than improve. 
In the time of Cyrus the Great, they were more enterprising, 
and probably far more powerful, than they now are. Under 
the command of Porus, they made a formidable resistance 
to the conquering arms of Alexander; but now, three or 
four British regiments will strike terror through India, sub- 
due their most powerful princes, and levy contributions on 
the most opulent provinces. 


Vil. CHINA. 


The Chinese are truly a wonderful people; and China, 
in various respects, is the most extraordinary empire, that 
ever existed. Whether we regard length of duration, num- 
ber of inhabitants, their uniformity, steady economy and 
amazing industry, the world has never furnished a parallel 
to China. 

According to the best accounts, which can be obtained on 
the subject, China has been a great and flourishing empire 
nearly 3,900 years. She has held one steady and dignified 
course, while the nations in the West of Asia and Europe 
have been fluctuating, like waves, and expiring, like meteors 
in the troubled sky. 

The accounts given of the population of China, though 
seemingly credible, are perfectly astonishing. There are 
said to be above three hundred millions of people in that 
empire—of course more than one third of the inhabitants of 
the whole globe.* But China possesses every advantage 
aecessary to sustain a great population. Nearly as large 
as half of Europe, her territories lie in the pleasantest part 
of the temperate zone, and abound in many of the most 
useful productions of the earth. China produces whatever 
might be expected from an excellent soil in the highest 


—— 


* The inhabitants of the Chinese empire amount probably to about 185 
millions. See Worcester’s Gazetteer and Geography.—-Ed. 


CHINA. 147 : 


state of cultivation. Such is the unparalleled industry and 
diligence of this people, that their country, though more » 
than 1200 miles square, is all under the most advantageous 
improvement. ‘They suffer no land to lie waste. Their 
steep side-hills and mountains, even to their summits, are 
tilled with as much care, as we till our gardens. The very 
mild winters, which prevail in the middle and southern 
parts, render their subsistence attaimable with far less labor 
and expense. They have no need, that their country 
should be half covered with forest to supply them with 
fuel. 

The Chinese subsist more or farinaceous food, than the 
Europeans. Their country produces vast quantities of rice, 
which forms the chief article of their diet, and is a most 
nutritive and agreeable kind of food. Regularity of life, 
industry, subordination and a particular cast of genius, form 
the discriminating traits in the Chinese character. In 
raany nations, and especially in Europe, there is a certain 
unevenness of mind, an instability and eccentricity of cha- 
racter, which render mankind fickle, rash, volatile, and 
often perfidious. ‘The Chinese have less of this than any 
cther nation. ‘Their habits, customs and modes of life are 
laid on such solid foundations, and have, for an uninterrupted 
course of nearly forty centuries, acquired a maturity and 
permanence, which will be broken up only with their 
empire. 

Europeans, who have seen the interior parts of China, 
are astonished with the marks of their industry, which 
appear in every thing that strikes the eye. The vastness 
of their cities, their highways, their bridges of amazing 
form and construction, and especially their canals, exceed 
those of all nations. The country is peculiarly favorable 
for canals ; and it is intersected and cut into almost number- 
iess islands, by those beautiful artificial rivers. Many of 
their vessels are a kind of floating houses, which can carry 
sail, in which families live, are brought up, and transact all 
their business. . 

The face of their country is formed by spacious plains, 
and regular hills, with some mountains. The suburbs of 
their great cities are formed by large and populous vil. 
lages ; and their villages, overspread all the country ;_ so that 
you scarcely know what is city, and what is country. The 
country at large resembles an unbounded continuity of 
flourishing towns and villages. Their style of building is 

31* 


. 148 CHINA. 


not very superb; yet, in the article of house-painting, no 
other nation equals them. ‘Their houses are covered with 
paint, which appears like varnish or japan work, which gives 
them a glossy brightness, and will resist the sun and the 
weather. ‘The internal structure of their houses is far infe- 
rior to those of our own country. But there are certain 
evils, which, at times, result from their immense population. 
In spite of all their industry, they are considerably liable to 
a scarcity of provisions. ) 

The people of China are divided into various orders, 
among which an invariable, absolute subordination reigns. 
These classes know, perfectly well, their rank, their privile- 
ges and their duties. They seldom interfere with one 
another; nor does any person rise to a higher rank, unless 
it is by some uncommon occurrence. ‘The various orders 
of people are distinguished by the color and fashion of 
their dress; and what is very remarkable, the dress of all 
ranks and orders is regulated by law. 2 

The Chinese monarchy, though absolute, seems to be 
the mildest, and perhaps is the wisest in the world. It is 
in a great measure patriarchal. ‘The sovereign is regarded 
as the father of his people. He consults their interest, 
endeavours to promote their happiness ; and they, in return, 
seldom resist his will. The government is extremely 
jealous of the powers of Europe; and with great reason. 
The late English embassy, conducted by lord Macartney, 
proved utterly useless. The emperor of China, after 
having graciously received, and for a while entertained the 
English ambassador, gave hima kind of tablet, on which 
was written certain moral and civil maxims of advice, re- 
specting the conduct of kings, and desired him to present it 
to his master, the king of England, as a token of his friend- 
ship. . 
The Chinese despise the idea of receiving improvements 
from other nations, and especially from Europe. _ In reli- 
gion, government, art and science, they adhere firmly to 
their ancient customs and maxims. Their religion is a mix- 
ture of superstition, idolatry, and certain moral maxims and 
rules drawn from the institutions of Confucius, their ancient 
law giver. 

The conduct of the Jesuits and other Romish missiona- 
ries, was the cause of closing and barring the doors of 
China against all Christian nations. They were found to 
be interfering with the government and internal policy of 


ASIA IN. GENERAL, 149 


that country, and, of course, were forever debarred all in- 
tercourse. _ That was a most unfortunate event, as it fixed 
in the minds of the Chinese, a prejudice, not soon to be 
wiped away. 


VIII. ASIA IN GENERAL. 


1. It is time, we dismiss the consideration of particulars, 

and take a more general view of this noble and important 
quarter of the earth. The Almighty Creator and Governor 
of the world has distinguished and dignified Asia above the 
other grand divisions.of the globe, in various respects. 
Hiere the grand progenitors of the human race began to 
people and replenish the earth. Here the delightful bowers 
of Paradise diffused their fragrance, and displayed their 
beauty. Here the first empires were founded ; and the first 
principles .of social order and civil combination began their 
career. From this, as from a central point, the first fami- 
lies of the earth were spread a»road, and grew into nations 
and kingdoms. Here the mighty work of redemption was 
accomplished, by the incarnation and death of the Son of 
God, to bring about which, was the ultimate design of cre- 
ation and Providence; and here was first set up that king- 
dom, which is to endure throughout all generations, and 
which is finally to fill the earth with its glory. 
2. As Asia is the largest of the grand divisions of the 
globe, so it, in general, possesses the most excellent soil, 
and the fairest and mest regular climates. It produces, 
accordingly, every thing useful, valuable, rich and beautiful. 
The most important and useful kinds of grain; all the pre- 
cious metals; a great variety of most valuable jewels; the 
richest silks; the most excellent drugs and medicines ; and 
in a word, all the necessaries and all the luxuries of life, are 
there obtained in the richest abundance, and many of them, 
with little labor or expense. 

3. Asia seems to have been a region best adapted to the 
culture of the human species... We infer this from a 
remarkable event, viz. that the savage nations of Europe, 
Africa and America are, and have been in every age, far 
more savage, and sunk much deeper on the scale of reason, 
than those of Asia. Indeed, it has been affirmed by some, 
that a savage nation never existed i in Asia. The Scythians 
and Tarints were nearest to a savage state; but how far, 
indeed, were they above that state in several important 


150 ASIA. 


respects. Their skill and power in war have been far supe- 
ricr to those of savages in the other quarters of the world. 
They nearly conquered the Medes and Persians ; and were 
always a terror to the Greeks and Romans. Their invasions 
have been conducted with a deep policy; and their battle 
was always terrible. 

4. The Asiatics are generally of a milder and more 
pacific and amiable character, than most other nations. 
This is very perceivable in the Russian empire, as soon as 
you pass out of Europe into Asia; you observe milder 
manners, and even a more soft and engaging countenance, 
together with more hospitality, and urbanity of treatment. 
The Persians and Hindoos are graceful and elegant in their 
form; and their deportment is politely civil ; indeed, Persia 
may, in some respects, be called the France of Asia. The 
ground we have taken in this article, is justified by com- 
paring the wars of Asia with those of the other parts of the 
world. 

A few great conquerors, in distant ages of the world, 
have made considerable commotions ; but in regard to 
wars, when did Asia ever resemble Europe in the times of 
Alexander, Cesar, Constantine, Charlemagne, Lewis XIV. 
or Napoleon? When was Asia seen in the state, in which 
Europe has been for ten years past? Should it be objected, 
that they are pacific, because they are ignorant; for the 
sake of peace then, let all nations become ignorant, as soon 
as possible. But thatis not a fact. It is not owing to their 
ignorance. ‘The governments of China, India, Persia and 
Arabia know as well the state of their neighbors, as those of 
Europe do. 

According to the tenor of the above objection, it is much 
best for nations to be ignorant. If knowledge will set men 
to killing one another with diabolical rage and infernal ma- 
lice; yea, if it will make men, in this respect, worse than 
devils, it had better be let alone. . Our Saviour affirms, that 
there is a degree of union in Satan’s kingdom; and a great 
poet declares, 


‘* Devil with devil damn’d, firm concord hold— 
‘Men only disagree, of creatures rational.”—Milton. 


5. That the nations of Asia have never sunk so low into 
a savage state, as many others, seems to be owing to their 
very great natural advantages, of which, if they had made 
& proper improvement, they might have risen to an 


of 


IN GENERAL. 151 


astonishing height of learning, wisdom and virtue. But 
here they have failed. On the ‘soft bosom of luxury, they 
have been hushed to a long and inglorious repose. Their 
eyes seem forever shut to all true and solid glory. They 
never once look up to that distant and lofty summit, to 
which, man may rise by energy, by perseverance, integrity 
and virtue. They place the sum of happiness in rest—a 
most foolish and absurd philosophy, equally opposed to rea- 
son, virtue and the nature of all intelligent beings. 

6. Monarchy prevails every where in Asia, and that in 
its simplest form. It seems in vain to talk of natural ad- 
vantages, when it is certain there is no nation in all this im- 
mense region, which has any proper knowledge or use of its 
inherent rights. Natural rights may as well not exist, as to 
be neither known nor enjoyed; and such is the uniform con- 
dition of the people of Asia. If, in any case, the strictness 
and energy of despotism fail, it is not owing to the lenient 
influence of reason and virtue, but itis where government 
gives way to anarchy ; and all principles of order fail before 
ignorance, vice and barbarity. 

Nor is man there more ignorant of his own rights, than 
he is of the true character of his Maker, and of his duty 
and obligation to him. ‘There are still some Christian 
churches in Asia; but, for the most part, they have little of | 
Christianity, but the name. In contemplating Asia, we 
have before us, a vast region of mental and moral darkness. 
There are few circumstances, which look like the dawn of 
improvement ; and, from all we can discover, this whole 
quarter of the globe is undergoing a gradual decline toward 
a state of barbarity. To this observation; however, Russia, 
certainly, if not China, forms an exception. It is highly 
questionable, whether the increasing intercourse of Kurope- 
ans with the Eastern Asiatics, is of any valuable tendency 
to the latter. The horrid wickedness, on every occasion, 
displayed by Europeans, has fixed in the minds of those 
nations, invincible prejudices against their government, 
general character and especially against their religion. 

It is a melancholy reflection, how little the conduct of 
Christian nations has been calculated to recommend their 
religion to their unbelieving neighbors. Will heathens 
judge of the nature of Christianity, by the conduct of a few - 
solitary individuals? or will they be more likely to draw 
their conclusions from the conduct of a nation? What con- 
clusion, then, must the Chinese, Indians and Islanders, draw, 


152 ASIA IN GENDRAL 


concerning the Christian system, from the conduct of such 
Europeans, as have visited their country; as of the Eng- 
lish, Dutch, Portuguese, &c.? They must conclude Chris- 
tianity to be a cloak for every species of villany—to be but 
another name for cruelty, injustice, dishonesty, intrigue, 
perfidy, and every crime that is atrocious and enormous; and 
of all religions in the world, they must think it the worst. 

It is not strange, that the missionaries, sent into those 
countries to preach the gospel, have met with impediments, 
and that their success has been small. It is rather aston- 
ishing, that they ever, in one instance, got a candid and pa- 
tient hearing. The Indians, especially, have a strong 
attachment to their own religion, handed down from their 
ancestors; and what reason they have to detest and abhor 
the people of Europe, is a matter notorious to the universe. 

It seems to be matter of regret, that the fair and spacious 
realms of Asia should lie, from age to age, void of intellec- 
tual culture ; that the human mind should there be fettered 
by the absurdest superstitions, and inflated with error and 
falsehood, instead of being expanded and enriched by the 
divine, immortal food of kngwledge and virtue, drawn from 
the fountain of eternal perfection. But so itis. These 
things are governed by an unseen hand. The time may 
come, when the face of the moral, and, of course, of the 
natural world, shall be changed—when the wilderness and 
solitary place shall blossom like the rose—when all the 
families and nations of the earth shall be of one mind, and 
shall allay their thirst at the same pure fountain of heavenly 
wisdom. ‘The Indian shall then no longer adore the sun, 
nor think to wash away his moral pollutions in the stream 
of the Ganges. ‘The Abyssinian shall no more worship the 
father of waters; nor the arctic savage the genius of storms 
and darkness ; but all nations shall adore one God, submit 
to his moral government, rejoice in his perfections, and con- 
fide in his grace. May that time soon arrive. May the 
changes, which must prepare its way be hastened, till HE 
shall come, whose right it 1s to reign. 


PRESENT STATE OF AFRICA. 153 


CHAPTER XII. 
PRESENT STATE OF AFRICA, 


THE continent of Africa is shaped like a pyramid,* 
whose base is washed by the Mediterranean sea—its west- 
ern side, by the Atlantic, and its eastern, by the Indian 
ocean ; while its point, or apex, projects southwardly into 
the great South Sea. This vast peninsula is joined to Asia 
at its northeast corner by the isthmus of Suez, about sixty 
miles over. It extends from 37 degrees north, to 34 
degrees south latitude, and from about 17 west, to 51 
degrees east longitude, and is 4,300 miles long, ‘and 3,500 
miles wide; and is supposed to contain 8,506,208 square 
miles. 

The commercial advantages of Africa, in point of local 
situation, may well compare with those of the other quar- 
ters of the globe. Its proximity to the great oceans and 
their numberless islands, and its position with respect to 
the other continents, all. declare its situation to be highly 
favorable for every interest of commerce. It lies in the 
bosom of the Atlantic, Southern and Indian oceans. Asia 
and the East Indies stretch eastwardly of it, and are accessi- 
ble either through the Indian ocean, or from the Red Sea 
through the straits of Babelmandel. From the northern 
shores of Africa, all the Mediterranean lies in view ; nor was 
it a tedious voyage for the Africans-to go into the Black 
Sea; and, from the strait of Gibraltar, they coasted with 
ease along all the West of Europe, even to the Baltic or 
Norwegian seas. 

If their commercial advantages are een their agricul- 
tural are, or at least once were, if possible, still gfeater. 
All ancient history speaks in the highest terms of the 
extreme fertility of the lands of Africa.t We cannot say 
positively whether this fertility was universal; but it 
undoubtedly was.common to all the northern shores. It is 
at least possible, that the continent of Africa was once as 
deeply clothed with vegetation, as that of South America, 
though, indeed, not very probable. The continual action 


'* Or rather, like a triangle.— Ed. 
| By Africa, the ancients understood Africa Proper, a very small | 
part of the vast country of Africa,—Ed. 


154 PRESENT STATE 


of an almost vertical sun, for many ages, may have effected 
great changes in the nature of the soil. From many late 
obser vations, it appears, that the sands of Africa have spread 
farther north, and are making gradual encroachments on the 
fertile countries of Egypt “and Barbary. Those coun- 
tries, of course, grow more inhospitable, and more thinly 
inhabited. 

This country abounds in the precious metals, and in many 
valuable natural productions. It may be called the region 
of animal life; since there are more than double the num- 
ber of species of animals in it, that there are in the other 
quarters of the globe. Egypt and Carthage were both, in 
their turn, great and powerful. Science first rose in Egypt; 
and Carthage held a very doubtful contest with Rome for 
universal empire. Happy indeed it was for the world, that 
contest terminated as it did. 

But whatever Africa could once boast—whatever may 
have been its natural advantages, it now presents to the 
eye of the traveller, one uniform, immense region of igno- 
rance, vice, barbarity and misery. If we enter that conti- 
nent, by the isthmus of Suez, Egypt first receives us; 
which, to speak in the true spirit and style of ancient pre- 
diction, is a base kingdom. Still elevated by some faint 
vlimmerings of civilization above the rude savage, the 
people there lave just knowledge enough to render more 
conspicuous their depravity. ‘They exhibit an astonishing 
specimen of the effects of bad government, and of the 
destructive tendency of corrupt morals. Perhaps no nation 
is more miserable, than the Egyptians. They seem to 
be crushed under every species of tyranny, and have 
no. spirit left either to assert their rights, or avail 
themselves of any one advantage they so conspicuously 
possess. 

Proceeding from Egypt, to the source of the Nile, among 
the mountains of Abyssinia, there is a change of prospect , 
but it is going only from bad to worse. The traveller has 
evidently made an advance toward that degradation of intel- 
lect, which marks the mere savage. The people of Abys- 
sinia are overwhelmed in vice, void of the cultivations of 
science. ‘They are sunk too low to be susceptible of much 
government. ‘They are, as a nation, a cruel, ignorant, vile, 
» uncleanly race. 

From Abyssinia descending down the eastern shores of 
Africa along the coast of Zanguebar to Caffraria and the: 


OF AFRICA. 155 


cape of Good Hope, the prospect, as far as known to tra- 
vellers, is nearly the same. 

From the cape of Good Hope, passing up the western 
shores of Africa, they are found no better than the eastern. 
In this western tour, lies the coast of Guinea; those coun- 
tries, where Christian nations have carried on a traffic so 
highly honorable to their name and character; and where 
they have a town or fort, called Christiansburg ; a name 
wonderfully adapted to the nature of the business transacted 
there ! 

From the slave and gold coast, proceeding northward, the 
great rivers Gambia and Senega, or Senegal, are passed, 
and the states of Barbary next receive the traveller, wearied 
with roving through scenes of barbarity, wretchedness and 
darkness. ‘Turning eastward, he passes the states of Bar- 
bary and Egypt, once fine and flourishing countries. But 
now, what are they ? » How low are they fallen. 

The central parts of Africa are unknown. The desert of 
Sahara is an immense region of sand, over which refreshing 
showers of rain never distil their copious blessings; nor 
does the bow of heaven display its beauteous arch on the 
retiring cloud. There the verdant meadow, the flowery 
vale and the waving forest, are never seen; the tinkling 
rivulet is never heard; nor ‘does the murmuring brook in- 
vite the traveller to repose on its shady banks. Bur there 
the hot and sultry winds, in furious tornadoes, hurl the 
sandy billows to the heavens, and sport in fearful showers 
and storms of dust. Instead of the music of birds—instead 
of the sweet and solemn serenade of the nightingale, those 
gloomy deserts resound with the roar of. lions and tigers— 
the deadly hisses of serpents, and the horrid howlings of 
nameless dragons and frightful monsters. Those dreary 
climes have furnished a grave for a number of enterprising 
travellers. The expectations of the public were highly 
raised from the known abilities and daring spirit of the enter- 
prising Mungo Park. Much information was expected 
from his travels in the interior of Africa; but he has fallen a 
prey to the merciless barbarity of those faithless savages. 
Mungo Park deserves a monument among heroes, sages 
and philosophers. 

The northern shores of Africa, generally called the States 
of Barbary, are_of the Mahometan religion. Ethiopia and 
Abyssinia have something; which resembles, but very 
remotely, the Christian teligion. The middle and south- 

32 


156 PRESENT STATE 


ern parts are Pagan. As to government, the most complete 
and barbarous despotism reigns in every part of Africa. 
Though ancient Egypt may be regarded as the cradle of 
science, yet in her maturity, she has long since forsaken 
every part of Africa, and left even Egypt to the gloomy and 
horrid reign of superstition, ignorance and barbarity. 

The middle and Southern nations of Africa, are utterly 
incapable of projecting or accomplishing any important 
enterprise. They spend their strength, and exhaust their 
rage, in petty, but cruel and exterminating wars upon each 
other. Their captives, they either kill, and, it is said 
devour, or sell to the very humane and merciful naviga- 
tors of Europe and America ; who bring and sell them for 
slaves to the philanthropic republicans of the United 
States! where they are bought and sold, and treated with 
as little tenderness and mercy, as brutes. How consonant 
this practice is to the rules of the Christian religion, or of a 
free government, and how likely to mspire those unhappy 
beings with respect for the one or the other, let the impar- 
tial judge. 

While unprincipled navigators are thus dragging the 
wretched Africans from one scene of misery to another 
still more lingering and dreadful, the northern shores of 
that continent produce a race of men far more hardy and 
daring; who, as if to avenge the quarrel of their country- 
men, are the enemies of all Christian nations ; whose ships 
infest the seas, and whose robberies and piracies are 
dangerous to many nations. With regard to a proper mode 
of treatment of the Barbary powers, there seems to be 
but one alternative. Hither their friendship must be pur- 
chased with frequent and large donations, or they must 
be conquered and disenabled to continue their aggres- 
sions. 

But with regard to the slave trade, root and branch, first 
and last, in all its motives, measures, concomitants and con- 
sequences, if ever any human undertaking merited the deep- 
est abhorrence of men, and the heaviest curse of Almighty 
God, it is surely that. When we reflect on the pangs, 
which those poor wretches must feel, who fall into the vor- 
tex of this infernal traffic, when they see themselves plunged 
into hopeless slavery, and where, if either they or their pos- 
_terity should ever gain their freedom, still their color must 
sink them utterly below all consideration and respect, hu- 
manity must bleed for them. 


OF AFRICA. 157 


The atrocity of the business is enhanced, by the various, 
continual and monstrous cruelties, inflicted on them, for the 
slightest faults. And, can it be thought strange, if their de- 
plorable circumstances should often drive them into the most 
desperate crimes and outrageous misdemeanors? The great 
and awful catastrophe of this perfidious commerce, is still 
among the events of futurity ; for, let it not be considered as 
an idie and groundless surmise, the importation of slaves in 
such numbers, into this country, will, on some future day, 
affect the repose of the United States. 

The continent of Africa has few nvers or mountains. 
The principal mountains are the Atlas, (which gives name 
to the Atlantic ocean,) Sierra Leona and the Mountains of 
the Moon. The chief rivers are the Senegal, Gambia, 
Niger, and the Nile; and there are few brooks and springs 
of water. A country poorly watered, abounding with 
immense plains, which lie basking beneath a vertical sun, 
must be unfriendly to vegetation, and can merit no better 
appellation than that given to it by the Latin poet, % Arida 
nutrix leonum.”* 

At present, there is not a free government in Africa; 
and, unless we can make an exception of Carthage, there 
never was one. ‘There is not a civilized nation there, 
unless Egypt and the states of Barbary can be called such, 
And is their state growing better? Alas! what circumstance 
can take place—what event arise, which shall meliorate their 
condition ? shall the progress of conquest open the way for 
any fortunate changes, or happy revolutions? No. Had 
they any thing, which could invite an enlightened con- 
queror, yet who can conquer, who can withstand or endure, 
their cimate ? But they have nothing to allure a conqueror ; 
they lie beyond his reach, and the most of them even 
beyond the journies, of fame. Shall the native force of 
their genius ever break their fetters? Shall a Cyrus, an 
Alexander, a Charlemagne, a Peter, a Washington, or a 
Bonaparte, ever arise and lead ‘them to fame, independence, 
freedom and happiness? Or shall they rise to that state by 
the slow and gradual progress of art and science? Alas! 
the flight of twenty centuries has extinguished all hopes of 
any change for the better. Their mental degradation has 
given their destiny a gloom as deep, as that which the 
scorching heavens have spread over their complexion. 


: * A dry nurse of lions.—Ed, 


158 PRESENT STATE 


Their actual state may be worse than it now is—their 
prospects cannot well be worse. Abandoned to themselves, 
they seem condemned forever to trace the dreary road, 
which leads toward the extinction of intelligence, virtue and 
happiness. 

Shall they look for relief from the more prosperous, en- 
lightened and happy regions of the earth? from Europe, or 
America? Better would it be for them, if they were sepa- 
rated from us by a wall as high as heaven. Do our vessels 
approach their shores, but when allured by the hopes of sur- 
reptitious gain, or promiscuous plunder? When they descry 
our sails on their seas, have they not reason to conclude, 
that we. are coming to cheat, to plunder, or to seize and 
carry them to a fate worse than death? And have they not 
reason to deprecate our visits, to detest our policy, religion, 
or rather irreligion, and government, and to invoke the ven- 
geance of heaven upon our name? Nothing have they to 
expect from more enlightened nations, but chains and stripes 
and togments—but slavery, infamy and misery. 

It has been often alleged, in defence of the slave-trade, 
that the Africans, who are brought among Christian people, 
have thereby, a chance given them to learn and embrace 
Christianity. Hapless lot! The Father of spirits can, in- 
deed, break through all their prejudices, and force conviction 
upon them. Almighty Providence could save Jonah, even 
in a whale’s belly. The same can certainly save a negro 
slave from the southern states, or the West Indies ; and as 
well the savage tribes who live on the banks of the Gambia 
and Niger. ‘Their enslavers, will, however, be allowed but 
little credit in the day of retribution, on the ground of effect- 
ing their conversion, by forcing husband from wife, and child- 
ren from their parents, far from their native country into 
cruel slavery. This will be a sorry plea for Christians in 
the view of Infinite Wisdom. 

The man who justifies slavery, upon this principle, Iet. 
him put himself in the place of one of those children of 
misfortune. Let him imagine himself seized, perhaps in 
the night, and torn from all his friends, and all his heart 
held dear; bound and forced into a vessel, loaded: with 
wretches like himself; his tears answered with scorn; his 
cries for pity, with the bloody whip. If he does not perish 
with contagion, hunger or cruelty on the voyage, he is 
landed at length, and consigned to a master, who drives 

‘him into his fields to labor. He never more sees a friend ; 


OF AFRICA. 159 


he never more hears from his lost relations ; he sees not a 
moment’s freedom; his labors are incessant, but not for 
himself; his.toils are perpetual, and the fruit consigned to 
his oppressor; he bids an eternal adieu to contentment, 
to hope and to enjoyment; he learns to brook insult by 
its repetition ; and his only remedy for pain is habit and en- 
durance. 

But for what purpose, was he brought from his country ? 
Why was he forced from the scenes of his youth, and from 
the cool retreats of his native mountains? Was it, that he 
might witness the saving knowledge of the gospel? That 
he might become a Christian? Did they desire to open 
his prospects into a future life? to inform his clouded soul 
of immortal joys ; and aid him in his pilgrimage to heaven ? 
No. He was deprived of freedom, the dearest pledge of 
his existence. His mind was not cultivated and improved 
by science. He was placed among those who hate and 
despise his nation ; who undervalue him, even for that of 
which he is innocent, and which he could not possibly avoid! 
He is detested for his complexion, and ranked among the 
brutes for his stupidity. His laborious exertions are extort- 
ed from him, to enrich his purchasers ; and his scanty allow- 
ance is furnished, only that he may endure his sufferings for 
their aggrandizement. Where are the incentives, that may 
induce him to become a Christian? Alas! they are crushed 
beneath a mountain of desperate and hopeless grief; his 
views of happiness are depressed, so that he must almost 
doubt of his natural claim to humanity, 


‘* Had he religion, think you he could pray ! 1 

“‘ Ah no! he steals him to his lonely shed, 

““ What time moist midnight blows her venom’d breath ; 
* And, musing how he long has toiled and bled, 

« Seeks shelter only in the arms of death.” 


Much, indeed, may be said in praise of the noble and be- 
nevolent exertions of many individuals, to promote humanity, 
order, civility and virtue among those unhappy nations. 
They have spared no pains, nor expense; they have en- 
countered the dangers of those inclement climes, and the 
perils of a barbarous Jand. Their good will in this godlike 
work has been blessed. They have been found doing their 
duty ; and they shall notlose their reward. 

Were the nations, which bear the Christian name, gene- 
rally engaged in this work—were they desirous to meliorate 

32* 


160 PRESENT STATE OF AFRICA. 


_ the condition of savage nations, they might, by a proper 


course of conduct, at length, remove those prejudices from 
their minds, which now form wisuperable bars to the most 
benevolent attempts of individua.s and societies. Savages 
derive their views of the character, government and religion 
of Christian nations, not from the testimony of a few imdi- 
viduals, but irom the conduct of those nations. ‘T’hey rea- 
son thus: ‘If Christian nations believe and practise their 
religion, we are sure it is the worst in the world; therefore, 
we will not embrace it. But if Christians do not practise 
their religion, it is surely, because they do not believe in it; 
and. if they donot believe, nor practise it, why should 
we? Why should it challenge our assent and conformity, 
who do not understand it, when those who do, disregard its 
dictates 1” 

There is no certain evidence, that the Africans are infe- 
rior to the Asiatics or Europeans in their natural make ; and 
itis highly probable, that their mental powers are impaired, 
only by their peculiar habits. We have already noticed the 
figure the people of Egypt and Carthage once made among 
the nations of the earth. ‘The former were, for many ages, 
the oracles of science; and the latter were not only the 
greatest of the ancient commercial nations, but among the 
most warlike, having produced the second, if not the first, 
great commander of antiquity. 

Some attempt to prove, from the consideration of their 
color, that they are naturally inferior to white nations. 
Their color is merely the misfortune of their climate, 


_ arising from the heat of the sun and their way of life. Many 


talk about the mark set upon Cain, and suppose the Afri- 
cans his. descendants—never considering, that the family of 

‘ain perished in the deluge. The blackness of the Africans 
is perfectly well accounted for from the regular operation 
of natural causes ;* and their inferiority in various respects, 
from neglecting the proper use of those advantages, which, 
in other quarters of the globe, have been improved with 
success. 

Whether they are now at the ultimate point of depression, 
or are to sink still deeper, is known only to the omniscient 
Ruler. It is impossible to reflect upon their present 
situation, but with emotions of surprise, grief and com- 


passion. 


_ » See a learned and ingenious treatise on this subject, by the Rey. Dr. 
Smith, President of Princeton College. 


PRESENT STATE OF AMERICA. 1g! 
\ 


Hapless children of men! when shall light and order per- 
vade the cheerless regions, where you dwell? What power 
shall heave the adamantine bars, which secure the gates of 
your. dungeon, and bring you forth? When shall the cherub 
hope smile on you from heaven, and, with a compassionate 
voice, call you to the pleasures of reason? to the delights 
of immortality ? In the natural course of events, your destiny 
seems hopeless; no force of words can suitably describe or 
deplore your case; and your only hope of relief is in Om- 
nipotence. Your deliverer must be a being of almighty 
power, wisdom and goodness. ‘To that Being, then, let'me 
commend you—to his favor—to his grace—to his everlast- 
ing mercy. 


CHAPTER XIII. 
THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICA. 


THIS important part of the globe claims no share of no- 
tice in tracing the great line of history. It is generally con- 
sidered as unknown to the civilized world, till discovered by 
Columbus, in 1492; yet, since that period, it has risen ra- 
pidly mto consideration. Truly important by its vast extent, 
and the immensity of its natural wealth, in the comparatively 
short period of three centuries, it has been the theatre of a 
series of grand and interesting scenes. 

America was discovered just after the revival of letters ; 
a time, when the public mind in Europe had been recently 
roused to action and enterprise. The discovery of so im- 
portant an object formed an era in the civilized world, by 
exciting desires and spreading temptations ; by yousing the 
latent fires of ambition ; by giving birth to new schemes of 
policy and speculations ; and by originating numberless pro- 
jects and enterprises, which often disturbed the repose of 
Europe, and terminated in wars and revolutions. 

For an account of those things, we must refer our readers 
to the histories of Europe; and we wish it were -in our 
power also to refer them to an able, impartial and elegant 
history of our own country. In the following chapter, it 
will be our endeavour to present a general view of the pre- 
sent state of America, preparatory to which, a brief sketch 
will be given of its history since its first settlement. 


162 SOUTH AMERICA. 


The American continent extends from about 56 degrees 
of south latitude to unknown regions about the arctic pole. 
Its length is more than ten thousand miles; and its mean 
breadth has never been ascertained, but would fall between 
two and four thousand miles.* On the east, it is washed 
by the Atlantic, and on the west, by the Pacific ocean. 
This continent extends through all climates, comprehends 
every species of soil, and every conceivable line of geo- 
graphical feature. It abounds in extensive and beautiful 
plains, majestic rivers, lofty mountains and prodigious lakes. 
Its lakes are worthy of the respectable name of inland 
seas; and its rivers are many of them of such size, that 
were it not for their rapid current and fresh water, they 
would be mistaken for bays and arms of the ocean. Its 
plains are clothed with luxuriant vegetation; its mountains 
rise with awful grandeur, pierce the clouds, and seem to prop 
the skies. 

The soil of America, if it has no certain claim to superi- 
ority, is at least equal to that of Spain, Italy, India, or 
China. In the United States, as far as we can remark on 
that article, there is no deficiency. ‘The prodigious exports 
from several of the states, although in their infancy, are 
a proof, that the country is made naturally fruitful and 
rich; and through the whole extensive chain of settlements 
from the coast of Labrador to Cape Horn, and from thence 
to California and Kamschatka, the countries are generally 
healthful. 

Nature has thrown the American continent into two 
grand divisions, separated by the isthmus of Darien. South 
America is distinguished by the size of its mountains and 
rivers. The Andes lie on the western coast of South 
America, and extend the whole length of that continent. 
These are the most extraordinary mountains in the world, 
whether we regard the length of their chain, the breadth 
of their base, or the elevated height of their summits.f 
The elevation of Chimborazo is more than 20,000 feet 
above the level of the sea. ‘They extend the whole length 


* Supposing the length of America to be 10,900 miles, and the 
number of square miles 15,000,000, then its mean breadth. must be 
1500. This cannot be far from the truth —Ed. 

' + It has been ascertained, that the Himmaleh mountains, between 
Thibet and Kemaoon, are considerably higher than the Andes. See 
Worcester’ s Gaz—Ld. 


SOUTH AMERICA. 163 


of South America; and, indeed, the Allegany moun- 
tains in North America, are thought to be a continua- 
tion of the same mountains, only interrupted by the gulf of 
Mexico. 

The rivers in South America are no less remarkable, than 
the mountains. ‘They rise in the eastern declivities of the 
Andes, down which ‘they rush in numberless torrents and 
cataracts. From the foot of the Andes, they must wander 
across the contiment to the Atlantic ocean, the distance of. 
2000 miles. In this long course, which is increased by nu- 
merous meanders, they receive a multitude of streams, and, 
while yet at a great distance from the sea, their volume of 
water becomes majestic, broad and deep. ‘They roll on 
with increasing grandeur, and meet other rivers as large as 
themselves. Before they reach the ocean, their channels 
are more than an hundred miles broad, and appear, as al- 
ready said, like an arm of the sea ; such are the Oronoke, 
the river Plate, and the Amazon. 

The mountains of North America are inferior to the 
Andes ; but the rivers in the northern division are nearly 
equal with those of the south. The Mississippi, the Ore- 
gon or Columbia, the Bourbon or M’Kenzie’s, and the St. 
Lawrence, pursue each a different direction, and reach their 
several oceans at the distance of 2000 miles. But the chain 
of lakes in North America, to which the river St. Lawrence 
forms an outlet, has no parallel in any other part of the world. 
The principal of these, are Ontario, Erie, Michigan, Huron 
and Superior. We may calculate, that, at some future 
period, the country about those lakes will be settled, and 
they will afford a vast inland navigation.of incalculable im- 
portance to that country. 

In addition to the rich and productive soil of South 
America, the bowels of the earth are stored with precious 
metals. Mexico and Peru abound with the richest mines 
in the world. This, at first, rendered South America the 
most dazzling object ‘in view of the powers of Europe 3 
but the deep forests and more hardy climate of North 
America promised wealth only to persevering labor and 
industry. In the event, the precious metals of the Sout 
have ruined the most powerful nation in Europe, while the 
labor and industry of the North, have given existence to a 
new empire, which will shortly be able to set all Europe at 
defiance. 


‘164 SOUTH AMERICA. 


In glancing an eye at the natural advantages of the new 
continent, we must not forget to add to the considerations 
of soil and climate, an immense sea coast, numerous fine 
harbors, and an unequalled inland navigation, by means 
of rivers, bays and lakes, comprising all the advantages of 
commerce. “ | 

Such was the new world, discovered by Columbus. This 
continent, containing a third of the dry land of the globe, lies 
opposite, and forms a balance or counterpoise, to the old 
world. This great continent, when discovered by Columbus, 
was found inhabited by savages. ‘The nations of Mexico 
and Peru were the most improved of them all. The sa- 
vages, in most parts of America, were thinly scattered over 
a wide country. 

From whom, these nations descended, or whence they 
came, is uncertain. Nothing conclusive is discovered on 
that head, from their oral histories and traditions—from 
their language, manners, or customs, nor from any monu 
ment, found in all the continent, or any other part of the 
world. Dr. Robertson has conjectured on this subject with 
his usual elegance of style and manner ; and, with uncom- 
mon force of imagination, has constructed a bridge from 
Africa to South America, on which they might pass ; which 
bridge has sunk by earthquakes, or worn away by the attri 
tion of the gulf stream. In fact, it is of little consequence, 
from whom the natives of this country were descended ;_ but, 
were it otherwise, conjectures were vain and groundless. 
By reason of a total want of evidence, the subject rests in 
darkness. 

The new world opened an inviting prospect from afar to 
myriads in Europe. ‘They had no scruples of conscience 
in seizing upon a country inhabited hy savages, whom they 
considered as having no more right to the land, than the 
beasts of the forest. Thousands flocked hither to escape 
poverty, oppression and the various troubles of Europe. 
The Spaniards spread southwardly, allured by the rich 
mines of Peru and Mexico. They thought, that mere land, 
especially a wilderness, was scarcely worthy of occupancy. 
We shall be very short on their history. Under the com- — 
mand of Cortez, the Pizarros and sundry other adventurers 
of most execrable memory, they subdued the northern parts 
of South America. They slaughtered several millions of 
the harmless natives of those countries; and exhibited a 
_ ~sene of horror and cruelty, which was doubtless never 


NORTH AMERICA. 165 


equalled on the old continent—showing themselves, on all 
occasions, to be a race of monsters in human shape, void of 
humanity, mercy, truth and honor. 

Their wickedness was too outrageous for the earth to 
bear, or the heavens to behold without a frown. The 
hand of Providence has pursued them with various curses, 
and has smitten Spain itself with a consumption, and an 
irrecoverable decline, for allowing, indeed, for perpetrating, 
such horrible and enormous cruelties. The Spaniards 
soon acquired immense treasures of gold and silver, and 
became utterly paralized by wealth. They were wealthy 
only to benefit their more industrious neighbors ; and they 
exhibit a striking proof, that exorbitant wealth and luxury 
are but feeble bulwarks to national prosperity. Spain, in the 
early part of the 16th century, was the most powerful nation 
in Europe. Without any revolution, or any considerable 
misfortunes by war, or otherwise, she has gradually be- 
come weak, and is scarcely an independent nation. Her 
provinces in South America are still weaker. ‘They are not 
known, but as wide regions inhabited by an ignorant, or by 
a savage race of people, as incapable of enjoying, as of ob- 
taining independence. 

[Phe above picture of South America, is perhaps too deep- 
ly shaded. Many of those oppressed and degraded people 
have dared to rebel against their tyrants—have shaken off the 
yoke and established their independence. It is confidently 
believed, that the time is not far distant, when every state in 

that vast country may be hailed by us, as a sister republic. ] 

North America was destined to happier scenes of action. 
A tract of country extending from Canada to Florida, and 
from the Atlantic to the river Mississippi, was located, and 
its eastern borders were settled, chiefly by emigrants from 
the British kingdom. ‘Though they came hither with 
raised expectations of the country, yet they found the most 
enterprising industry necessary to level the tall forest and 
subdue the face of the earth, The grand object of their 
wishes invited them to enjoyment through perils and labo- 
rious exertion. They ascended the hills of difficulty with 
resolution, and despaired not of the bright summit, though 
at a distance and elevated. They pushed the business of 
agriculture with nerve, resolution, and unexampled success. 
The forest fell before them; the savages were awed to re- 
spectful peace ; the country soon began to smile, and. pro- 
mised what amore distant day would ‘bring forth. 


166 UNITED STATES. 


If language fail in describing the bravery, energy, 
economy and perseverance of our fathers, it will find it no 
easier to picture the industry, virtue, prudence, and forti- 
tude of our mothers. ‘They reared and instructed a race 
of heroes, who were cherished on bosoms, expanded with 
every sentiment of truth, and warmed and enlivened by 
every noble and virtuous impulse. ‘They could not but 
be great. Though not possessed with that artificial gloss, 
which is derived from the smooth manners and gaudy 
splendor of courts, they had that strength, firmness, expan- 
sion and dignity of soul, which virtue inspires, and which a 
' consciousness of right can diffuse, in a world of freedom, 
peace and plenty. 

The first settlers of the United States, were daily strength- 
ened by new adventurers, who fled, some indeed from 
justice, but far more generally, from the pride and cruelty 
of oppressive power. In about a century and a half, the 
colonies were increased to thirteen in number, were spread 
far back from the sea, and had made considerable advances 
in commerce and manufactures. A hardy race had sprung 
up, who could not be trampled on with impunity; men 
jealous of their rights, industrious in peace, and undaunted 
in war. 

At that time, an unaccountable mania seized the British 
government, to make exactions on our country, which 
were equally impolitic and unjust. From those exorbitant 
demands, our intrepid countrymen turned with various 
sentiments of disgust, aversion and abhorrence ; and not 
without emotions of concern and sorrow, at the idea of a 
rupture with our mother country. Our ideas of British 
aggressions might be suspected of prejudiced and partial 
views, were they.not corroborated by many of their own peo- 
ple. ‘The ablest statesmen and. profoundest politicians in 
Great Britain, condemned the measures of their government, 
and foretold the consequences. Violent disputes ensued; 
they were propagated through the British dominions; and 
our cause was patronized by a great and respectable minori- 
ty. Their ablest counsellors were divided; and a subject 
of such magnitude called forth the powers of reasoning, and 
roused the spirit of eloquence, which had slumbered, since 
the times of Cicero. 

But the British forum was not the only theatre of elo- 
quence. {In our infant country, her powerful voice was 
heard. Men from the plough, from the shop, and the 


UNITED STATES, 167 


counter, for a moment, forsook their humble pursuits, and, 
obedient to the distressful call of their country became, 
according to their abilities, soldiers or statesmen. 

After the perturbation and alarm of the first shock was a 
little passed, it was perceived, that the colonies would all 
unite, and pledge themselves for mutual support and de- 
fence. A solemn instrument was drawn up, which declared, 
in strong but temperate language, the independence and so- 
vereignty of the United States, and was published on the 
fourth day of July, 1776—a day ever memorable to the 
people of this happy country. 

The British government, than which no one was ever 
more disappointed or deceived, soon perceived, that the 
contest was to be of a serious and eventful nature. The 
scene of action was distant; the necessary preparations 
expensive ; every inch of ground was to be disputed; the 
contest was to be sharp and bloody, and the issue doubtful. 
Impelled by interest, indignity and pride of character, 
Great Britain found it necessary to call forth her utmost 
resources. She therefore sent fleets and armies, and com- 
menced a threefold attack. She assailed our country at 
each extreme, and in the centre ; while, at the same time, 
she armed and impelled numerous nations of savages to 
fal! upon us in the rear. With one army, she descended 
upon our northern states from Canada; with another, she 
ravaged the southern states; with a third she struck at our 
centre from New-York, the Hudson, and Delaware, while 
our extensive sea coast was perpetually harassed by her 
victorious fleets; and our western frontier, from Canada to 
Georgia, was exposed to the inroads of myriads of fierce and 
hostile savages. 

Divine Providence determined we should surmount all 
the dangers and difficulties of so formidable a war, and 
establish our independence. A man was raised up, to com- 
mand our armies, who was able to make the best of our 
slender resources, and to supply their defect by his own 
immense and astonishing genius. Grorce WasHINGTON, if 
any mortal man ever merited the appellation of Father of his 
country, surely merits that name. He, by the united voice 
of his country, led her armies. He trained them to the 
art of war. He fixed their wavering resolution ; confirm- 
ed their dubious virtue; inspired them with invincible 
courage ; taught them to be cool, intrepid, and firm in 
every danger—to exercise the utmost fort ..'e in adversity, 

33 


168 UNITED STATES. 
and to be temperate, magnanimous, mild, and merciful in the 
moment of victory. 

Washington will not suffer in comparison with any com- 
mander, ancient or modern. If compared with Cyrus, the 
armies of the latter were numerous, and his enemies weak. 
It was not so with Washington. If compared with Alex 
ander, the army of, the latter had been trained by Philip, 
one of the greatest men of antiquity; and the Persians 
were utterly drowned in luxury. If compared with Han- 
nibaJ, the latter had,: perhaps, the bravest, most experi- 
enced, most impetuous and warlike troops upon earth. 
How far was that from being the case with Washington. 
If compared with Julius Cesar, the latter had the ablest, 
best appointed, and most effective army, which the re- 
sources of Rome ever sent into the field. If compared with 
any of the greatest generals of modern times, as Gustavus 
Adolphus, Kugene, Marlborough, Conde, Tilly, 'Turenne, 
or even Bonaparte, their resources will be found to have 
been, generaliy, incomparably superior to his, and the diffi- 
culties they encountered, as much inferior. Their armies 
were numerous; traimed in the storms of war; hardened 
by marches, sieges and battles ; made crafty by ambuscades, 
wiles and stratagems; and enabled, by long experience, 
to face every form of danger without fear. Their armies 
in general, were amply fed, clothed and paid, and were 
completely officered by men thoroughly educated in military 
tactics. 

However fruitful the American lands, and how numerous 
soever the natural advantages of the country might be, 
they were of a nature, which required the exertions of all 
the people, to realize and call them forth; and in propor- 
tion to the indispensable labors of the country, there was 
certainly an extreme paucity of hands to carry them on; 
few, therefore, could be well spared to bear arms. Our 
armies, which were small, were at first composed of men 
drawn from the bosom of a peaceful land. They were 
utterly unacquainted with war; yet by hard labor, they 
had been rendered robust, vigorous, active and capable of 
fatigue. Itis not unworthy of notice and of adimiration, 
that-men, habituated to freedom bordering on licentious- 
ness, tenacious of their rights, and jealous of their honor 
even to a punctilio, should so readily submit to military 
subordination and martial law. ‘They did, however, yield 
to steady discipline; and, in a short time, were formed into 
a regular army. 


UNITED STATES. 169 


But in a scene of action so immense, in a conflict so va- 
ried, so long and severe, the United States were involved in 
difficulties extreme and dreadful. If we looked northward, 
we beheld an army ready to rush like a torrent upon us, and _ 
sweep our country with the besom of destruction. “At the 
southward, our most fertile lands were desolated by another 
still more formidable. Swarms of angry savages continu- 
ally hovered upon our frontiers, where many of our urhappy 
citizens were destined to perish with the tomahawk ina 
midnight surprise; and about our sea coasts and harbors, 
the triumphant flag of our enemies was perpetually display- 
ed. Agriculture failed for want of hands ; a scarcity of 
provisions ensued ; there was a cessation of commerce, and 
but little money ; our army poorly paid, and miserably clad, 
was threatened by famine, or with the dire alternative of 
plundering the country, they were raised to defend—a coun- 
try, already made naked by exactions.disproportioned to its 
resources. 

At this eventful period, the column of our independence, 
so lately reared, seemed to totter; but it was sustained by 
a few hands, which Omnipotence had rendered strong for 
that purpose. A few hands indeed! for how ‘unstable is 
popular opinion! how varying, how uncertain, how incon- 
sistent, how fickle, how unsubstantial is a public passion! - 
No people on earth, (for it shall be spoken,) no people on 
earth were ever more firm, more enlightened, more con- 
sistent, than the people of the United States, as a body. 
But, alas! what could they do? What could they think? 
The people at large always judge acutely of present 
dangers. ‘They feel the shock of calamities and the stings 
of misfortune. When their fathers, their sons, and their 
brothers fall in battle, the sources of their grief are as wide, 
and their tears flow as freely, as those of the statesman and 
hero. It was so with our people. Their souls were made 
up of courage and fortitude; but their information was 
limited; their views of the ground, imperfect; the first 
paroxysms of enthusiastic zeal were past; and the flame 
of general patriotism was a little checked by chilling disas- 
ters. a 
It was a time of affliction, of grief, of terror and alarm. 
Fear triumphed over hope, while the balance trembled in 
suspense, the turn of which was to fix the fate of our coun- 
try. {nan hour so dark and trying, while huge calamities 
hung over us, we were in danger of being ensnared by the 


170 UNITED STATES. 


artful wiles of an exasperated foe. The British govern- 
ment issued a proclamation of grace, a general amnesty, 
from which none were excluded, but Jonn Hancock and 
SamuEeL Apams, who were justly regarded as among the 
primary moving powers of the revolution. Every man in 
our country looked round for encouragement, support and 
advice. ‘The eyes of the people were turned on those 
men most remarkable for sagacity, wisdom and integrity ; 
and all eyes were directed, with extreme solicitude, to the 
general Congress. ‘That hienonable body, at that day, was 
composed of men, who could not be awed into submission 
by the voice of majesty, nor the portentous menaces of 
sovereign power. ‘They dared to brave the gathering 
tempest; and, at any hazard, were willing to rise or fall 
with the revolution. ‘They could not be ensnared by falla- 
cious hopes, nor beguiled by unmeaning professions and 
promises, however specious and dazzling. They listened 
to the British proclamation, as to the voice of a syren; and 
they could not think of purchasing peace, with the blood of 
their noblest patriots. 

It is not easy to conceive the embarrassments, the dan- 
gers and perils, which attended that Congress, which first 
embarked our political vessel on an ocean so stormy. They 
were obliged to brave the most threatening aspects of for- 
tune—to stand foremost in a doubtful contest. They were 
too well read in the history of nations not to know, to what 
inevitable ruin they were exposed, should the revolution fail. 
From the same sources, they knew but too well, the fiokle- 
ness and caprice of the public mind. They saw and felt the 
miseries of their country already come, and dreaded others, 
still impending. 

While the people, with palpitating sais looked up to 
their leaders ; while they, from New-Hampshire to Geor- 
gia, in serious and painful anxiety, placed their hopes in the 
wisdom of that illustrious band of patriots, assembled in 
Congress; that body looked to one man, as to a common 
father. ‘Their eyes were all fixed on Wasuineton. The: 
British legions, who at first affected to despise, were soon 
taught to dread, that illustrious leader; and the people, 
which he was called to defend, soon perceived, that their 
confidence was not misplaced. ‘They saw, that he bore 
not the sword in vain. 

There were several events, which proved favorable to 
the revolution. At first, many men of enlightened minds 


UNITED STATES. 171 


were in doubt whether the proper time to separate from 
Great Britain was come. Others still felt the force of ha- 
bitual respect for a nation, justly styled our mother-country. 
Some indeed, were from education, from theory and specu- 
lation, strongly attached to the ancient government of the 
country, and dreaded the violent paroxysms of rage, of zeal, 
and of party views, to which we must be exposed in dis- 
solving connection with Britain, reverting into a state of na- 
tive anarchy, and thence rising to order undera new, an 
untried form of government, to be made, to be organized, 
and set in motion, by ourselves. 

Many, and with great justness, dreaded a series of bloody 
revolutions, and after all, a disgraceful return to the goal, 
from whence we started. ‘They expected we should be 
humbled, scourged, desolated and ruined in war, and then 
return to our allegiance with shame, disgrace and eternal 
contempt, and submit voluntarily, to have our fetters 
rivetted, and our destiny fixed in servitude. For an unsuc- 
cessful attempt at liberty, may always be regarded, as a 
deadly plunge into hopeless slavery. 

Several persons of these descriptions, were scattered 
through the continent. But, fortunately for us, their num- 
bers soon greatly diminished. When they saw. the revolu- 
tion had actually taken form, and was likely, at least, to be 
strenuously contested—when they saw the thirteen states, 
as a body, combined, and solemnly pledged to defend the 
cause, they generally yielded the point, and eyen determined 
to rise or fall with their brethren. 

In enumerating the causes, which operated in our favor, 
we cannot avoid noticing the unskilful measures employed 
by the British government, to bring us back to our duty 
from a state of revolt. A medium between two extremes 
is often the proper course to pursue; but to them, it was 
certainly most improper, as it proved most unsuccessful. 
They should have been either far more energetic, more 
decisive, and more severe, or far more lenient, mild and 
gentle. In either of those extremes, there was a possi- 
bility, of their succeeding. They, in the first instance, 
were certainly the aggressors. Their ablest politicians 
and firmest patriots confessed it, and urged it as a reason, 
why they should seek to restore union and tranquillity by 
concession, indulgence and lenity.. But that was too mor- 
tifying to their pride and ambition. They disdained the idea 
of the slightest concession, and determined to do all by 

33” 


172 UNITED STATES. 


austerity, menace and compulsion. ‘They should have or- 
ganized a course of measures, suitable to the complexion of 
a policy so self-sufficient, and of an attitude so haughty and 
commanding. 

But they vainly imagined, that a regular army of three or 
four thousand men would directly awe us into submission. 
They tried it, and found out their mistake, when, by a 
strong concurrence of events, it was too late. The firm- 
ness, union and bravery of the people of the United States, 
saved them from falling an immediate prey to their enemies ; 
but it is, doubtful, to what extent their calamities would have 
risen, but for the operation of two powerful causes, which 
cannot be passed unnoticed. 

The aid of France was timely, and was necessary. We 
shall not meddle with the question of equity. We shall not 
say, nor is it in the power of any being, but of HIM who 
views actions in all their relations, and traces all effects to 
their causes, to say, how far their interference was conform- 
able to the eternal rules of justice. As things have turned, 
our revolution cannot be considered, but as a source of mis- 
fortune to them.* ‘The enmity, jealousy, and rivalship sub- 
sisting between France and England, are things well known 
to most persons who have eyes and ears. Their mutual 
animosities have embroiled Europe for the last five hundred 

ears. 
: The rapid growth and vast resources of the British colo- 
nies, rendered their separation from England, of all possible 
objects, the most ardently to be wished, and the most 
strenuously to be sought for by France. In espousing our 
cause they aimed a deadly blow at Great Britain. It is 
not, therefore, strange, that they should entertain so strong 
a sense of the justice of our cause, when our success was 
likely to diminish the resources of their most formidable 
rival, and pluck one of the brightest gems from the British 
crown. With the most cordial fellow-feeling, therefore, 
they espoused our contest and made it their own. Nor 
should the pen of the historian be so ungrateful as 


* There is no reason to doubt that the American revolution did 
produce or accelerate that of France. It is still more evident, that 
the French revolution was fraught with mischief and productive of 
woes unnumbered to those who were actors and sufferers in the 
amazing tragedy. But whether it will ultimately prove an evil to 
the French, can be known only by “ HIM, who views actions in all 
their relations” and consequences.—Ed. 


UNITED STATES. 173 


not to ‘speak well of the bridge that carried us safe 
over.” 

A war between France and England divided the attention 
and resources of the latter, and rendered the reduction of 
the colonies the least article in their grand dispute ; which 
extended itself into both hemispheres, and ultimately 
awakened all the energies of the conflicting powers. By 
this, we were certainly benefitted, and probably saved from 
subjugation. 

But all the aid we received, or could have received from 
France, would have been unavailing, had not Providence 
raised up a man, to head our armies, every way fitted for 
that important trust. When we say every way fitted, we 
mean much more, than is commonly intended by that ex- 
pression. ile seemed to be in all respects, exactly such a 
a personage, as was indispensable to our cause. 

It is remarkable, that in the course of the war, two entire 
British armies were captured. The capture of Burgoyne 
revived the spirits, and animated the hopes, of the Ameri- 
cans, and seemed to put a new face upon affairs ; and that 
of Cornwallis terminated the war. The reduction of the 
states from the time of that event, was considered us 
impracticable. 

If the union of the states, in the revolutionary war may 
be considered as an evidence of their wisdom, foresight and 
patriotism, their union in a matter of equal magnitude, since 
that time, is no less remarkable. When the first articles of 
confederation, established as the basis of our political 
fabric, were found inadequate to that grand purpose, the 
states, a second time, cordially united in a plan of go- 
vernment, recommended to them by a general convention. 
This second union, especially, disappointed the hopes 
of the enemies of our country, and falsified their nume- 
rous and vehement predictions, that we should disagree, 
dispute, quarrel, and dash im pieces on that dangerous 
rock. | 

‘The course of events, since the adoption of the federal 
government, is well known. Regarding our entire history 
—our progress, in our colonial relation to Britain; our 
emancipation from foreign domination; our union in two 
grand movements, so improbable, and yet so necessary ; in 
short, regarding our past and present state and our future 
prospects, we must be pronounced a fortunate and happy 
people. 


174 BRITISH AMERICA. 


In giving a succinct view of the present state of the new 
world, we shall consider it under four divisions, viz. British 
and Spanish America, the United States and the savage 
nations. " 

1. What was designed to be noticed of Spanish America 
has been nearly anticipated. ‘The immense provinces they 
possess in the new world, lie generally in the wilderness- 
state. Their application to agriculture in those extensive 
countries, has been trifling, and the people who claim the 
civilized rank are mere Spaniards, and that of the lowest 
grade. ‘Their population is inconsiderable, when compared 
with the lands they claim. ‘They make no figure in war; 
they are nothing in the arts and sciences ; they can scarcely 
boast of one illustrious character; and there seems not to 
exist one single fact, trait, or circumstance, to veil the 
sterility of their mental soil—the total want of intellectual 
culture, or to enlighten and adorn the pages of their history. 
On the whole, it shall suffice to close our observations on 
Spanish America, by noting to the reader, that the splendid 
and eloquent pen of Dr. Robertson has given an ideal 
importance to the history of that country, which makes it 
abundantly worth reading, truth and facts being entirely 
out of the question. ‘To his history, therefore, the reader 
is referred. 

2. The possessions of Great Britain in North America, 
commonly called British America, are comprised in a 
section of-that continent north of the United States, and 
commence about the 44th degree of north latitude. They 
are bounded, east, by the Atlantic ocean—south, partly by 
the United States, and they seem to run west and north in- 
definitely, or till met by circumjacent seas. Neither the 
Canadas, Nova-Scotia, nor New-Brunswick, can very soon 
become objects of very great importance. Regions so 
remote, so cold and inhospitable, can never awaken the 
spirit of emigration, nor will the natural progress of popula- 
tion be very rapid. Perhaps, should the world remain in its 
present form for twenty or thirty centuries, those provinces 
may become populous, in some measure, by means of a 
change of climate. It is a remarkable fact, that the climate 
in the New-England States, has been observed to change 
materially within the last 50, nay 30 years. As the forests 
are cleared away, and the face of the ground laid open, 
should the climate continue to change, the two continents 
may at length become upon a par as to temperature. 


BRITISH AMERICA. 175 


The revenue, which Great Britain derives from her colo- 
nies, is of some value; but the state of those colonies, ge- 
nerally speaking, is barbarous, wild and uninviting, in the 
extreme. Great countries, a thin population sprinkled over 
their margin, boundless forests, long and dreary winters, a 
frightful solitude, howling savages, and the remote seclu- 
sion from the world of civility and order, are objects which 
appal all but the robust and hardy children of misfortune. 
Some, indeed, will go thither to make, and some to repair, 
their ruined fortunes; some to repair, and some to form, 
their characters. 

What corner of the earth is so remote—what region so 
forbidding, that the sons of Mammon will not visit it, in 
quest of gain? What ocean, strait or river, will they not 
explore, or what form of danger will they not encounter, 
what death will they not despise, when the hope of gain is 
thrown into the adverse scale? ‘They will dive into the 
bowels of the earth; they will traverse the wildest, the 
most dangerous deserts ; ; they will encounter the eternal 
frosts of either pole, and laugh at the storms of the wintry 
seas, or the burning showers of equatorial sand, when allur- 
ed by wealth. 

From the nature of the provinces in British America, the 
increase of their population must be very slow. They 
must long remain feeble ; and of course, so long they must 
be subject to, and dependent on, their mother country ; nor 
is it likely, they will ever form an independent govern- 
ment. Should they revolt from Britain, they would 
naturally fall to their far more powerful and prosperous 
neighbours, the United States; an event, however, as un- 
desirable to us, as it would be to Great Britain. Let us, in 
all conscience, be satisfied with the territories we have, at 
least for the ensuing five hundred years. When we shall 
have fully experienced the arduous difficulties of supporting 
a frame of government over a territory twelve hundred 
miles square, we shall neither wish to purchase, to ccn- 
quer, nor to receive, even by free donation, an additional 
territory.* 

At the close of the revolutionary war, many of tbe loyal- 
ists, in the true spirit of national gratitude, were rewarded 
for their fidelity to Britain, with possessions in Nova-Scotia. 


* There is some reason to nope, that the author’s views upon this sub- 
ject, will be found incorrect,—Ed, 


176 NAME. 


After a short residence in that dreary country, they found 
themselves exiled from a happier world. They grew discon- 
tented; and numbers of them returned to the United States, 
and were glad to take up their abode among a people, upon 
- whom they had, sometime before, turned their backs with 
utter contempt and disgust. Whoever is acquainted with 
the course of human affairs, knows, that it is as dangerous 
2 oppose a prosperous revolution, as it is to jom one, which 
ails. 

3. We come now to give a sketch of the present state of 
the United States. 


NAME. 


The new world has been peculiarly unfortunate, in all re- 
spects, as it relates to a name. In the first place, it should 
have been called Columbia; a name, which yields to none 
in point of dignity, harmony, and convenience. ‘The word 
Columbia, in its very sound, is grave and proper for history ; 
it is dignified and adapted to oratory ; full, smooth and har- 
monious, and is equally good in poetry. In its very ortho- 
graphy it is neat, convenient and agreeable, neither too short 
nor too long. 

That the new continent should be called America, after 
_Americus Vesputius, was the greatest act of folly, caprice, 

cruelty and injustice of the kind, that ever mankind were 
guilty of. ‘To deprive Columbus of that honor, which he 
80 justly merited; to bestow it upon one, who had no title 
to it; to violate, at once, justice, propriety and harmony ; 
to reject a name, which that of no nation, in point of sound, 
ever excelled, and substitute in its place, one which sounds 
but meanly in prose, and is intolerable in poetry, is an act 
of caprice and folly, which can scarcely be thought of 
with any degree of patience. It will forever be regretted 
by every reflecting mind. Indeed, the name of Columbia 
will always reign in poetry, and in the pathetic and sub- 
lime of prose. It will probably gain ground upon its 
spurious, upstart rival, and it may, in a good measure, sup- 
plant it. 

Since the continent has acquired another name, it would 
have been highly proper to have called the United States 
Columbia. ‘Though but a part of the continent, yet it isa 
part respectable for size, and probably will, for ages, 
_ remain the most important part of the new world. 


AGRICULTURE. 177 


Two favorable moments have past, in either of which, 
and especially the latter, it is believed, that a name might 
have been given to the United States. Accon:panying the 
declaration of independence, or the promulgation of the fe- 
deral constitution, an appropriate name would probably have 
taken with the people, and have gone down, firm y fixed to 
posterity. When another time equally favorable will arrive, 
is uncertain. There are serious and urgent reasons, why the 
United States should have a name. Whether that name 
shall be proposed by Congress, by the universities, by the 
legislatures of several states, or by individuals, is of little 
consequence, provided the name is a good one, and meets 
with acceptance. The power of determining upon a name 
might be vested in the heads of the several universities ; or 
it might be done by the concurrence of the majority of the 
several states by their legislatures, or by the nomination of 
individuals.* 


AGRICULTURE. 


Agriculture forms the most important interest of the Uni- 
ted States. The people may with propriety be called an 
agricuitural people. ‘Their natural advantages, for that ob- 
ject, certainly equal those of any nation on earth. Their 
territories include the best climates in the temperate zone ; 
and, since the addition of Louisiana, they extend, perhaps, 
from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. But if we consider 
the lakes, the Atlantic and the Mississippi as our boundaries, 
there is a vast country of arable land, including every pos- 
sible variety of excellence, with few wastes or barrens. We 

seem to fall behind no quarter of the globe, but in the pre- 
cious metals’and jewels. Our lands equal those of Egypt, 
Assyria, Indta, or China.T ; 

The people of the United States seem well fitted to avail 
themselves of these advantages. They are generally 
strong, robust, active and ambitious, and are actuated by a 
greater desire to acquire a neat, competent, independent 
style of living, than any other nation ever known. They 
shrink from no labors. Hardships, enterprises, fatigues 


_* What reasonable objection could there be to calling this country 
FREDONIA? a name pfoposed by one of the greatest scholars in 
the United States, who 7x Europe, is considered as the luminary of 
this country. 

1 It is probable the fertility of our soil is here overrated —Ed. 


178 AGRICULTURE. 


and even dangers, are encountered with pleasure, in view of: 
that honorable independence, which is fairly within their 
reach. ‘They grasp after it with eagerness; pursue it with 
diligence ; and they seldom fail of being successful. 

The domestic history of a young farmer, in this country, 
cannot be read, but with a kind of romantic pleasure; such 
as poetic fancy feels in reading the fictions of the golden 
age. He early unites his fortune and destiny with those of 
some female, whose virtue, kindness, prudence and indus- 
try, seldom fail to dignify the ‘raptures of passion into the 
calm sunshine of lasting benevolence and esteem. They 
have no property. ‘The new countries invite them, and 
they go thither, animated with the most laudable and san- 
guine expectations. By a few years’ labor, which they 
pass through with resolution, cheerfulness and hope, they 
acquire a competence, frequently wealth. Their numerous 
offspring are trained up in habits of industry, economy and 
virtue. They settle around their parents, form a little so- 
ciety of most endearing friendship, and living in love and 
peace, they are prosperous and happy 

This country has populated with unexampled rapidity.* 
Since the close of the revolutionary war, the western lino 
of settlements, extending from Canada to Georgia, has been 
moving westward, along the course of the great rivers, 
which lead to the Mississippi, and in the bosom of those 
rich countries, where the produce of the earth rewards the 
laborer a hundred fold. 

While every art and science are cultivated, that of agricul- 
ture is by no means neglected. The different modes of sub- 
duing and cultivating the earth have, latterly especially, en- 
gaged the attention of men of opulence and leisure. Agri- 
cultural societies have been formed; valuable essays and 
publications have been diffused over our country; and the 
most important improvements have been brought from Eu- 
rope, and practised with success. Too much praise can 
scarcely be bestowed on those enterprising men, who have 
published and diffused several important dictionaries of arts 
and sciences, particularly the Encyclopedia. From them, the 
most useful information has been and may still be drawn. 

In the agriculture of this country, many improvements 
are still to be made. We cannot but observe, with regret 


a 


* The increase of the Israelites in Egypt was considerably more 
rapid.—Ed. 


AGRICULTURE. 179 


and concern, that many farmers entirely overlook the grand 
object, where their true interest centers. They blindly fol- 
low the footsteps of their fathers and ancestors, without de- 
riving any benefit from reflection, inquiry, advice, or experi- 
ment. ‘They never once dream, that husbandry, of all arts, 
is the most improvable. 

In our country, there is a scarcity of hands to labor. 
Whatever improvement, therefore, diminishes the quantity, 
or increases the effects, of hard labor, must be valuable. It 
is a prevailing fault, that our farmers, in but few instances, 
consult the nature and character of their farms, and regulate 
their tillage accordingly. ‘They do not consider, whether 
they are more proper for grazing or for grain. They are de- 
termined entirely by accident or tradition, in the choice of 
the grasses or the grain they wili raise. They pay little at- 
tention to the selection of seed; an article of prime impor- 
tance in every species of crop. They are equally negligent 
of the breed of their cattle, horses and especially of their 
sheep.* . Many things of this nature, in the farmer’s art, 
may be attended to with little expense. Attention only seems 
to be requisite, and of that kind, which might serve as mat- 
ter of amusement. 

The greatest general fault, observable in the agriculture 
of the United States, is, what might be expected from the 
fewness of laborers, an imperfect, slight and feeble tillage 
of.too much land. Itmight, in a measure, be remedied. If 
a much greater attention were paid to the cultivation of va- 
rious species of grass, and to the rearing of stock, far less 
labor would be requisite in tillage; while at the same time, 
the farmer’s revenue, would be increased; and a smaller 
portion of his plough lands being put into a much higher 
state of cultivation, would yield hima much greater quantity 
of grain. Where he now obtains two hundred bushels of 
grain from twenty acres, he might then obtain the same 
quantity from five acres. 

The agricultural interest of this country is endangered 
from another quarter. An immense influx of foreign !ux- 
uries, and a taste for high living, seriously threaten the in- 
dustry and habits of labor, prevalent among the middle 
classes of people. It may be said, indeed, that to purchase 
these luxuries, farmers must be industrious. It is a far 


-_—_—— 


_ * It is confidently hoped, that these remarks are now applicable to very 
few, if any, of our farmers. —Ed., 
. 34 


180 COMMERCE. 


more practical truth, that to use them does by no means 
consist with economy, and is absolutely incompatible with 
industry. 

The middle and northern states, especially the latter, are 
cultivated by the very people, who own the lands. Each 
farmer does his own labor. He not only superintends, but 
leads in his fields, and does much of the work with his own 
hands. During the intervals of labor, he reads the news- 
papers, talks politics, and becomes, at least in his own 
estimation, a profound statesman. It must, indeed, be con- 
fessed, that no other class of laborers on earth are so well 
informed, as the New-England farmers. ‘They are gene- 
rally well versed in the circulating politics of the day ; most 
of them having newspapers enough in their houses to paper 
all their rooms. 


COMMERCE. 


The commerce of thé United States is both great and ~ 
srowing. ‘Their advantages in this respect are not inferior 
to those of agriculture. A vast sea coast, indented with 
almost innumerable good harbors ; a multitude of navigable 
rivers ; a country abounding with articles of high demand 
for exportation, with every thing necessary fo ship-building ; 
and as bold, hardy and enterprising a race of men, as ever 
braved the dangers of the sea; all bid fair, for commerce. 
We have already become one of the most commercial peo- 
ple in the world, and it is thought, second to none, but Great 
Britain. 

Our advantages for commerce arise from the foilowing 
considerations ; 

1, An extensive sea coast. From Maine to Georgia, 
inclusive, considering the windings of the coast, the distance 
is more than 2,000 miles. . This whole coast is indented 
with good harbors. Many of them have already become 
places of considerable trade ; and many more are suscepti- 
ble of the same advantages, and must rapidly rise into con- 
sideration, through the enterprise of the adjacent country. 
Some of our sea-ports have already become great. There 
is probably no city on the globe, which is now advancing 
with such rapid strides towards commercial greatness, as 
New-York. She is fast rising into the first rank of cities. 
Situated at the mouth of a noble and beautiful river, down 
whose gentle current, the wealth of an opulent country is 


LITERATURE. 18l 


wafted by nearly two thousand vessels, she trades with all 
parts of the world, and her ships are seen in every ocean. 

2. The United States are prodigiously intersected and 
almost insulated by large rivers. By.a few carrying places, 
which, at no very distant day, will probably be converted 
int) canals, our whole country may be actually divided into 
sev tral large islands. Those immense rivers, whose waters 
fall into the bay of Mexico, in some of their branches, 
extetd nearly to the great lakes, or almost interlock with 
streams which fall into those Jakes. One can scarcely 
glance an eye over the map of this country, without being 
surprised at the vast extent and facility of our inland navi- 
gation. 

This subject will attract more attention, and excite more 
admiration progressively, as the body of population shall 
move westward, and those forests, which now shade one of 
the most fertile countries in the world, shall be cleared 
away. Te gees 
3. The third remarkable trait favorable to our commérce, 
is a vast profusion of materials for ship-building. Masts, 
timber, plank, iron, flax, hemp, pitch, &c. are easily ob- 
tained in all parts, if not of the very best kind, yet of a 
quality fit for use. In proof of this, our trading vessels are 
yearly increasing in a geometrical ratio. It is not to be con- 
cealed, indeed, that we import some of these materials from 
other countries; which only shows that we have additional 
resources. 


A La a) ee nuanadnaoa at “rItHY enters (upg bag ahn nant hana nl m7 
7x Lito pryveue, ve wipe vue y 2VL1410 MAU dw vunan vweUUl 


commerce, ‘T'o enumerate the articles we export, and 
those which we receive from other nations in return, would 
fill many pages. ‘The secret springs of commercial enter- 
prise, open-an immense field of speculation. Our ports are 
visited by the ships of numerous nations, who find also their - 
own interest in our trade, 

5. The character and temper of the inhabitants are well 
adapted to commerce. | No people are more eager in pursuit 
of wealth. In this, their favorite object, they are often led 
too far. Itis thought by some, to be the foible in their na- 
tional character. 


LITERATURE, 


It is hoped that the foreigner, into whose hands this book 
may fall, will not too hastily judge, that the author is. 


182 LITERATURE. 


attempting to eulogize his native country. We are willing 
he should set down liberally to the account of national 
attachment; but it is our professed intention to state simple 
facts. 

Regarding the literature of the United States, as one 
entire object, judging impartially, and deciding with 
severity, we are compelled to say, that itis on a footing 
not only favorable, but highly flattering to the present and 
rising generation. We shall here repeat an observation 
which has indeed often been made, but which, if true, can- 
not be made too often, nor dwelt upon too long. It is, that 
the lower class of people in this country are better informed, 
than the same class in any other country in the world. 
This observation applies with peculiar force to the northern 
states. 

That can be said of the United States, which cannot with 
yustice be said of any other nation, viz. that all our citizens 
are, by some means or other, placed within the reach of a 
good education. ‘Those whose advantages are worst, can 
scarcely be excepted from this remark, and, in general, it 
applies with certainty and strength. . 

In some of the states, schools are made a public expense, 
and are supported by a regular assessment and tax. Every 
man pays, not according to the number of his children, but 
according to the value of his estate. It is greatly to be 
lamented, that this is not universally the case. It can be 
viewed in no other light, than as the firmest pillar of na- 
tional libertv. prosperity and happiness. The ignorance of 
the common people is the certain prelude to their poverty 
and slavery. 

The surprising difference between the people of those 
states, who have long felt the benign influence of these insti- 
tutions, and others, speaks more loudly on this subject, and 
paints it in stronger colors, than are within the reach of 
tongues or pencils. But even in those states, where educa- 
tion is not made the object of legislative provision, industry 
and frugality can seldom fail to procure the means of ac- 
quiring a competent education. Where those means appear 
to be most wanting, that defect is obviously the result of 
criminal negligence in the people; and can neither be as- 
cribed, in any degree, to their necessary penury, nor the 
spirit of their government. ; 

Throughout every part of the United States, there are, 
_or may be, and probably will be, such schools, as will lay a 


LITERATURE. 183 
. 


broad and respectable foundation for the instruction of the 
great body of the people. How happy would it be, if every 
state would establish schools by law! In many instances, it 
would rescue the poor from ignorance, and it would ulti- 
mately free the country itself from those consequences, 
which every virtuous republican ought most to dread and 
deplore. 

A material defect in our present system of education, is 
observable in the neglect, which too many people are 
guilty of, relative to the qualification of the teachers of 
their schools. Allured merely by cheapness, they often 
send their children to be taught by persons utterly unquali- 
fied. They thus repose the most important trust in persons 
destitute of every degree of merit. If in any case, it is 
necessary to employ a workman, who is master of his busi- 
ness, it is certainly so in the case of a school-master ; and 
if moral qualifications are requisite in any profession, they 
should not be neglected in his, to whom is entrusted the 
immensely important task of forming the minds of our 
children. 

Academical schools have of late years, become numerous, 
and their number is still rapidly increasing. ‘They form an 
intermediate grade between colleges and common schools. 
From them, great benefit results. In every neighborhood, 
where they are found, a number of youth are either fitted for 
college, or so well Sadnddied, as to enter, with advantage, 
upon the mechanical or commercial professions. 

In the United States, there are several respectable and 
flourishing colleges, in which young men are carried through 
the various branches of a polite and liberal education. The 
most important of these, at present, aré Cambridge, Yale 
and Princeton. Cambridge college is the best endowed of 
any in the United States. 

The great increase of books in the United States, may be 
considered both as the cause and the effect of increasing 
taste and information. Books have multiplied, both from 
original production and importation, far more rapidly, than 
people to read them. Still, however, regarding the whole 
mass of population, books cannot be said to be very plenty 
in this country. Although we have many men of learning, 
yet eminent erudition is rarely acquired, for want .of access 
to proper sources of knowledge in this infant country ; and 
for want of those liberal fortunes, which, in Europe, are 
sometimes lavished to foster genius. 

34* 


184 LITERATURE. 


The encouragement of genius, by opulent, men, is, a 
thing scarcely known in our country, where fo get what you 
can, and keep what you have got, is a fundamental maxim 
with all classes. Nor isit very strange, that this maxim is 
so steadily pursued, since it is regarded as the only clue to 
wealth, and since to this, most of the best estates owe their 
existence. ‘ 

It must be confessed, that our country has not, as yet, 
produced many literary works of superior merit. We have 
few men of leisure, or of very eminent learnmg. But if 
compared with the nations of Europe, as to numbers, re- 
sources and duration, we shall not be found deficient. In- 
deed, the inference, from such a comparison, will be found 
highly in our favor. ‘To suppose ourselves equal to the au- 
gust literatt of Europe, or nearly equal to them, with our 
inferior advantages, would be to set our powers of genius 
far above theirs. 

The United States can, as yet, boast of no such prodigies 
in literature. But we have men whose attainments in the 
various branches of learning are decent and respectable ; 
and whose names will be transmitted with honor to posterity. 
We are doubtless warranted in the assertion, that no country 
or nation, in so short a time, has exhibited more numerous 
specimens of literary merit. 

The numerous periodical papers, of late years established 
in this country, have had a share of influence in promoting 
knowledge. It is impossible to form any conjecture con- 
cerning the number of magazines, and newspapers now 
daily published. Several of them are of a moral and reli- 
gious nature—are ably conducted, and have unquestionably 
been attended with very beneficial effects. 

It must be confessed, that newspapers are not always to 
be regarded, as the purest channels of political intelligence. 
They are too generally devoted to party, and of course to 
private views. And since this article is. before us, we 
cannot omit the occasion of observing, that several of our 
public papers have been conducted, not by party men, but 
by foreigners, who, could it be presumed that they under- 
stand the nature of our government and civil policy, are 
utterly incapable of feeling any regard for either. They 
are in quest of wealth and fame, and are decidedly of that 
description of fortune-hunters, who feel no delicacy in the 
choice of expedients to accomplish their purposes. That 
they pursue the course they do, is no matter of surprise, 


LITERATURE. 185, 


since they act from temper, habit and necessity. But it is 
matter of serious regret, that the people of our country 
should give them countenance—be led by them, and look up 
to them as their political guides.* 

We repeat tne observation, that those foreigners, generally 
speaking, who have carried on several public papers, and 
have made much editorial noise in our country, are, by no 
means, to be considered as party men. ‘They have, indeed, 
been the tools of party; but they are of any side, which 
suits their imperious necessities. They are any thing—they 
are every thing—they are NOTHING. 

We hope, we shall not be thought impertinent, when we 
ask, What would be the fate of an American printer who 
should go into London, or Paris, and set up his political ma- 
nufactory uponas large a scale, as those foreigners do among 
us? He should tell them plainly what his designs were ; for 
these fellows are seldom guilty of taciturnity. He should, 
in fact, begin thus—‘* Gentlemen, you are an unhappy peo- 
ple. You have great advantages ; but do not know how to 
improve them. I have come among you, to be your savior 
—to diffuse life through your benighted regions. In the 
first place, I shall correct the abuses of your government, 
and reduce all things to the uniform rule of justice ; I shall 
change your ministry, which ought not to remain any longer 
in the hands of such men as now are in power; and I shall 
put up certain persons who will do you ample justice. As I 
have leisure, I shall look into all your departments of state, 
and I pledge myself I will never cease, till I have regulated 
your nation.” 

A style like this, from a foreigner, would not pass current 
in any nation, but our own. We have héard it, shall I say, 
with patience {—with applause—with gratitude. Many of 
our simple citizens, and simple indeed they must be, have 
looked up to those loquacious parrots, who, to be sure, recite 
their lessons with wonderful volubility, and have been ready 
to exclaim, ft is the voice of God, and not of man. 

They have affected to be at the head of the great parties, 
into which our country has been unhappily divided. They 
have dealt abundantly with great men and great things— 
have, in short, affected to be the scourgers and purifiers of 
the times. The fact is, their presses have been the com- 


* It is hoped that our country has greatly improved in this respect since 
these remarks were written.—Ed. 


186 NATIONAL ACADEMY. 


mon sewers of the times, from which have issued streams 
of filth and falsehood, sufficient to overwhelm and drown 
every thing but immortal truth and virtue. 


NATIONAL ACADEMY. 


The existence of an institution of learning, founded on 
such principles, and embracing such objects of instruction, 
as would entitle it to be called a national academy, could 
it fairly be accomplished, must -be of great utility and im- 
portance. ‘The progress of our schools and colleges, con- 
sidering the age and resources of the country, is certainly 
respectable and highly flattering to the enterprise and 
genius of our people. ‘There seems, however, to be want- 
ing an important wheel in the system; which, without im- 
pairing the value of any one now in motion, might act as a 
primary moving power, and communicate, energy and sta- 
bility to the whole extensive machine. 

It may be thought a degree of arrogance and presump- 
tion to carry our suggestion, on a subject of such delicacy 
and importance, any further. But waiving an extreme sen- 
sibility to diffidence and reserve, we shall further suggest, 
that the institutions contemplated, should embrace the gene- 
ral circle of science supposed to be included in a liberal 
education. -That, in a special manner, the learned Jan- 
guages and mathematics should be taught much farther 
than they commonly are, in this country. For, it must be 
confessed, that our college graduates are, as a body, very 
deficient in those essential branches of learning; though 
some of our colleges, at the present time, are making noble 
exertions to remedy these defects. 

The English language is professedly taught in all our 
schools of learning. It is, however, not cultivated in a 
manner best calculated to give it that perfection, which is 
desirable, and probably attainable.» ‘Though professedly 
taught, it seems to be for the most part overlooked and 
lost in the rapid succession of numerous objects, considered 
as more directly classical; and scholars retire from such 
without being perfected, or even well grounded, in ortho- 
graphy, etymology, syntax or prosody. It thence happens, 
that the language of the nurse ever predominates over that 
of the master, provincial dialects prevail, and the reflec- 
tion sometimes cast upon our colleges, proves but too 


NATIONAL ACADEMY. 187 


true, that a collegian, as such, is seldom a good English 
scholar.* 

History and government embrace some of the most im- 
portant branches of knowledge, which ever invited the atten- 
tion of man. Objects of such magnitude and splendor, 
should engage and fix the attention of young men more 
strongiy, and for a much longer time, than is usual in our 
seminaries of learning. Instead of forming a single science, 
their necessary elements combine a cluster of the most 
elevated sciences, and among classical pursuits, they are 
certainly some of the most interesting. 

Oratory is taught in our colleges with little success. 
Boys, who have been well taught in grammar schools, are 
frequently observed to return from college worse speakers, 
than they entered. This is not owing to inattention or 
want of skill in their tutors at college, but wholly to want of 
time. Sciences of suchimportance crowd on so fast, that, 
in fact, more time must be taken, or some things must be 
neglected. 

The learned professions have certainly been pursued in 
this country with success. But the advantages, arising from 
an institution liberally endowed in these respects, must be 
obvious to every reflecting mind. 

Several things must be perceived to be requisite to the 
establishment of such an academy. 

It must be made an object of legislative provision. Reli- 
ance could not be had on the resources of individuals. It 
is presumed, that it might be made a public expense without 
increasing burdens, involving embarrassments, or exciting 
murmurs. It must be situated centrally, rather as to intelli- 
gence than territory. Its discipline must be strict. Nor 
will it probably ever succeed, without its governing authori- 
ties can, in some way, be clothed with civil power. The 
instructors employed must be men of very great earning 
and abilities. The qualifications for admittance must be 
high and distinguishing, and regulated both by age and at- 
tainments. The term of continuance should be much 
longer than is usual at publie schools; nor should a scholar 
be capable of receiving degrees, but by merit and a certain 

e. The libraries, apparatus, and salaries, and, of course, 
the funds of the institution, must be great. 


* Is it not desirable, that the English language should be more studied 
at college, even though other languages should be studied less Ed. 


& 


’ 


188 NATIONAL ACADEMY. 


Could such an institution be established in the United 
States, various important benefits would be'derived from it. 
It would strongly tend to abolish provincial dialects, of 
course, to improve and perfect our own language, which at 
present, is in danger, from so wide a territory, such a com- 
pounded mass of society, and so feeble and disconnected 
a plan of education. Nor would its influence be less, in 
forming many eminent literary characters ; of which at pre- 
sent we cannot boast. The sciences of history and govern- 
ment ably instructed and deeply studied, would not fail of 
their salutary effect. 

This institution would rouse all the colleges in the seve- 
ral states’ to emulation, or rather would rouse the several 
states to patronize the colleges, and prove, in that way, a 
source of general improvement; and by that means, we 
should soon rise to a level with the nations of Europe in 
point of literature. In one word, it would promote the 
great interest of literature and government, and from the 
operation of various causes, strengthen the harmony and 
union of the states. 

Several apparent singularities in the preceding plan have 
arisen from a strong conviction, that boys are generally 
allowed to finish their education teo young. By these means, 
many of our finest geniuses are lost to society. They are 
sent very young to school, where, perhaps, they discover 
marks of genius, which excite great hopes of future excel- 
lence. Parental fondness and the vain ambition of the 
teacher press them rapidly, and of course, svporficially, 
through their studies. They aie hastened away to college, 
enter, and perhaps graduate at fifteen or sixteen years of 
age. By the time they are eighteen, they need to enter 
freshmen, and go through the same course again, to make 
them decent scholars. 

{t is clearly perceived, that various deviations from this 
plan might be necessary, in case of actual experiment. But 
not to enter into the merits of the main question relative 
to this subject, we shall only observe, that there seem to be 
two defects in the plan of education pursued by the people 
of the United States. The first is the want of a sufficient 
number of men of eminent erudition and literature. The 
preceding plan, or something similar, would tend to remedy 
this defect. The second is, the dangerous power the great 
body of the people have in their hands, to neglect the 
education of their children. Some of the wisest nations of 


NATIONAL ACADEMY. 189 


antiquity considered, that parents were not the proper per- 
sons to be trusted with the education of their children, on ac- 
count of their natural affection and partiality for them. This 
matter therefore, was under the direction of their council of 
state, and was thought one of its most weighty concerns, as 
most certainly it was. 

The happy effect of establishing schools by law in every 
district of people of size sufficient for that purpose, has 
been demonstrated by experience, in various parts of this 
country.. ‘Their townships are laid off into districts, con- 
sisting of thirty or forty families each. In each of these a 
board of trustees, or more properly, a school committee, is 
appointed. Itis the business of this committee to provide a 
teacher, who must be examined, approved and licensed ; 
and also to superintend the affairs of the school. A sum of 
money is levied upon the town, sufficient to pay the masters 
of the several schools, and is assessed upon every man, as 
other taxes are, according to his ratable estate. ‘This mo- 
ney is apportioned and paid out of the several districts, ac- 
cording to the number of children they contain over four and 
under sixteen years of age. This system has the follow- 
ing excellencies : | 

1. It compels every man to do his duty; and next to the 
duties a man owes to his Maker, probably none are more 
important, than those he owes to his children. 

2. Ifa man is compelled to pay his school tax, whether 
he’ sends his children to school or not, he will be likely to 
send them. Whereas if his paying be optional, he will often 
be under a strong temptation not to pay, and of course neg- 
lect the education of his children. 

3. The poor who may have numerous families, will have 
little to pay, and yet may school all their children. 

4. Many rich men, who have few or no children, will 
pay liberally for the education of the children of the poor ; 
than which, they cannot make a more acceptable offering 
in the sight of Heaven, or do mankind a greater favor. 

‘These suggestions are made in- the firm persuasion, 
that the establishment of schools by law over this widely ex- 
tended country, will greatly conduce to promote the happi- 
ness, and perpetuate the liberties of the people. 


190 RELIGION. 


RELIGION. - 


It is extremely evident, that liberty of conscience is 
among the natural rights of ‘mankind. Nothing can be more 
reasonable, than that a man should enjoy his own opinions 
concerning his Maker, and a future state. But the unskil- 
fulness of most nations has led them so to blend religion 
with state policy, as to render religious disputes a matter of 
temporal interest. Hence have originated innumerable per- 
secutions and wars; and the repose of nations has often 
been interrupted by religious quarrels. 

The Christian church had scarcely time to take breath, 
from the incessant persecutions of the Roman emperors, 
before she began to persecute her own refractory children. 
In the fury of her misguided zeal, she grew intolerant, 
haughty and cruel; and, for several centuries seemed to 
dispute the character of cruelty, with the worst of the 
heathen emperors. The reader of history is compelled to 
deplore the persecuting spirit, which seemed destined to 
reign and triumph in the midst of all the improvements of 
modern EKurope—in the midst, we might almost say, of learn- 
ing, philosophy and benevolence.. For, however expanded 
the human mind became, however exalted by science and 
virtue, many of the wisest of men could not but think it 
right, that all should be compelled to think with them, and 
subscribe to their articles of faith. 

Some honorable efforts had been made in Europe toward 
emancipating the minds of men from this tyrannical chain ; 
but that noble work was effected in this country. Here 
the Ruler of providence planted a nation, which, he designed 
should give to the universe, one illustrious specimen of reli- 
gious freedom. This grand exhibition was to be made 
under every advantage. ‘The experiment was not left to 
be effected by some petty tribe, some obscure horde, some 
remote clan in a narrow corner, but by a nation possessing 
one of the fairest, most opulent and extensive political diyi- 
sions of the earth; a nation, grown numerous by natural 
population, rich by unparalleled industry, and powerful by 
its own inherent firmness, bravery and virtue. 

In the United States, the constitutions both of the general 
and state governments, breathe the purest spirit of religious 
liberty... There can be no greater proof of this, than that 
such a spirit prevails and reigns through every part of the 


RELIGION. 191 


United States. There exists no subordination of sects or 
parties. Every man may worship Gop, according to the dic- 
tates of his ownconscience. No one disturbs him; no one 
rebukes him. ‘The stern features of bigotry, if they exist, 
are kept covered under a double veil. ‘The threatening voice 
cf spiritual despotism is never heard. 

_In the coun‘ry, there are various religious denominations, 
such as Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Baptists, Quakers, 
Methodists, &c. If perfect harmony does not, in every in- 
stance, prevail among them, it is more from accidental 
causes, than from any rancor, occasioned by their distin- 
guishing tenets. While we cannot but observe the harmony 
of the different religious sects, with a degree of pleasure, we 
Jament, that such differences should exist; and especially, 
that the breach should be unnecessarily widened, as it seems, 
in some cases, to be, where Christians put up more bars, 
than their tenets seem to require or justify. 

The enlightening and conversion of the heathen, have 
of late years, considerably engaged the attention of the 
Christian world. Attempts have been made in Europe, to 
send missionaries into various parts, for that purpose; and 
the people of the United States, have also been roused 
in their attention to the same salutary object. Various 
denominations of Christians have severally combined their 
influence and exertions. It is ardently to be wished, that 
this business may so prosper, as to form the leading trait 
in the religious character of these times; and, especially, 
that it may form an all-important era in the history of sa- 
vage nations, by enrolling them with civilized and Christian 
people. | i 

Our debt to savage nations, botb of reparation and bene- 
volence, isimmense. If the Christian be the true and only 
saving religion, of what importance it is, that they should 
know it! Their instruction and improvement form an ob- 
ject, not unworthy even of the patronage of government. 
The voice of humanity loudly bewails their deplorable con- 
dition. We may safely affirm, that legislative interference 
is often employed in matters of less magnitude ; but we may 
rest assured, that the government of this country will, at 
least, smile on the benevoient designs and endeavors of indi- 
viduals, and will smooth the way for their accomplishment.* 


* The patronage extended by our government, to the Cherokee 
and Choctaw missions, cannot but excite the gratitude of every 
benevolent heart.—Ed. 


192 RELIGION. 


If the prejudices of heathens against Christianity are 
strong, they are fortified in them by facts of a most stubborn 
and glaring nature. They judge of this religion, to. them 
unknown, by what they consider the best means of judging, 
the conduct of nations professing it. A history of the 
ageressions of Christian nations upon the heathen, would 
form a volume of the most glaring crimes. On this score, 
what a catalogue of enormities would be found in the coun- 
tries and islands of India, in Africa, in the West-Indies, in 
South America and in various parts of North America. 
What oppression, injustice and monstrous outrage, the 
defenceless people of those unenlightened climes, have suf- 
fered, from nations professing the just, holy, humane and 
pacific principles of Christianity ! 

_ For those nations, thus suffering, thus bleeding with re- 
cent wounds, it is natural to view in one light the professor, 
and the religion professed. 

To this, as a principal cause, it is doubtless owing, that 
so great a part of the world still remains heathen. ‘Those 
nations, who have been favored most with the light of 
science and truth, have improved their superior advantages 
to the injury and ruin of their fellow-creatures less inform- 
ed. While Christians, as a body, conducted agreeably to 
their principles, while they behaved like subjects of the 
Prince of peace, success attended their doctrines, their 
institutions spread with rapidity, and their missionary labors 
were not in vain. But those happy days have been long 
past. Christian nations, once having become powerful, 
thought no more of converting the heathen, but by the point 
of the sword; and they have carried on this mode of con- 
version upon the most extensive scale, and with a high hand. 
Millions have fallen a sacrifice, and the remnant have only 
survived to hate, abhor, and curse the Christian name, from 
father to son, forever. 

- Itis time to think of reparation. But, alas! what amends 
can be made for past ages, and for innumerable millions ? 
i forbear to mention the awful reparation, which even now 
may be preparing for their rum. Almighty Providence 
has their destroyers in his hand; but their blood, even the 
atrocious guilt of their destruction, has descended and rests 
on the heads of Christian powers now on the stage of 
action. ‘They, too, are in the hand of the same just Provi- 
dence, which has determined their fall. The present 
severe commotions can only be regarded as the move- 


GOVERNMENT. 193 


ments of that high and dreadful wheel, which will pass over 
and crush them, and cause them to hegome like chaff of the 
summer ‘hreshing-floor. 

May we hope that our infant country is reserved to a hap- 
pier destiny? Such a hope can only be grounded on 
the idea of our cleaving wholly to the Christian character. 
If we do this, we shall not only enjoy the smiles of Heaven, 
and the solid and lasting benefits of divine protection, but we 
shall look upon the poor savages, on our borders, as our un- 
happy brethren, and shall not only treat them with clemency, 
but make every possible exertion for their instruction and 
salvation. 

It cannot be doubted, that. the’ perfect religious freedom 
prevalent in this country, is in some instances, abused to 
the purpose of licentiousness. It probably tends to pro- 
mote and cherish a great diversity of opinions, Perhaps it 
is often attended with gross neglects of religious institutions, 
such as the sabbath, and attendance on public worship. It 
has been accused of favoring infidelity, and leading to the 
utter neglect and contempt of all religion. Experience, 
however, refutes the accusation. It is confidently pre- 
sumed, that religion is regarded with as much sincerity in 
this country, as in any, where there is less religious freedom. 

But should it even be granted, that libertinism, in some 
instances, seems to be rather encouraged by such unbridled 
freedom, as well might one urge as an objection to free 
government, that it tends to licentiousness in the people. 
The important and incalculable benefit resulting from our 
religious system, is the general diffusion of light and know- 
ledge. When a man is left to choose his own religion, the 
moment he is convinced, that important consequences are 
likely to result from his choice, he begins to listen, to in- 
quire, to examine, to discuss. He finds others engaged in 
the same pursuit, They prompt, encourage, and aid one 
another. It thence happens, that no other country on earth 
equals this for religious inquiries. Nor is there any coun- 
try, where the people, as a body, are so well informed in re- 
ligious matters. 


GOVERNMENT. 


The government of the United States seems to be with- 
out a parallel. We find nothing like it in modern times. 
Anciently the Greeks had something, which resembled it ; 


194 GOVERNMENT. 


but that resemblance was indeed remote and feeble. — Their 
Amphictyonic council was little different from an assembly 
of embassadors, saving that they met regularly both as to 
time and place; and, when convened, their proceedinys 
were more like some kind of supreme court, than a repre- 
sentative legislative body. 

Our government is no less singular as to its nature, than 
as to its origin. It is, perhaps, the only government which, 
in all its parts, was the result of plan, foresight, or design. 
Most governments have been jumbled into existence, from 
mere accident, by a concurrence of unforeseen events. 
Great things have grown from small beginnings. Men have 
been fatigued into compliance with the dictates of prompt 
and daring ambition ; and have acquiesced in a system of 
arbitrary power. But in our case, a number of men, com- 
petent to so great a work, sat down and planned our govern- 
ment. Before them lay the legislation of past ages. They 
saw the rocks and shoals, on which many had dashed. ‘They 
did what they could for our benefit. ‘The plan they formed 
was dictated by their knowledge of our circumstances; and 
itis probably tbe ablest and best plan of government, ever 
formed by man. 

In all human concerns, theory and practice are often found 
to differ. We shall not so far infringe upon the sphere of 
the politician, as to meddle with the practical part, that is, 
the administration of our government; nor shall we take any 
other notice of the theory, than as a mere matter of specu- 
lation. No human government can be perfect. Of course, 
the best ever devised by mortal man, must be subject to 
changes, inconveniences, weaknesses and, ultimately, to 
dissolution.* Man himself must fail ; and can it be thought 
strange, that all his works should, in that respect, resemble 
him? 

Some writers insist, that a government, in order to have 
virtue, strength and duration, must combine the three 
principles of monarchy, aristocracy and democracy. It 
cannot be doubted, that monarchy is the strongest form of 
government; that aristocracy has the most wisdom; and 
democracy, the most virtue. Could a government be 
formed, which would unite the strength of monarchy with- 
out its tyranny ; the wisdom of aristocracy without its am- 


* There seems t6 be no necessity that our excellent government should 
' be destroyed, till the world itself is destroyed.—Ed, 


GOVERNMENT. 195 


bition; and the virtue of democracy without its weakness 
and folly, that form would be the best. 

Our government is wholly without the monarchial 
branch. It only combines aristocracy with republicanism. 
The probability is, that, though republican in theory, it 
will, in the course of events become, in a great measure, 
aristocratic. Our executive power is weak, and the aris- 
toeratic tendency of the whole machine, too obvious to 
escape the notice of any one who looks attentively at it. 
Power and. influence can never be long separated from 
wealth. Many governments in theory, have professed to 
confer honor and office according to merit. No theory has 
been more specious than ours. But, in this country, the 
honors and offices will be controlled by a chain of influence, 
whose last link will be made fast by a golden stapel. ‘True, 
it may be said, that our government is elective, and almost 
every man is eligible to office. But what is our chief 
magistrate? He is elevated at the head of several millions 
of people. _ If there is such a thing as a natural aristocracy 
in society, he must be from that class. He must be a man 
of the most elevated dignity—a man of a mind far superior 
to other men, and whose life, character, circumstances and 
fortunes have combined to raise him far above the common 
level.. Hence, though the office is elective, yetit is as 
completely beyond the reach of the great mass of the 
people, as though it were hereditary. 

Let it be supposed, that there are seven men in the United 
States, adequate to the discharge of the duties of President. 
Their depth can only be fathomed and their qualifications 
traced, by men of nearly equal capacity. ‘The great body 
of the people never saw, and never will see, those seven. 
They must be made known to the community, by men of 
an intermediate grade of intelligence, who are still far 
above the common level. Perhaps one hundred men must 
be the sources of intelligence to the millions who compose 
the nation. Nor yet can this hundred act upon the com- 
munity, but by another intermediate grade, consisting, we 
will say, of a thousand. Thus it appears, that our right of 
suffrage, in the election of our chief magistrate, is an 
immensely complicated system of influence, interest, favor, 
confidence and proxy. A chain of influence, composed of 
ten thousand links, and divided into ten thousand branches, 
descends with tortuous course to the great body of the 
people. Nobody can tell where, or how, it begins. If it 

35* 


196 GOVERNMENT. 


is corrupt in its source, it seldom grows purer in its propa- 
gation; or, if it arise from a pure fountain, it is often 
checked and defeated in its progress. One man tells me 
to vote for A—another tells me to vote for B. I know 
nothing of A or B, but from the distant and discordant 
murmurs of a common fame. I decide the important ques- 
tion, therefore, not by comparing the qualifications of A 
and B, but by balancing the integrity and good sense of two 
persons much nearer me, by whom A and B are recom- 
mended. , 

And who are the senators of the United States ? They 
are two in number from each state. ‘They should be, as 
all acknowledge, men of great abilities, great integrity, 
and supereminent virtue. ‘They can be found only in the 
highest and most dignified walks of life. ‘They must be 
men, the general current of whose lives has evinced their 
greatness and integrity—of course, men rarely to be found. 
They must be selected from the happy few, who, by a 
peculiar destiny, are fit to be entrusted with the most 
arduous and important concerns of a'nation. The right of 
suffrage, therefore, in the great body of the people, avails 
no more than this, viz. to say which one of the few shall 
be the man; nor can they say that, till they are told which 
one shall be the man, by somebody who knows him better 
than they do. 

The same observations apply with equal force to the 
choice of the members of the house of representatives. 
We will suppose, that each member of that house has forty 
thousand constituents. Not one fourth of them have any 
personal knowledge of him, nor any knowledge of him, but 
by information from, perhaps, some man, who knows some 
man, who knows some man, &c. who knows him better than 
they do. It amounts to this, that, from among the few 
qualified for that important office, one must be selected ; and 
it should be the one, who is the best among forty thousand. 
As a general principle, it will happen, that this office will 
be obtained by the most opulent, influential, or intriguing 
men in society—men elevated far above the common level ; 
and sometimes men who are strangers to the views, feelings 
and interests of the great body of the people. ‘Therefore, 
although we have no titles of nobility in our country, yet 
all the branches of government being organized and made 
up of men of a class superior in point of intellect, interest, 
influence, and, we might add, of intrigue, it can scarcely 


GOVERNMENT. 197 


be doubted, that it will, one day or other, tend to aris- 
tocracy. 

A. government, composed of branches from different 
classes of men, which branches, in the proper exercise of 
their power, will be actuated by an opposition of interest 
and prerogative, will check and balance itself, and by action 
and re-action, will preserve an equilibrium; but wher all 
parts of government are from men of one class—have but 
one interest, and Jean the same way, the consequence is ob- 
vious.. Ina word, in the formation of governments, allow- 
ance should be made for man as a selfish being ; and, in the 
different branches, that selfishness should be so situated as 
to impel them in different directions. When a man’s in- 
terest leads him to do right, we have the surest pledge of his 
conduct. : 

In our country, the vast objects to be disposed of by 
periodical and frequent elections, will be a fruitful source 
of contention and difficulty. ‘The amplest field for chi- 
canery and intrigue, will be opened, that ever existed. 
Merit is generally modest, and rather seeks concealment ; 
while ambition assumes a thousand forms of disguise, stoops 
to the meanest arts, and is always noisy for the public 
good. 

The co-existent powers of the general and state govern- 
ments, especially in the legislative and judiciary depart- 
ments, render the whole machine as complicated, as it is 
great. It will require time, and, itis feared, more wisdom 
and virtue than are common to mankind, to define their 
respective limits, to adjust duly their interfering claims, to 
extend or restrain their jurisdictions, as may be necessary on 
future emergencies. 

One of the most serious evils, to which the constitution 
of our government is liable, (and the same, may be said of 
all written constitutions,) is the power, caprice, ambiguity 
and fallacy of construction. The instrument is very con- 
cise, though perhaps nothing of a similar nature was ever 
more explicit and intelligible. The political tactician, 
however, can easily demonstrate, that no system of law or 
form of government can be couched in such language, as to 
be beyond the reach of sophistry. The clearest, most 
forcible and positive expressions, are liable to constructions, 
glosses, colorings and perversion, It is remarkable, that 
some of the greatest and most important political disputes 
in this country, have arisen respecting the intent and mean- 


198 GOVERNMENT. 


ing of the constitution. In those disputes, not only the peo-» 
ple at large, but even statesmen, have actually taken differ- 

ent sides, and maintained the controversy in the most 

strenuous manner. 

But without virtue in the people—indeed, without great 
wisdom and circumspection, the best theory that ever 
existed on paper, will be like a paper wall opposed to the 
cannon’s mouth. The wisest regulations, the best laws, 
will be censured as unconstitutioual, through mere perver- 
sion; the constitution itself will be assailed, under pretext 
of amendment; it will be curtailed, mutilated, undermined, 
and destroyed. Nothing can prevent evils of this nature, 
but public virtue. : 

The vast disparity among the different states will ulti- 
mately prove a source of danger to our government. So 
long as human nature remains what it now is, men will not 
fail to avail themselves of the power put into their hands, 
and, generally, to selfish purposes. While some of the 
states are as large as the kingdoms of Europe, others are 
quite diminutive, and, on the principle of equal representa- 
tion, must have little influence in the general government. 
An equality in the Senate can by no means give the small 
states an equiponderance, since in the lower house, the es- 
sential laws of the Union generally originate. On this 
rock, the Grecian republics were rumed. Though it must 
be confessed, we are far better provided for against the evil, 
than they were, yet our provision may prove ineffectual. 
The larger states will be likely to predominate, and govern. 
This will occasion negociations, combinations and intrigues, 
till, at length, Lacedemon, Athens, or Thebes, will rule the 
rest. 

The theorist cannot but see the defect in our judiciary sys- 
tem. The judiciary department, under every free govern- 
ment, is the proper guard of the laws. But, in our country, 
the laws of the union are, in a great measure, left to the 
guardianship of courts, whose existence depends on the 
state legislatures. It may, indeed, be said, that this will 
serve to guarantee the liberties of each state. Willit do 
this? Or rather will it not repose the security of the 
general government on the virtue of each individual state ? 
—a prop too feeble for the weight it sustains. The causes, 
of which the federal court holds jurisdiction, are few, and 
of small importance, compared with the vast pecuniary 
concerns of the state courts ; while, on the other hand, the 


GOVERNMENT. 199 


legislative concerns of the general government, as much 
outweigh those of the several states. It amounts to this, 
that the legislative power of this country is held by the ge- 
neral government; the judicial by the several states. It 
will also serve to set this matter in a stronger light, by ob- 
serving that it has been the manifest policy of some of the 
larger states, to lessen the sphere and diminish the impor- 
tance of the federal courts. 

No organ of government can be considered as complete, 
in which there does not exist a plenitude of legislative, exe- 
cutive and judicial powers. The general government legis- 
lates, and looks to the state judiciaries for the carrying of 
its laws into effect. But if, as many assert, the state go- 
vernments are to operate as a check upon the general go- 
vernment ; if they are to be considered as the anchor of our 
liberties, how plausible will be their pretext, and how fre- 
quent their opportunities for opposing the laws of the union. 
In the present calm of public passions, and reign of virtue, 
while, as yet, many of those patriots are alive, who first as- 
serted and accomplished our freedom from a foreign yoke, 
there is, perhaps, little danger from these sources; but the 
time may come, when things shall be quite altered. «Sucha 
time probably will come long before our population shall 
equal the means of subsistence in our country. 

To give symmetry and permanence to our system of 
government, one would be induced, from pursuing the pre- 
ceding train of reflections, to think that our federal judiciary 
should be as extensive in its jurisdiction as the legislature. 
Perhaps, however, the importance of the state judiciaries 
is necessary to the subsistence of the states in their distinct 
capacity. How far, and in what sense are the individual 
states independent? How far are they consolidated? What 
is the nature and strength of their union? How is that 
union to be preserved? and how long will it last ? 


THE SPIRIT OF OUR GOVERNMENT AS IT 
RELATES TO FOREIGNERS. 


No government was ever more benevolent or liberal to 
foreigners, than that of the United States. It has held 
out to them, the greatest encouragements ; nor has it dis- 
appointed their expectations. When arrived in this coun- 
try, they have been fostered and cherished with the greatest 
care, and sympathy for their lonesome and exiled condition. 


200 GOVERNMENT. 


They have been taken by the hand, not only by our citizens, 
but by the government itself. ‘They have not only been 
aided in business, but have been made citizens, and honored 
with the public confidence, by appointments to offices under 
the government. 

The object of our people and of the government itself, in 
this matter, has doubtless first been to promote emigrations 
from Europe. The first settlers in this country, while it 
was yet a mighty wilderness, considered themselves as in a- 
kind of veluntary exile. 

They seemed for a long time to want nothing so much as 
inhabitants. Even after they had grown so numerous, as 
to feel no fear of the savages, still there was an almost 
boundless contment before them. They felt the want of 
people on all accounts ; to clear off the woods ; to cultivate 
the lands; to carry on the manual arts; to promote the 
liberal sciences ; and, in short, for all the grand objects of 
peace and war. : 

To thera, nothing was so desirable, as the arrival of new 
settlers. They solicited emigrations, and received and 
caressed strangers from all nations, with the utnrost warmth 
and sinéerity. f 

This disposition becoming habitual and universal, it 
descended from father to son, and lost nothing even by that 
revolution, which severed us from Great Britain, and made 
us an independent nation. When the present federal. go- 
vernmeiit was formed, it could not but savor of those notions 
of government, which were co-extensive with the Anglo- 
Americans, and had been coeval with their first settlement 
in this country. Animmense country; few people; a ter- 
ritory, but the margin of which was as yet settled; univer- 

sal liberty, both civil and religious; freedom of thought and 
speech; great sincerity of mind and simplicity of manners ; 
respect for, and confidence in strangers coming to live among 
us, were objects whose influence predominated in the minds 
of all classes, not excepting those, who formed our state 
constitutions. 

To increase the population of our extensive territories, 
provision was made for the encouragement of emigration. 
The warm benevolence of individuals, prompted them to 
institute societies for the aid of emigrants, and legal pro- 
vision was made, that, in a short time, and with little 
trouble, they might become our fellow-citizens, and partake 
_of all the privileges and immunities of our country. Nor 


GOVERNMENT. 201 


did our zeal to promote the cause of foreigners stop here. 
Several of them, in various parts, were promoted to offices 
of considerable trust and importance, and were allowed to 
share largely in the honors, powers and emoluments of 
government. 

The people of the United States, in their favor to foreign- 
ers, were prompted by purer motives, than those of a 
selfish nature. Although they saw their interest in an 
increase of population, yet humanity itself, and that of the 
most generous and elevated nature, had much influence in 
this business. ‘They wished their country might be an 
asylum for the poor and oppressed from all nations. It 
was their ambition to give strangers, who wanted a country 
and a home, so welcome a reception, and afford them 
such privileges as to efflace from their memories the days 
of their affliction and distress, or to cause them to be 
remembered, only to heighten the contrast of their pre- 
sent good fortune and felicity. Many an unhappy exile 
can, with great propriety, say, I was a stranger, and ye took 
mre tn. 

It is not unlikely, however, that the future historian will 
be compelled to say, that our government, in relation to 
foreigners, erred through excess of benevolence and urba- 
nity. In general, the incentives to emigration were both 
needless and unsafe. . From the natural progress of popula- 
tion, our increase was great, almost without a parallel. Far 
distant from the desolating wars of Europe, our fathers 
dwelt in the bosom of peace and plenty, and under the 
smiles of Providence, had yearly accessions of strength, 
more to be relied on, than mercenary armies, or cay de 
scription of foreign emigrants. 

The rapid increase of any nation, by means ne an influx 
of foreigners, is dangerous to the repose of that nation ; 
especially if the number of emigrants bears any consider- 
able proportion to the old inhabitants. Even if that propor- 
tion is very small, the tendency of the thing is injurious, un- 
less the new comers are more civilized and more virtuous, 
and have at the same time, the same ideas and feeling about 
government. Butif they are more vicious, they will cor- 
rupt ; ; if less industrious, they will promote idleness ; if they 
have different ideas of government, they will contend ; it 
the same, they will intrigue and interfere. 

The people, brought up in the bosom of the British 
kingdoms, are essentially different from us, both in their 


202 GOVERNMENT. 


views and feelings about government. Though they may 
use the same words that we use; though they express the 
same abhorrence of tyranny and oppression, yet liberty, 
considered as a creature of the mind, is with them a dif- 
ferent thing, from what it is with us. It is no difficult 
matter to account for the licentious views of liberty, and the 
romantic ideas of the freedom of this country, entertained 
by the lower classes of Europeans. From their infancy, 
they have associated with government and law, the idea of 
tyranny and injustice, and with liberty, a state of society as 
unrestrained, as a state of nature. When they come into 
this country, and find law and government of a sterner cast, 
than they had figured to themselves, they soon grow discon- 
tented and seek for a:revolution. 

The history of Rome furnishes a striking instance of the 
deplorable effects of an influx of strangers into a country. 
After the Romans had conquered Carthage, Greece, Asta 
and Gaul, Italy presently was filled with enterprising emi- 
grants from all quarters. * Though they came, as it were, 
singly, and as humble suppliants, yet they, in effect, con- 
quered their conquerors. ‘They inundated all Utaly. The 
majesty of the ancient Romans was obscured, overwhelmed, 
and utterly lost, in an innumerable swarm of foreigners. 
The evil came on by slow and imperceptible degrees ; but 
was at last irresistible and fatal. These were the persons 
generally employed in the civil wars. A multitude made 
up of such people is always fickle, inflammatory, out- 
rageous, vindictive, and burning with ambition to level ail 
distinctions. 

It is not a common case, that the most valuable members 
of society emigrate. As it was in the days of David, who- 
soever was in debt, or discontented, or in distress, fled to 
the cave of Adullam, and by that means, his army grew 
apace; so it generally is in cases of emigration. ‘Though 
many worthy characters are found in so great an emigra- 
tion, as has been to this country, yet, for the most part, they 
are poor, distressed, overwhelmed with calamities, discon- 
tented, oppressed by the tyranny of their government 
sometimes, but more commonly, by their own vices or 
imprudence. 

The people of every country are the most suitable to 
govern their own country. Could Pitt and Fox be restored 
to life, they would not make good legislators in America. 

If, indeed, in a few illustrious instances, it would answer, as 


GOVERNMENT. 203 


there is no general rule without exceptions, yet the principle 
here laid down, is certainly correct. In whatever country, 
foreigners interfere with government, the tendency of that 
interference is a change either for better or for worse ; and 
the tendency of changes, especially when the effect of blind 
causes, is but too well known. 

The frame of our government is probably as faultless, as 
can be expected in this imperfect world.* Its ultimate 
success must then depend upon its being wisely administer- 
ed. Relative to that article, our security lies in our 
elections. As, in our form of government, the right of 
suffrage is among the most important of civil rights, it 
should be preserved inviolate; but it should be guarded 
with the severest caution. Foreigners, who arrive in this 
country, seldom come with an expectation of becoming 
legislators here. Their confidence in our government 
probably brought them hither, where they ought not to hope 
tor more than complete security of life, liberty and property. 
More than such security would, in the end, work injury to 
themselves. 

To illustrate the subject, we will state an extreme case. 
We will suppose the government of the United States 
wholly given into the hands of strangers and foreigners. 
An arrangement of this nature, every one must see, would 
by completely ruming the country, ruin all it contains, 
foreigners as well as citizens. From this, to descend to 
a case of a much lower nature, we will only suppose, that 
every foreigner, on his arrival, or soon after, should be 
vested with some officé of government. From such a pro- 
vision, two great evils would arise; first,-strangers would 
flock to our shores in swarms and clouds, like the locusts of 
Egypt ; nor would they all be of the most meritorious class ; 
and secondly, the offices filled by these people, would general- 
ly be wretchedly discharged. They would have neither the 
ability nor the disposition to discharge their duty according 
to our notions of duty. Nor would it remedy the difficulty, 
should it be granted, that their notions were more correct 
than ours. 

From both of the preceding cases, which are more or 
less extreme, we will now descend to the thing, as it is. 
Every foreigner, soon after his arrival in our country, by a 


* It is to be hoped, hie vast improvements are yet to-be made in the 
science of government.— 
25 


204 GOVERNMENT. 


course neither circuitous, expensive, nor long, becomes 2 - 
citizen in the fullest sense. He is one of the sovereign 
people of this country—is an elector, and eligible to many 
offices. He immediately becomes a politician—is profound 
in the science of government—is able to set all things 
right. From his cradle, his ideas of law and government 
have been closely associated witn the most direful images 
of fear, terror and resentment ; and he views liberty as. 
some wild, enchanting mountain-nymph, roving through 
fields spread wide and adorned with flowers. With these 
views of law and liberty, he sets himself indefatigably at 
work, to mend the course of things. He declaims against 
oppression, flames with zeal for liberty, and seldom fails to 
be at the head or tail of innovation and reform, perhaps of 
insurrection. 

It is worthy of remark, that emigrants from Europe are 
from a more advanced state of society, than is generally 
found in this country ; or, at least, an older state. It thence 
happens that many of them, even of the lowest grade, have 
a certain knowledge of mankind, the necessary result of 
mingling with an immense mass of population. ‘This know- 
ledge, indeed, is chiefly made up of vanity and vice; but it 
nelps them to great volubility of tongue, smartness of reply, 
and a seeming knowledge of things, which, handed out on all 
occasions, readily sets many people to staring at them as 
something extraordinary. For this very reason, many of 
them vulgarly pass for people of great information, especially 
in the circulating politics of the day. Of course they are 

ushed forward into offices of considerable responsibility. 

The republic of Athens guarded the avenues to citizen- 
ship with great strictness. With them, foreigners could 
only become citizens in their great grand children. Their 
policy, in this respect, seemed not only safe, but necessary. 
Their state was so small, that could foreigners have gained 
admittance, they would soon have outnumbered them. Itis 
as dangerous to be outwitted, as outnumbered ; and it would 
be the true policy of the United States to admit no foreigner 
ever to the right of suffrage. No person should hereafter 
yecome a citizen, but by being born within the United 
States. r 

Far be it, that this rule should extend to the disfranchising 
of such, as have by any means already obtained citizenship. - 
Many of cbeza came among us, when their arrival was for- 
tuna'< zor us, and it should certamly prove so to them. 


GOVERNMENT. 205 


Their presence gave countenance, and their assistance 
strength. But those days are past ; and a similar occasion 
will never return. 

Let foreigners find in this country an assylum of rest, an 
escape from oppression. Here let them buy, and build, 
and plant; let them spread and flourish, pursuing interest 
and happiness in every mode of life, which enterprise can 
suggest, or reason justify; but let them be exonerated 
from the toils of government. We do not need their hands 
to steady the ark. If we make good laws, they will share 
the benefit ; if bad ones, the blame will not be theirs. Let 
their children, born among us, become citizens by birth- 
right. 


POPULAR ELECTIONS. 


In elective governments, the most important point to be 
settled is, who shall have the right of suffrage? who shall 
be the electors? Surely, if this right were always to be 
exercised by wise and virtuous men, none but such would 
be chosen into office. But where the power to choose is 
lodged in bad hands, it is probable, that bad men will be 
chosen. Hence the old but true maxim, that the happiness 
of elective governments depends on the virtue of the 
people. 

The conduct of the people of the United States, hitherto, 
has been such, as will entitle them to the character of a wise 
and virtuous people ; with, perhaps, some small deductions. 
Could it be relied on, that we should always remain as vir- 
tuous, as we now are, and perhaps a little more so, it must 
be granted, that the right of suffrage was put into exactly 
the right hands. Let us indulge the pleasing hope, that as 
a nation, we shall not remain stationary in our present at- 
tainments of political virtue, but shall continually progress 
in the same, and also in knowledge, till we become, to a 
man, a nation of patriots and statesmen. 

In spite of the most flattering hopes, considering the 
various means, by which the number of citizens is daily 
and rapidly increased, it must be allowed to be possible, 
that the people of this country will grow far more corrupt. 
They certainly have the common inducements and tempta- 
tions to that end. If ever the people of any country were 
corrupted by an influx of foreigners of different habits, 
manners and customs, we are in danger. If a sudden 


206 GOVERNMENT. 


increase of wealth, luxury, efleminacy, extravagance and 
dissipation, ever corrupted any nation, we are in danger. If 
it is possible for artful and designing men to assail the virtues 
of the lower class of people, to palm their ambitious schemes 
upon the unwary, to impose upon ignorance and simplicity, 
we are in danger. 

The causes of public corruption and national depravity, 
at first, are slow, and work unseen. They begin to ope- 
rate by insensible degrees; and are always perceived least 
by that part of the community, on whom their operation is 
most fatal. If such causes exist in this country, however 
much the good sense and virtue of the people may retard 
their operation for a while, yet they may, at length, 
produce their utmost effects; for the same causes, under 
similar circumstances, will infallibly produce the same 
effects. 

When that time shall come, (and it may prove to be a 
very distant day,) our elections will, in some degree, resem- 
ble those of ancient Rome, in the latter stages of the repub- 
lic, when Cesar relied chiefly on an armed force, which he 
knew to be devoted to his interest; when Pompey sought 
the favor of the people by popular laws, and when the 
opulent Crassus sought the same, by making dinners and 
various donations to a rabble, consisting of half a million of 
people. 

The right of suffrage, in the hands of a multitude of 
ignorant, indigent and vicious men, is but another name for 
throwing the whole number of their votes in favor of any 
artful, aspiring demagogue, who will purchase them, at the 
highest price. Nor are they, indeed, very costly, being 
purchased for the most part, with empty flattery, and false 
promises. ‘The celebrated Crassus was probably the most 
liberal purchaser of popular favor, to be found in the 
annals of history. He supported the poor of Rome at his 
own expense, for about nine months. It must have cost 
him ten millions of dollars, according to the present value 
ef specie. The most unlucky part of the business was, 
that the rabble, after they had eaten up all he could well 
spare, in a most ungrateful manner forsook him for Pom- 
pey, who only tickled their ears with handsome speeches ; 
and Pompey they as soon forsook, to gaze on the military 
splendor of Cesar. Cesar was far too generous and 
magnanimous. ‘They presently put him aside, and received 
‘in his place a stern, profound and artful tyrant, under 


C3) 


GOVERNMENT. 207 


whom they humbly kissed the rod, and lay down to their 
burdens forever. 

If popular favor is sometimes cheaply purchased, it never- 
theless always costs more than it is worth. For what is it? 
To answer this question, we need the pen of Shakspeare, 
who has given us a definition of the word honor. Itis an 
hour’s, or a day’s, or a month’s existence, in the blasting, 
pestiferous breath of folly and falsehood. The favorite name 
undulates in air to-day with boisterous acclamations of praise ; 
to-morrow with hideous imprecations and deadly curses ; 
and, at all times, with grosser fumes, than float around the 
table of the gods, after quaffing deeply of their immortal 
nectar. Yet demagogues, in every age, have made this same 
popularity their supreme deity ; and many, poor souls! who 
could not give what Crassus gave to purchase it, have given 
more—viz. their character, integrity and conscience; at 
least, should character, integrity and conscience be thought 
worth more than ten millions of dollars; of which probably, 
some may doubt. : 

Should the time ever arrive, when there shall be an im- 
mense multitude of people in the United States, and especi- 
ally about the great cities, whose indigence shall render them 
easily assailable by bribes, donations and largesses—whose 
peculiar circumstances shall render them actually dependent 
on the rich and enterprising, and whose habits of life and 
thinking shall render them promptly subservient to the views 
of artful and ambitious men, at least by suffrage, if not by 
arms; it must be granted, that at sucha time, and under 
such circumstances, the right of suffrage will certainly give 
that class a weight in government, to which they are by no 
means entitled, upon any principle of equity, rational free- 
dom, or public safety. Is not that time already come? It 
has come ; but it will never be past.* The evident symp- 
toms, by which its arrival is indicated, will never slacken 
their urgency, but will gain strength with our population, 
from year to year. 

To determine, who shall have the right of voting ina 
popular government, is not among the smallest difficulties. 


_— - 


* In the blessed day, when all shall know the Lord, from the least 
unto the greatest, there will be no class of people, who, from indi- 
gence or any other cause, will be “ easily assailable by bribes, dona- 
tions and largesses.” Though Mr. Whelpley certainly believed and 
rejoiced in the doctrine of the Millennium, he seems to have some- 
times lost sight of this glorious and delightful doctrine —Ed. 

36* 


208 GOVERNMENT. 


No line of qualifications can be drawn, free from objection 
or embarrassment. If a plan could be devised, which would 
recognise the rights of each individual, and aflord complete 
security to the public, that would be the one to be preferred. 
If that is not attainable, the nearest approximation to it must 
be sought. In a. country like the United States, where the 
landed interest is by far the most important, where land is 
very plenty, and very cheap, landed property should, be- 
yond doubt, »be made a qualification necessary to the right 
of suffrage. No person should be allowed to act as an 
elector, even of a state representative, but such as possess- 
ed real or landed property. A regulation of this nature ex- 
ists in-some of the states. Its happy influence is apparent, 
and will be more so... ‘Those states,* from that very cause, 
will preserve their liberties longer than any other part of the 
union. : 

The night of suffrage thus guarded, it must be confessed, 
that in a few instances, injustice would seem to be the con- 
sequence. It would exclude some from voting—some who 
are certainly very amiable and useful members of society. 
But cases of this nature would be rare; and much rarer, 
than might be expected from a slight view of the subject. 
If it excluded a few worthy persons, it would at least exclude 
a thousand to one, who are certainly unworthy. 

It should be remembered, that every person in this coun- 
try, possessing property, of whatever description, might 
easily possess land. The popular objection to the measure, 
that it would disfranchise the mercantile interest, is certainly 
void of foundation. Merchants have property, and, if for 
no other reason, they might purchase land, in order to com- 
ply with a regulation, founded in the strongest reasons. The 
great body of those utterly unable to possess land, are per- 
sons, to whom the right of voting would absolutely be no 
privilege.. As for property or character to defend, they have 
none. Generally of the lowest grades of intellect and in- 
formation, they have no political theory to espouse, or errors 
to combat. 

These last observations apply exclusively to the lowest 
grade of people in and about great cities. In the country, 
every prudent, industrious man, knows, that he can, almost 
at his option, possess land.  Itis within his reach; and the 


* It is most pretty hoped, that all the states will preserve their liber- 
ties forever.—, 


GOVERNMENT. 209 


savings of a few years’ industry will purchase him a decent 
little farm, at least as large as that of the great Cincinnatus. 
In the states above alluded to, where landed property is 
made requisite to the elective franchise, prodigious benefits 
are found to result from the regulation, to the people them- 
selves. It stimulates them to seek and acquire real pro- 
perty. A man there disdains the idea of not being a free- 
holder. He immediately sets himself about purchasing a 
little land. Ambition spurs him on. He saves every shil- 
ling, till he attains to the darling object. By the time he 
has paid for his little farm, his habits of industry and econo- 
my are confirmed. He then enlarges his views—strives 
after, and is (generally speaking) successful in acquiring, a 
handsome property. The principle here advocated, becomes 
in this way, a source of noble ambition, virtuous habits, and 
real felicity to thousands. 

If multitudes, swarming about great cities, and more 
thinly scattered through every part of the country, form a 
' numerous class, to whom the right of suffrage cannot possi- 
bly be any privilege, their holding and exercising that right 
will be attended with deplorable and incalculable evils to 
that class, to whom the right is most dear and sacred. 
Enterprising and ambitious men, who know their own 
utter dereliction of all principle, and their exclusion from 
the walks of honor and virtue, well know, that these people 
have no minds of them own. They will be perpetually 
intriguing among them. ‘They will not fail to condense 
and concentrate their otherwise scattered opinions, and 
throw all their weight into one scale. It is needless to 
say what scale that will be. The intriguing and ambitious, 
knowing how impossible it is, and will’ever be, for them- 
selves to rise by merit, have their eye constantly upon this 
class of people, as the true source of their elevation to 
power. 

It is time the people of this country were made sensible 
of their danger. ‘Their progress in the path of corruption 
is rapid; and by holding the door to citizenship so wide, 
and making the elective franchise so cheap, they invite all 
strangers, and allure all the outcasts of fortune’s children to 
hover upon our coasts, like a cloud of harpies; yea, to 
plunge into our public affairs, to put shoulder to the wheel 
and push us on to destruction. 

The rage of office and the spirit of electioneering have 
made no small progress ; but more or less of these evils 


210 CONCLUSION—USES OF HISTORY. 


must always be expected to accompany the privileges of 
a free and popular government. It is doubtless the highest 
wisdom of every American to endeavor to give stability 
to our present frame of government, and perpetuity to our 
national union; to strive to moderate the passions and har-, 
monize the jarring interests of parties. And much is to be 
hoped for, from the wisdom and virtue of the American 
people. A storm seems to be gathering at a distance ; we 
know not where it will fall. It, therefore, becomes all the 
friends of their country to be circumspect, wise, firm and 
united. 


CONCLUSION. 


Thus have we attempted to delineate the great line of 
history. Beginning with the infancy of our race, we have 
seen the world overspread with people, divided into nume- 
rous nations and languages. We have seen the mighty fabric 
of social, political and religious order, rising by degrees, 
assuming various forms, diffusing its benign influence over 
mankind, and descending down through all ages, with addi- 
tional improvements, to our own times. Having traced but 
a single line through the immensity of human concerns, we 
have left, on each hand of our course, extensive fields unex- 
plored. To them, we now recommend the young reader to 
turn his attention; with an assurance, that he will receive 
the richest remuneration for his labors. 

Having arrived at our times, we have adventured a tran- 
sient glance at the present state of our species in the world. 
' We are compelled to say, that the prospect over Asia and 
Africa is gloomy—over Europe it is doubtful, and, on the 
whole, we both see and feel numerous reasons of gratitude 
to. Divine Providence, who has cast our lot in this highly 
favored land. 


THE IMPORTANCE OF HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE. 


Whether we regard profit or pleasure, historical know- 
ledge is of use. As history abounds with beauty, novelty 
and grandeur, it opens various sources of pleasure to the 
imagination; and as it brings up before us transactions 
numerous, past and distant, it assists experience, by present- 


USES OF HISTORY. pg | 


ing, in one view, the causes and consequences of great 
events. _ 

The life of one man is far too short, and the sphere of 
his observation too small, to acquire an adequate knowledge 
either of what is, what has been done, or what is now 
doing in the world; but as there is a certain uniformity in 
human character and action, we may, with a degree of 
safety, judge of the future by the past and present.* The 
tendency of certain things to the happiness of nations, and 
the reverse—the origin and progress, the wane and dissolu- 
tion of empires, can only be discovered by the light of his- 
tory ; nor is there any natural light, by which we can more 
clearly see the influence of character, morals, art and sci- 
ence, on the happiness of man. 

At what period of life, the study of history should com- 
mence, is a point which remains unsettled. Perhaps no 
subject of equal literary importance, has been less regarded, 
less systematized or less pursued, than the study of history. 
It has hardly been considered as a part of education, either 
hberal or professional, and, for the most part becomes a by- 
business, deferred till late, sacrificed to inferior objects, or 
neglected altogether. A variety of facts lead us to conclude, 
it should be entered upon much earlier, than the common 
practice points out. The body of history is simple narra- 
tion; a species of instruction adapted to the first openings. 
of a young mind, on which deep and strong impressions are: 
easily made. It is a common thing to put children, at an 
early age, to learn the rules of arithmetic, the grammatical 
construction of language, or even the mathematical sciences ; 
which things are farther beyond the reach of their capacity 
than history, at the time—more difficult to be remembered, 
and of less importance. 

Battles and sieges, the strong lustre of great characters, 
memorable events, indeed all the most prominent features 
of history, impress our minds with extraordinary pleasure 
or disgust, and commonly leave indelible marks, especially, 
if made while young. ‘The histories of nations are, gene- 
rally speaking, but the histories of men’s passions delineated. 
For that reason, they strike deeper into the mind, move the 
passions more, and are longer felt, than cool, unimpassioned 
reasonings, and curious speculations. 


* It is very important, that in thus judging, we should make due 
allowance for change of circumstances.—Ed. 


212 USES OF HISTORY. 


A small acquaintance with the outlines of geography, 
seems the only pre-requisite to the study of history.* ‘The 
student should have some idea of the figure and motion of 
the earth, of the general divisions of land and water—the 
positions and extent of the continents, islands and oceans. 
This is easily gained by a few short lessons on the globe. 

A habjt of application is necessary, in order to make pro- 
gress in any study, or to arrive at eminence in any sphere of 
life. Our most ardent endeayors should not be wanting ; 
and when once this point is gained, the hill of science may 
be easily ascended, Haying sufficiently glanced over the 
main tract, the student may ‘then return, and be directed in 
reading a regular course of ancient history. 

Knowledge of history strongly inculcates the preference 
of virtue to vice, and the folly of human ambition. We 
there learn, that men, elevated on the summit of earthly 
glory, are less safe, and far less happy, than those in the 
humbler walks of life. The historian can compare the 
modes of life, the customs of different ages and countries, 
and the effects of different religions and goyernments on his 
Species ; a study which tends to free the mind from bigotry 
and superstition, and in such a mighty course of events, 
makes a man feel his weakness and insignificance, By the 
light of history, human affairs resemble a stormy sea. They 
foam and rage under the dire agency of tremendous passions, 
though subject to the higher control of Almighty power. All 
human institutions are seen mouldering away ; and the works 
‘of art, however solid, beautiful or grand, either by the ravages 
of time or the blind fury of mortals, all perish. These 
views diminish self-importance, and leave the mind to seek 
higher grounds of confidence and hope. * 

"The light of history unveils many characters; it dis- 
closes the features of the ambitious tyrant and aspiring 
demagegue, the masked hypocrite, the stern bigot and 
subtle politician. True history is a gem of inestimable 
value. It seems almost to remedy the defects of human 
foresight. We there learn, how short-sighted many legis- 


4 


* Some acquaintance with numbers seems necessary, in order to 
understand geography. And there is no doubt, that arithmetic, if 
properly taught, may be delightfully instilled into the tender mind. 
The student sliould also be acquainted with maps, and consult them 
as he proceeds in history. In order to do this with advantage, he 
should know something of Geometry.— Ed. 


USES OF HISTORY. 213 


lators haye been in promulgating laws, utterly inconsistent 
with the good of society; for while the statesman, in the 
busy scenes of life, is bewildered in the ambiguity of pro- 
bable effects, and, like a pilot, who cannot feel his helm, 
cannot discern the drift of empire, the historian, calmly 
seated in the shade of contemplation, lifts his perspective, 
begins at the spring, and carefully traces the tortuous course 
of governments and empires, sees them, like a river, dash- 
ing over precipices, majestically rolling through plains, or 
disappearing in the ocean. 

Having travelled in thought over these extensive and 
diversified fields, he returns to the occurrences of his own 
time, matured with the experience of ages, furnished with 
principles and remarks drawn from the sublimest exhi- 
bitions of virtue, contrasted with every thing hateful in the 
human character. In walking among the sepulchres of 
empires, he sees hung up as beacons, the catastrophes of 
all ancient governments ; he beholds, with emotions of 
wonder, pity and dread; and sometimes weeps over the 
inevitable destiny of human institutions. ‘These views at 
once expand and eririch the soul, which feels a mournful but 
sublime pleasure, in tracing the vestiges of exalted virtue 
among the monuments of antiquity. 

The statesman, politician and legislator will derive 
essential benefit from the knowledge of history; since it is 
there alone, he can trace the origin and operation, and, of 
course, the excellencies and defects of the various forms 
of government. From the grand monarchies of .Cyrus, 
Alexander and Cesar, he may pass down to those of China, 
Turkey and Russia, as they now are; or from the republics 
of ancient, to those of modern times. He may compare 
the vices of great, with those of small, states; and espe- 
cially, he may contrast the virtues of rising, with the vices 
of declining, states. The important conclusions, he will be 
able to draw from the comparisons, will form a counterpan 
to the pleasures he will derive from a review of those sub 
lime fields of knowledge. 

The statesman, who is acquainted with the history o 
nations and governments, will penetrate the false glosses, 
which sophistry can give to visionary theories. Far other 
motives, than the charm of novelty, will be necessary to 
induce him to put the welfare of his country at hazard, on 
the doubtful issue of experiments. His experience is 
matured by the wisdom of ages; and with him, all the 


214 USES OF HISTORY. 
various expedients of artful, ambitious and aspiring men, 
are so perfectly comprehended, that they are even become 
trite or thread-bare ; he has often seen them acted over— 
often detected, often despised. 

The philosopher, whose ruling propensity is the love of 
truth and knowledge, finds perpetual gratification in the 
pages of history. With pleasure, he traces the streams of 
science from their first fountains. If his benevolent sensi- 
bilities are often pained, he is more than compensated by 
viewing the stupendous wheel of human affairs, rolling 
through all ages; and if ‘‘ The proper study of mankind is 
MAN,” the history of nations is the book comprehending that 
amportant science ; and without the reading of which, a 
man must always remain a child. History and philosophy 
are auxiliaries to each other, in expanding and enriching 
the mind. For, while the former presents before us innume- 
rable shades of character, innumerable minds acting under 
the influence of various propensities, while all human con- 
cerns, from those of the humble shepherd, to those of the 
universal monarch, there solicit our attention, invite our 
esteem and challenge our admiration, philosophy conducts 
us to some commanding eminence, and bids us take a view 
of the universe. There an expanse opens, which no ima- 
gination can compass. Through the illimitable tracts of 
Space, we contemplate worlds of light profusely, yet per- 
manently planted ; their numbers incalculable, and their 
distances inconceivable. There globes roll around us, in 
comparison with which, our earth diminishes as it were to 
nothing. Man is but “an atom of an atom world;” and 
the generations of six thousand years, to beings of superior 
natures, appear like the successive tribes of insects, which, 
in the morning, sport on the surface, and, ere ‘sunset, are 
Jost in the bosom of the troubled lake. 

The philosopher, so far from envying the proud mo- 
narchs of the earth, looks on them as objects of pity; and 
is so far from coveting a share of their glory, that he can 
only desire them to ‘‘stand from between him and the 
sun.”* 

History affords many considerations calculated to confirm 
the faith and strengthen the hopes of the Christian. To 
say nothing of the fulfilment of scripture prophecies, con- 
cerning the ancient monarchies and Jewish and Christian 


* When Alexander inquired what he could do to oblige Diogenes, 
‘*Stand from between me and the sun,” said the philosopher.—Ed. 


“nm 


USES OF HISTORY. 215 


\] 

churches, history in general shews, that man’s character, in 
all ages has been uniform ; that he is a depraved creature ; 
and may convince us, that if he ever rises from this depraved 
and selfish state, it must be by other means than his own 
exertions. It uniformly corroborates the idea, that as sin 
and misery, so virtue and happiness are connected; and 
hence we infer the excellency of virtue, and the turpitude of 
vice. 

A careful attention to the great course of events, as related 
in history, will strengthen the mind to the belief in a wise, 
powerful, overruling and universal Providence. Whoever 
looks upon the workmanship of a clock, will acknowledge 
it to be the work of design; and so will he who observes 
the revolutions of the heavenly bodies, the change of the 
seasons, the mechanism of an animal body, or even the 
structure of any of its particular parts, as an eye or an ear. 
But in no part of nature is an overruling power more clearly 
seen thatin the origin, the rise, the prosperity, the decline and 
fall of a nation ; and, by a due attention to these things, we 
may discover the wisdom, justice, and goodness of Divine 
Providence. 

Every member of a free, enlightened republic, should, by 
all means read history. In a nation, where popular opinion 
must be the supreme arbiter, of what immense importance is 
it, that that opinion should be corrected by wisdom and 
experience; otherwise, the political vessel will wander 
wide upon tempestuous seas, and*be lost among rocks and 
whirlpools. 

The study of history is peculiarly adapted to the minds 
of youth. In that period of life, the intellectual powers are 
expanding, the passions taking direction, and the character 
is rapidly forming. In that season of improvement, emula- 
tion and hope, a habit of reading should be formed; and 
care should be taken, that the taste be not vitiated and ren- 
dered wavering, by the prevalence of any species of read- 
ing, which leaves it flighty and capricious. Alas! how 
many of the days and years of youth are wasted without 
improvement—are utterly lost to every valuable and every 
noble purpose! We too seldom begin to think, till we are 
incapable of action. ‘The whole season of youth, in the 
greater number of instances, is so passed away, as to draw 
after it an age barren of knowledge and virtue, a bleak and 
comfortless season of care, decrepitude and sorrow! Such 
is the perverseness in many, that they will not be instructed 


216 USES OF HISTORY. 


by the experience of others. Youth will not derive im- 
provement from age, in those points most interesting and 
important. 

Although the present design is to urge the importance of 
historical information, yet many of the same arguments apply 
with equal force to general reading. Such as have opportu- 
nity, (and that number is larger than is generally thought,) 
should read many things besides history. 

Theological reading, which certainly should begin* with 
the Bible, is very important. A thorough acquaintance with 
religious doctrines deeply concerns the welfare of all man- 
kind. Itis astonishing to see the ignorance of many persons 
on these subjects. They have, perhaps for many years, en- 
joyed advantages of religious instruction, but have never 
used them to any effect. The being and perfections of 
God; the immortality of the soul; an endless state of re- 
wards and punishments; a change so amazing as that of 
death; the unknown realities of the coming world; in short, 
the immensity of Gop’s kingdom and government: the infi- 
nitely varied works of creation; and what man is to himself 
as a conscious being; are objects, which seem to call for the 
utmost exertion of all our intellectual powers. To survey, 
to inquire, to learn, and to know, in the midst of a world of 
such wonders, demands man’s noblest faculties, and certainly 
furnishes for them the noblest employment. _ 

But the disease of our race seems to be stupidity. Many, 
too many, plod on through life, thinking only of the present. 
They scarcely send forward a thought into futurity, till they 
come upon the brink of the precipice, and it is then too 
late, even to acquire any settled opinions, or make any pre- 
parations. A life of the most extreme thoughtlessness, is 
closed with a few hours of gloomy, intense, ineffable anxiety 
and horror. ; 

True religion, as appertaining to the mind, consists in 
just views and virtuous dispositions. Its genuine tendency 
is to lead men to the most careful discharge of the duties 
of life. But it does not stop here. It awakens in a man, 
a due sense of his various relations to things temporal and 
things eternal. It holds up to his understanding, a superior 
light, whereby he* perceives clearly, that his best inher 


* It is not less certain that theological reading should proceed and end 
wits 4 Bible; though not to the exclusion of other books,—Ed. 


USES OF HISTORY. 217 


tance is in his immortal state, In firm expectation and con- 
fidence of future happiness, he is resigned to the course of 
Providence, and waits patiently the consummation of his 
hopes. , 

The propensity, prevalent in the human mind to neglect 
religious studies, extends to the neglect of all mental culti- 
vation; and it is no uncommon thing for people to neglect 
their minds altogether. Among the eastern nations, there 
are some who regard religion in the light we do the study 
of law or physic ; that is, an occupation to be followed by a 
certain class.of men. If, instead of the word religion, we 
substitute the phrase, cultivation of the mind, such a class 
_may be found almost any where, even in our own country. 

They complain that they have no time; that they are 
pressed by business. How many hours in the day do they 
attend to business ? How do they employ their evenings? 
How do they spend the Sabbath? ‘Lhe fact is, they have 
too much time. It hangs, a dead weight, upon their hands. 
Their business, except in a few extreme cases, is shorter, 
by several hours, than the day. Their dull, insipid evenings 
are dozed away in a vacuity of thought. Perhaps they 
saunter to a neighbor’s house, where their conversation is 
of too trivial and absurd a nature to admit of being specified 
in a serious discourse; or perhaps they fall upon some 
amusement for the express purpose of killing time, as some 
are pleased to style it: or, in other words to pass away the 
evening, and escape that distressing sense of solitude, which 
often seizes the vacant mind. 

Killing time! “'Time,” says the poet, ‘is the stuff that 
life is made of.” ‘To wast@ time, is to squander the main 
ingredient of life, one of the richest of heaven’s blessings. 
O, righteous Heaven, remember it not against them in the 
great day of trial! lest it swell the catalogue of their 
crimes beyond forgiveness. As for their Sabbaths, instituted 
for the benevolent purpose of suspending servile labor, and 
acquiring the knowledge of their Creator, they are slept 
or idled away. Yet these people say, that they have no 
time to devote to the improvements of the mind. One of 
the most important questions a man can ask himself, is, 
How his time has been spent? To judge of its full import, 
let us consider what sensations it will excite, when, with 
imperative tone, it shall obtrude itself upon him in the hour 


of death. 


= 


218 | THE CREDIBILITY OF 


The most excellent and important of all books, is the 
Bible. It contains a glorious manifestation of Gon’s charac- 
ter, perfections and government, together with the character, 
duty and obligations of men, and the only way of life and 
salvation. It is the felicity of the present day, to possess 
not only this invaluable book, but to abound in religious wri- 
tings, of various descriptions, calculated to strengthen the 
faith, and cherish the virtues of the Christian. Books of 
this nature are indispensably necessary to a well chosen 
library. ‘They abound in discourses, which will give light, 
comfort and encouragement to a man, when all human 
sciences, even when all earthly things, however splendid and 
beautiful, are fading in his eye. 

That species of reading, next in importance to divinity, 
is history. There, are seen the rise and fall of states and 
empires. On one page, are delineated the causes of their 
prosperity, and on another, of their decline. History re- 
presents the great concerns of nations in miniature. The 
picture is grand, but somewhat gloomy; and the corres- 
pondent emotions in him who examines it, if at times, ele- 
vated and delightful, will not fail to be shaded over with 
melancholy, softened, however, by the distance, and render- 
ed sublime by the magnificence and glory of the object. 
The historian, however long he walks under the imbower- 
ng laurel and olive, must at length repose under the cypress 
shade. 


—_———— 


CHAPTER XIV. 


* * 


THE CREDIBILITY OF THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 


THAT thé existence of the human race has: no rational 
claim to a higher antiquity, than is allowed in the Mosaic 
history, may be argued from two considerations ; 1. The 
total want of evidence of a higher antiquity; 2. Various 
evidences, that the scripture chronology is correct. 

1. There is a total want of evidence of higher antiquity. 

Had the world existed from eternity, and man passed 
through an eternal series of generations, it is highly proba- 
ble, that numerous evidences would exist, of periods more 
distant than six thousand years. 

It is a thing incredible, that no traces of a much higher 
antiquity, should have been discovered by the Greeks, 


THE MOSAIC HISTORY. £19 


Egyptians or Chaldeans. Yet they fixed the origin of the 
human race at no distant period; and, as we shall state 
hereafter, it is within the limits of scripture chronology. 

The pretended antiquity of the Chinese and Indians, is 
found, upon the most strict and impartial examination, to 
be void of credibility. Their records are incorrect, fabu- 
lous, and made up of parts, incompatible with each other. 

The grand annals of China are contained in six hundred 
and sixty-eight volumes, of which a copy is in France. 
This is abridged in a hundred volumes; from which the 
Abbe Crosier has extracted a work of twelve volumes, 
comprising a history of China. From these records, it 
appears, that, that empire must have originated a short time 
prior to the reign of Yao, which was 2057 years before 
Christ; of course near the time, that Ninus, or rather 
Ashur, founded the Assyrian empire. This statement is 
confirmed, not only by all Europeans, whose knowledge of 
the Chinese language has enabled them to examine those 
records, but by several learned Chinese, who have studied 
the languages of Europe; and this statement also corrobo- 
rates the opinion, that Noah himself, or one of his sons 
founded that empire. 

2. To these considerations we may add, that there are 
various evidences of the correctness of scripture chronology. 

As there exists no evidence of a higher antiquity, so 
neither is it possible to fix the creation of the world, and the 
origin of the human race, ina much later period. The his- 
tory and chronology of the Bible are liable to no charge of 
inconsistency. The facts considered in detail, or in the ag- 
gregate, want none of the genuine characters of true and 
impartial history. When we come to consider the sources, 
whence the knowledge of ancient history is drawn, we shall 
see, that they uniformly increase the authority, by corrobo- 
rating the facts of the sacred history. 

That matter was coeval with God, and independent of 
him, is more difficult to reconcile with the dictates of 
reason, or to the phenomena of nature, than the doctrine 
of creation and providence, as laid down in the books. of 
Moses. If it is most easy and rational to believe what is 
most evident, and if wisdom and goodness are displayed in 
the works of nature, and throughout all the visible creation, 
then to abstain from believing, will be to follow the weaker, 
instead of the stronger reason. Those, therefore, who 
reject the latter, and embrace the former scheme, are mors 

37* 


= 


220 THE CREDIBILITY OF 


worthy of the charge of credulity, than those, on whom they 
bestow it. 

Neither Cicero nor Plato had any knowledyve of antiquity, 
inconsistent with the Mosaic account of the creation. . In- 
deed, as we extend our inquiries back into ancient ages, 
we evidently see all the rays of light converging to one 
point ; beyond which, little is conjectured—nothing is evi- 
dent. 

The account of the deluge may be considered, as the most 
prominent feature of the first book of Moses. This article 
of the Bible history is made both the subject of cavil and 
ridicule by unbelievers, as a thing incredible and absurd. 
This they commonly do, upon the ground of its being a mere 
matter of revelation! The evidences, on which its credibi- 
lity rests, are by no means so generally known, as the im- 
portance of the thing seems to demand. 

We% shall briefly state the evidence in proof of the truth 
of this article. 

1. Were it regarded merely as a matter of revelation, as 
the objection imports, still it challenges belief. As such, it 
must be considered as part of a system of truth, which in 
‘the sum, and in all its parts, is infallible. The history written 
by Moses contains nothing, but what might be looked for in 
the dictates of a Being of infinite wisdom. His laws can 
in no instance be taxed with injustice, nor his assertions with 
falsehood. 

The character which Moses ascribes to God, as far tran- 
scends any thing found in the heathen writers, as the God of 
the universe is more glorious than an idol. Among the 
things written by Moses, the character of God, the origin of 
the universe, the perfect standard of morality, the maxims of 
civil policy, and the excellent code of laws, were all far be- 
yond the reach of human wisdom. 

This remark is so certainly true, that among all the pro- 
ductions of mortal men since his time, none have come 
within an infinite distance of him, but such as have copied 
from his originals, or drawn from the same fountain of in- 
spiration. 

Why then should we disbelieve his history? It states 
things, which, if they cannot in every instance be proved, 
can in no instance, be disproved—facts, which the whole 


* It is hoped, that the absurd and kingly usage of the pronoun we for J, 
will soon cease to have the sanction of good writers and speakers,—Ed, 


-THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 221 


current of universal testimony corroborates. Efence, if the 
certainty of the deluge restea wholly on the authority of 
revelation, it would need no better support. So far is that 
from being the case, however, that, in fact, no event is more 
strongly attested or sustained by the belief of all the ancient 
nations, as we shall presently state. 

2. The geography of the earth affords several strong 
proofs of a universal deluge. The productions of the sea 
are found in the most inland parts, not only on the earth’s 
surface, but even deep in its bowels; and not only in yalleys 
and plains, but in hills and mountains. ‘These productions 

are found in such quantities, as not to be accounted for by 
any slight or partial cause, and in such a state, as denotes 
them to have been deposited there for many ages. 

Had there ever been such a deluge, as Moses describes, 
such appearances, as are now observed, must have follow- 
ed. Marine productions must have been washed up on the 
land, and in many places mingled with it. In one eminent 
instance, then, it must be aliowed, that the phenomena of 
nature confirm the truth of the Mosaic history, and that too 
in an article, thought by some the most doubtful. We need 
inquire for but one cause for one effect ; and certainly the 
universal diffusion of marine productions, can only be ac- 
counted for, by supposing, that the ocean once covered the 
earth. 
The configuration of the surface of the earth, the posi- 
tions of hills, mountains, valleys and plains, seem to denote 
some ancient war of elements. They are, generally speak- 
ing, so situated and fashioned, as might be expected from the 
whirlpools, currents, and eddies of the retiring flood, and can 
only be accounted for, as the effects of the deluge. 

3. The belief of all the ancient nations, and the testimo- 
nies of many writers of antiquity, confirm Moses’ account 
of the deluge, and shew, that no article of ancient history 1s 
better supported. We shall here state a few authorities on 
this subject. 

1. The first authority, among the heathen writers, is that 
of Berosus the Chaldean. From his testimony we may 
learn the opinion of the Chaldeans respecting the flood. If 
we change the name of Noah for that of Xisuthrus, it w Il 
appear that Berosus has the whole history of the deluge 
complete. Berosus says, “that very anciently the gods 
being greatly offended at the wickedness of the human race, 
foretold to Xisuthrus, that they intended to destroy the 


222 THE CREDIBIS.ITY OF 


world by a deluge. Xisuthrus immediately set about build- 
ing a ship of very great dimensions. After many years, a 
prodigious vessel was constructed, and Xisuthrus with his 
family entered into it, with a multitude of creatures, which 
were to be preserved. 

‘‘'The flood then came, the face of the whole earth was 
covered; and the vessel which carried the only surviving 
family of the human race, was buoyed up, and floated on the 
boundless deluge. ‘The waters at length abated, the ship 
chanced to land on a mountain in Armenia, called Ararat.” 
The same author says, that nigh to his own times, ‘large 
pieces of timber were still seen on those mountains, univer- 
sally supposed to be pieces of the ship of Xisuthrus.” Many 
other Chaldean writers mention the same things; so that 
the belief of the Chaldeans in the deluge, rests on the most 
unquestionable authorities... Moreover, the certainty, that 
they did believe in it, is a consideration of great weight ; for 
Nimrod founded their empire but a short time after the de- 
luge; and they, of all the ancient nations, were the most 
likely to have correct information, as far as depended on 
tradition. 

2. The second authority, we shall mention, is Ovid, a 
writer of the Augustan age. He relates the story, though 
with different names, much inthe same way. He says, that 
*¢ the gods, to punish the wickedness of man, destroyed the 
earth with a deluge. ‘The destruction was so complete, that 
only Deucalion and Pyrrha escaped to the top of mount 
Parnassus.” 

3. Varro, the most learned man the Roman state pro- 
duced, is full to our purpose. Varro says, that “in ancient 
times, there was a universal deluge, in which the human race 
were nearly all destroyed.” He says, that the flood took 
place 1600 years before the first Olympiad. Now it is known, 
that the first Olympiad took place 776 years before Christ. 
This account admirably corresponds with the scripture chro- 
nology; for 1600 added to 776, makes 2376 ; whereas the 
Mosaic chronology places the flood 2348 years before Christ, 
a difference of only twenty-eight years in a range of time 
so long. When we consider the erudition of Varro, and 
that his chronology was drawn from the Greeks and Egy 
tians, and came through a different channel from that of the 
scripture, we may well be astonished at this coincidence, 
and can have no rational doubt of the correctness of the 
facts in question. ; 


THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 223 


4, Seneca, the celebrated Roman philosopher and histo- 
rian, is very particular on the subject of the deluge. He 
not only says the same things, as the above cited authors, 
but goes much further into the subject, assigning what were 
the probable causes of the flood. He moreover says, that 
as the world has once been destroyed by water, so it shall 
again be destroyed by fire, and like a philosopher, proceeds 
to account for the possibility, and even probability, of such 
an event. 

5. Few men were more extensively read, or more deeply 
learned in history, than Josephus, the Jewish historian. He 
affirms, that we read of the deluge and the ark in the writings 
of all the barbarian historians; and that all the eastern na- 
tions were uniform in their belief of that article of the Mo- 
saic history. ; 

6. Vossius says, that a tradition prevails among the Chi- 
nese, that Puoncuus with his family, escaped from the 
universal deluge, and was the restorer of the human race. 
The same is also stated by father Martinus, the Jesuit, who 
was a resident in China, and who says, that all the ancient 
writers of the Chinese history, speak largely of the flood. 
Even among the Indians of North and South America, many 
traditions of a general deluge, are said to prevail. 

7. We shall close this enumeration of authors, with the 
great and respectable names of Strabo, Plato and Plutarch, 
all of whom asa waged belief in a general deluge. Plu- 
tarch, particularly, says, that Deucalion, when the waters of 
the flood were abating, sent forth a dove, which returned 
with an olive leafin her mouth. It may indeed be said, that 
he copied this from the history of Moses; in reply to 
which, we only need answer, if so, then he doubtless gave 
credit to that history. 

Many more testimonies might be adduced on this subject; 
but from those already stated, those who are disposed to 
tax the history of Moses, in this article, with falsehood or 
absurdity, may see something of the nature of the contru- 
versy, in which they are engaged. 

It is thought by many, that the heathen mythology de- 
ciphered, is but the history of Noah and his sons, and the 
original dispersion of their families. Saturn, whom mytho- 
logy dectares to be the father of gods and men, they say, 
was NNeah; and Jupiter, the son of Saturn, was Ham, the 
son of Noah. Plato affirmed, that Saturn was the son of 
of Oceanus and Thetis. 


224 THE CREDIBILITY OF 


_ A bold and lively fancy would not scruple to say, that 
Noah was born of the sea or of the flood. ‘Thetis was the 
Ocean, and Oceanus, the god, who was supposed to preside 
over it. As Noah passed over the deluge from the old word to 
the new, nothing could be more natural in those simple and 
pastoral ages, which followed, than for orators, poets and 
fabulists first, and at length for all others to celebrate him, 
as sprung from the sea; yea, to promote him at length into 
a god, and to adore him, as the father of gods and men. 

When Babylon was taken by Alexander the Great, his . 
philosopher, Calisthenes, found in the tower of Babel, as- 
tronomical observations for 1903 years preceding ; i. e. 
from its supposed building. ‘The Chaldeans were astrono- 
mers at a very early date; and their view in rearing that 
very high tower, among other things, might have been to 
provide a convenient ebservatory. Alexander took Babylon 
about 333 years before Christ; which would make the 
building of Babel 2236 years before Christ. The Mosaic 
history places the flood 2348 years before the Christian era. 
Consequently, Babel must have been begun within a little 
more than a century from the flood. 

Three famous ancient authors, viz. Plato, Herodotus, 
and Diodorus Siculus, each of whom visited Egypt, fix the 
date of the heroic age, and what they call the wars of the 
great gods, at different eras, but not far from the same 
time. Plato fixes the date of these gs in the time of 
Cecrops. The “ Antiquities of Greece” state that Cecrops 
founded the commonwealth of Athens 1450 years before 
Christ, or 253 years before the Trojan war. ‘Herodotus 
and Diodorus fix those wars a little earlier. Between the 
days of Cecrops and the flood, were 898 years. In this 
time the Mosaic history comes down to the conquest of 
Canaan ; and in this time took place all those transactions 
between gods and giants, so famous in mythology. From 
this statement we deduce two considerations of importance. 

1. Neither the traditions nor histories of the Greeks and 
Egyptians claim a higher antiquity than the Mosaic history 
—and 

2. As far as their traditions can be traced from facts, or 
their allegories resolved, they go rather to corroborate, 
than weaken the authority of that history. In this period, 
Menes, or Misraim, laid the foundation of the ancient king- 
dom of Egypt, which, it is said, the Copts and Arabs still 
call the land of Mesr, or Misraim. In the same period, 


THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 225 


Nimrod founded the kingdom of Babylon—Elam, the son 
of Shem, founded the Persian, and Ashur the Assyrian em- 
pires. Joktan, the great grandson of Arphaxad, ‘settled in 
Africa; and the sons of Japheth setiled in Italy, Germany, 
Scythia and the East. ‘Those who have leisure and inclina- 
tion to read, may see this subject treated at large, in Bed- 
ford’s Chronology. 5 

Under this head, it shall suffice to say, that no account of 
the origin of the universe of creatures, has ever been pre- 
sented to the human understanding, so rational, so sublime, 
and so consonant to the spontaneous voice of nature, as 
that given by Moses. 

It only remains for us to inquire, whether the books called 
the books of Moses, are genuine; whether they were in 
fact, the productions of Moses; and whether Moses could 
have been aided in writing these books, by any other means 
of knowledge, than divine inspiration. 

That the books of Moses, cegamonly called the Penta- 
teuch, are genuine, 1. e. written by him or under his imme- 
diate direction, there is satisfactory evidence. ‘The first 
source of evidence we shall notice, is the regular annals ot 
anation. That the Israelites were an enlightened nation, is 
evident, from the elegance and sublimity of their writings, 
and the wonderful and excellent fabric of their laws. The 
fundamental maxims of law and justice, among the most 
enlightened nations now existing are borrowed from the law 
of Moses. And whoever will examine the civil government 
of the Hebrews, will perceive, that their maxims of policy 
were drawn with consummate wisdom.* That Moses was 
a general, a law-giver, and a writer among the Hebrews, is 
as evident, as that Solon, Lycurgus, or Julius Cesar sustain- 
ed some of the same offices in their respective countries. 
Whoever can believe that Homer wrote an epic poem; De- 
mosthenes, orations; Cesar,-commentaries; or Horace, 
odes, must also, if he is candid, believe that the books of 
Moses are genuine. 

Let us now inquire, whether Moses had any means of 
coming to the knowledge of things, which took place be- 
fore his day, besides those of immediate inspiration. 
He certainly had, for he was skilled in all the learning 
of the Egyptians, in his time the most learned of 
nations. 


———- 


* See Lowman on the civil government of the Hebrews. 


296 THE CREDIBILiry OF 


Moses was the son of Amram, the son of Kohath, the son 
of Levi. Shem, the son of Noah,dlived near to the birth of 
Jacob; and Methusaleh had lived many years cotempcrary 
with Adam, and also many years with Shem. It will hence 
follow, that Adam conversed with Methusaleh—he, with 
Shem—Shem, with Isaac ; and Moses might have seen per- 
sons, who had conversed with Isaac. 

Moses, therefore, must have possessed peculiar advan- 
tages, to know whatever could be known, orally, of ancient 
history. And who does not know the accuracy, with which 
many nations preserve historic facts, and the facility, with 
which they transmit them to posterity, without alphabetic 
writing? Admitting, therefore, the origin of the human race 
to have been as Moses relates, it is highly probable, that 
Moses, and others as well as he, must have had very com- 
plete information respecting Adam and Eve—their trans- 
gression—the murder of Abel—the punishment of Cain— 
the translation of Enoch—the progress of art, and of vice, 
before the flood—the building of the ark—the flood, and the 
re-peopling of the earth, by Noah and his sons; especially, 
when we add to other considerations, the great age, to which 
they lived before the flood. 

The longevity of the antediluvians is asserted by many 
of the heathen writers of antiquity. It was their opinion, 
that the human race, while uncorrupted by vice, lived long ; 
but when they provoked the gods by their wickedness, dis. 
eases were sent, and their lives cut short. 

Adam, indeed, could have learned nothing of what took 
place before his creation, but by special revelation. But 
what is there unreasonable in the idea, that the Almighty, 
when he had created man, should reveal himself to him, and 
give him some intimations concerning the work of creation 
and providence? We, answer, Nothing. ‘The reverse 
would be unreasonable, and utterly inconsistent with the 
wisdom and goodness of God. For Almighty power to give 
existence to man, to immure him in darkness, to leave him 
to explore his way to the discovery of his own origin, duty 
and destiny, and to find out the existence and perfections of 
the first cause, would be utterly inconsistent with divine 
- benevolence. 

Considering man either’ in his original or fallen state, 
there is nothing unreasonable in the idea of God’s reveal- 
_ ing himself to him in a direct and special manner. Had 

man never fallen, who can doubt, that God would have 


THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 227 


given him various, continual and most glorious manifesta- 
tions? By these, he would have been ennobled and per- 
fected in his moral faculties, till he attained the high 
excellence of angelic natures. Even in his depraved and 
fallen state, it was not inconsistent with the Father of 
mercies to begin, to carry on, and to complete, his benevo- 
lent designs toward him, by an immediate revelation of 
himself. 

We may then demand, why are some philosophers, so op- 
posed to the doctrine of a special revelation of God to man- 
kind? Is not the language of their hearts, Depart from us, 
O Lord, we desire not the knowledge of thy ways ? 

Since it cannot be denied, that man is a reasonable being 

—that he is a moral agent, capable of virtue and vice, and 
that as such, he is a proper subject of government, neither 
can it be denied, that his highest felicity must forever depend 
on his progress in knowledge and virtue. ‘That he should, 
therefore, come to the knowledge of a being of infinite 
power, wisdom and goodness, seems indispensable to his 
happiness. Hence, it seems to be a thing highly desirable 
in itself, and necessary to man’s eternal well-being, that God 
should reveal himself to man, in ways far more direct and 
special, than he has in the works of nature. 
lx». When God’s character and perfections are once disco- 
vered, we then can easily perceive traces of them in his 
works; but if God had never revealed himself to man in 
any special way, it is extremely doubtful, whether the 
mind of man ever would have reached the first cause, even 
in conjecture. We often hear it observed, that pure Deism 
is the most rational and self-consistent of all religions. But 
it should be remembered, that the idea even of that one 
God, of which pure Deism boasts, is obtained from divine 
revelation. wae: 

Could we see what system of theology the mind of man 
would frame, without any aid from immediate revelation, 
we should see a scheme far different from the boasted true 
or pure Deism. Such a scheme may indeed be seen in the 
religion of some of the inhabitants of Africa and the islands, 
who, it is said, have not the least idea of a Supreme Being, 
care nothing about futurity, and live without law or go- 
vernment.* Pure Deism, therefore, would prove to bea 
scheme of religion without the idea of a God; a scheme, 


* See Locke on the Human Understanding—vol. i. lib. i. p. 64, 65. 
38 


228 THE CREDIBILITY OF 


which probably the pure Deist must either adopt, or look for 
the character of the God whom he adores, in special revela- 
tion. It will hence follow, that pure Deism, divested of any 
aid from revelation, will prove to be theism. Indeed we 
may safely assert, that, had not God made a supernatural 
revelation of himself to man, the whole human race would 
have been Atheists and savages. 

The common objection to the doctrine of creation, as 
taught by Moses, is, that it is impossible to conceive, how 
God could create all things out of nothing. We have no 
difficulty in conceiving, that God is a being of almighty 
power; yet we have no conception of the manner, in which 
he exerts his power, even in any case. Upon a careful ex- 
amination of this matter, it will appear, that the objection 
before us operates equally against all events, as effects of 
divine power. It simply amounts to this; we cannot con- 
ceive how divine power operates. Shall we therefore deny 
that it operates at all? 

The mighty chain of effects and causes, although it be- 
sins with the great first Cause, consists of innumerable 
links. Many effects in their turn, become causes, and pro- 
duce other effects ; whence, generally speaking, all effects 
are in their turn causes ; and all causes, excepting One, are 
effects. In this infinitely wide field of causes, there seems 
to obtain one important distinction. All these multifarious, 
and. perpetually operating causes, are either intelligent and 
designing, or incogitative and physical. These two classes 
of causes are widely different in their nature, and equally 
so in their effects. So far as our observations can extend, 
proportion, arrangement, beauty and excellency, whenever 
they are effects, are invariably and immediately from intelli- 
gent and designing causes. Unintelligent, incogitative 
causes, never produce order, proportion, beauty or excel- 
lency. Homer could write an excellent poem; buta rock, 
if conveyed to the top of a mountain, and set rolling down, 
will dash and prostrate all before it. There will be nothing 
like order or elegance inits path. Sir Christopher Wren, or 
Inigo Jones, could build a glorious palace $ but a whirlwind, 
a torrent or an earthquake, though never known to erect the 
smallest building, have been known to throw down and 
demolish many. Where agents of that nature have been 
operating for ages, so far from ever effécting any thing 
beautiful or useful, the disorders of such a place will only 
increase. ' 


THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 229 


We are therefore taught by reason and experience, that 
the order, beauty and magnificence of the visible universe, 
are the effects of an intelligent, designing cause. ‘The con- 
clusion is irresistible, that there must be a being, who does 
produce such effects. We see enough of his power and 
wisdom displayed, to afford conviction that he can create. 
There seems nothing absurd or extravagant in the idea, that 
abeing of Almighty power, can create out of nothing. 
It is not derogating from the respect due to God, to say that 
he cannot work contradictions; that he cannot cause two 
and two to be five ; that he cannot cause a thing to be, and 
not to be, at the same time; but that he can cause a thing 
to be at one time, and not to be at another, involves no 
absurdity. Let it be supposed, that there was a time, when 
no creature existed. Will the objector say, that the eter- 
nal God could not give existence to creatures? Will he say, 
that God could not create both matter and mind? An artist, 
indeed, cannot make a watch without materials, and tools 
to work with. He must have the steel, the silver, the 
brass, the chrystal, &c. Must therefore, the infinite Deity 
have pre-existing materials, m order to make a world? If 
so, he is but an artist of superior skill, but of limited 
powers. 

Those therefore, who object to the idea of absolute cre- 
ation as absurd, should tell wherein that absurdity consists. 
If they deny a distinction between matter and mind, and 
hold matter to be eternal and uncreated, it will come to 
this, that there is nothing but matter, and nothing but 
Deity ; that all things are God; or that there is no mind, 
no creation, no God. If there be any such thing as mind 
in creatures, it is a conscious, thinking ‘principle or being. 
But all rational creatures, with whom we are acquainted, 
know perfectly well, that their consciousness has not been 
eternal, but had a very recent beginning. But if minds 
have a beginning, we are compelled to grant, that they 
are created. Is it more difficult to create matter, than 
mind? . It is presumed that no modest, sensible man will 
affirm, that matter and mind cannot be created, without he 
is previously able to tell us what matter and mind are. 
When the philosopher can go so far as to prove from the 
nature of a being, that God Almighty could not have cre- 
ated it, we will subscribe to his scheme ; but if his weight- 
iest argument be found in his acknowledged ignorance, 
he is liable to the charge of inconsistency. For, as on the 


230 THE CREDIBILITY OF THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 


one hand, there is nothing in the known nature of things, 
which militates against the idea of their being created, so on 
the other, the being and perfections of God are proofs, that 
he can create, and all the phenomena of nature corroborate 
the same. And it will be found that all those strong doubts 
respecting the possibility of creation, are grounded on doubts 
of the being and perfection of God. But should the objec- 
tion before us, be allowed to have all its full weight, i. e. 
that we cannot at all, conceive how God can create out of 
nothing ; will it thence be safe to conclude, that he did not 
in fact create? Can we conceive how divine power, or in- 
deed any other power, is applied to cause the revolution of 
the planets? Yet by some power or other, their revolution 
is effected. Can we conceive how the energy of the divine 
will operates in the production of any one event? or, in 
short, can we conceive how any one cause ever produces 
any effect? Has the divine will, therefore, no energy? And 
is there no such thing as cause and effect? Can we con- 
ceive how God can be omnipresent? Is he therefore, not 
omnipresent? In short, to come nearer home, can I con- 
ceive, how the motion of the pen, now in my hand, is con- 
nected with my volition, and caused by it?’ No more than 
I can conceive how God could create the universe. Yet my 
pen does move, and that motion is connected with, and 
caused by, my volition. 

If our conceptions must be the rule and the limit of our 
belief, we shall directly plunge into scepticism, and shall 
never stop short of Atheism. The objection before us, 
therefore, is utterly void of weight, and evidently of atheisti- 
cal tendency. | 

Since, therefore, the Mosaic history, in the doctrine of 
creation, asserts nothing repugnant to reason, nor yet to the 
phenomena of nature—since all existing considerations 
rather favor, than discountenance that doctrine—since that 
history, in general, is corroborated by collateral testimonies, 
as far as they exist, and by the genuine characters of reality, 
truth and reason, where they do not; it challenges belief and 
respect, as the highest, most unquestionable and valuable of 
all ancient authorities. 


CAUSES OF THE OBSCURITY OF ANCIENT HISTORY. 231 


CHAPTER XV. 


CAUSES WHICH HAVE OPERATED TO PLUNGE ANCIENT HIsS- 
, TORY INTO DARKNESS. 


‘SEVERAL events, both in‘ ancient and modern times, 
have conspired to plunge the history of ancient nations inte 
darkness. ‘Those events have cast a veil of obscurity over 
such parts, as have reached our times, and have unfortu- 
nately buried others in oblivion. In the first class of those 
events, may be ranked the destruction of libraries. ‘The 
famous library of Alexandria, founded by Ptolemy Philadel- 
phus, about 284 years before the Christian era, consisted of 
vast collections of records, histories, tracts, poems and 
works of taste. This immense repository of ancient science, 
had been replenishing for several centuries. Here was 
amassed every thing that was curious, valuable, or elegant, 
among literary productions, since the days of Memnon, in- 
cluding, doubtless, all the ancient tales and genealogies, 
handed down by oral tradition, before the invention of let- 
ters. This library was destroyed in the burning of Alexan- 
dria, by Julius Cesar. “« 

Here were doubtless many valuable originals, utterly lost. 
Before the art of printing, and especially in ancient times, 
there were but few books in the world; no work of magni- 
tude could be obtained, but at a great expense. The Alex- 
andrian library might have comprised half the books in the 
world, and very many of them with scarcely a duplicate ex- 
isting. The loss was reckoned at 400,000 volumes. The 
institution was however, revived, and a still greater collec- 
tion made, which was enriched by the noble productions of 
the Aucustan age. This flourished till the seventh century 
of the Christian era, when it was burned by the Saracéns, 
who used the books for common fuel. ‘There perished 
760,000 volumes. 

We may next notice the extinction of smaller libraries, 
and institutions for promoting science. ‘The loss of these, 
though less ostensible, yet, on account of their numbers, 
and dispersion through the most enlightened nations, by 
imperceptible degrees beclouded the skies, and served to 
overwhelm the days of antiquity in darkness. The rage 
of barbarians, in every age, has been levelled at the pro- 
ductions of art and genius, which it is their pride and 

38* 


A 


232 CAUSES OF THE OBSCURITY OF ANCIENT HISTORY. 


pleasure to destroy. When but few copies of the most 
valuable works were extant, the burning of a single house, 
might bury in oblivion the annals of a nation. Nor yet is 
the impervious gloom, with which many parts of ancient 
history are covered, chargeable wholly on savages. In the 
destruction of Memphis, Persepolis, Babylon, Nineveh, 
Tyre, Jerusalem, Carthage and Corinth, many valuable 
productions of genius and learning were forever lost. Who 
can read of the sack of Corinth, without emotions of un- 
speakable regret? There the most elegant statues and pic- 
tures, the finest productions of Greece in her meridian, were 
dashed in the streets, crushed in the general wreck, and 
thrown into the flames. And after the immense capital of 
the Roman empire had been enriched, ornamented and ag- 
grandized by all, that had escaped the wars of two thousand 
years, it was destined to be plundered from time to time, and 
fall a prey to the barbarians, over whom it had triumphed ; 
so that in the reign of Justinian, it was besieged and taken 
five times in the space of twenty years. 

The decline of the Roman empire, and its subversion by 
the northern nations of Europe, have thrown between us 
and ancient times, a wide and dreary vale of darkness, 
through which only afew of the stronger lights of history 
gleam upon our times. Instead of wondering that there is 
so liitie, it is wonderful, indeed, that so much has escaped 
the gulf of oblivion—that so many inestimable jewels have 
been dug from the tombs of empires, and that so many 
noble monuments of literature have been able to resist the 
waste of ages, and the shock of revolutions. 

The Roman empire first experienced a total loss of public 
virtue. Inseparably connected with that, was the loss of its 
liberties, and the elevation to the imperial throne of a suc- 
cession of the most execrable monsters of,vice, that ever 
swayed the sceptre. It long survived its orators, poets, his- 
torians and philosophers; it long survived its virtue, inte- 
grity and martial spirit. During so general a decay of in- 
tellivence, genius, and virtue, events must have arisen highly 
prejudicial to ancient literature, which we have no means of 
tracing. All the paths of science were overrun and en- 
tangled with unintelligible scholastic jargon; and the Chris- 
tian religion itself, which had, by the purity and simplicity of 
its doctrines and morals, prevailed and triumphed through 
the empire, at length became loaded with useless ceremony, 
and ridiculous superstition. 


SOURCES OF ANCIENT HISTORY. .. 2382 


In a word, the fall of the ancient Greeks and Romans, the 
rage of barbarians, a series of great revolutions, and the 
lapse of numerous ages, have conspired with numberless 
events of less magnitude, to lessen our means of the know- 
ledge of ancient history. But many stupendous works of 
art and literary productions have made their way through all 
these storms, have neither been worn out by the wheel of 
revolving ages, cancelled by the restless malice of man, nor 
crushed in the general wreck of states and empires. 

To trace out these valuable remains, is a melancholy, 
though a pleasing, useful and important work. To accom- 
plish that work, we are compelled to examine a voluminous 
comment on the depravity of our species; we are led to 
consider man, when under the reign of his passions, as an 
object of extreme deformity and disgust. In pursuing those 
interesting discoveries, we are guided by a few scattered 
lights, which burn with strong lustre; we must make wide 
and solitary excursions among the tombs of heroes, sages, 
empires and revolutions. ‘There we shall see displayed the 
greatest efforts of genius, and the strongest powers of phi-| 
losophy ; and there we shall see, that all human institutions, ' 
however flourishing they may appear for a while, must at 
length fade. 


‘ 


——— 


CHAPTER XVI. 


SOURCES, WHENCE THE KNOWLEDGE OF ANCIENT HIS- 
TORY IS DRAWN. — 


IT is upwards of 3600 years since Memnon, the Egyptian, 
invented the letters of the alphabet; about three centuries 
after which, they were introduced by Cadmus into Greece.* 


_— 


* Great and respectable authorities advocate the opinion, that 
alphabetical writing was nota human invention, but wholly a matter 
of immediate inspiration. Neither their arguments, nor the answers 
to them, can be here inserted. Much may be said on both sides of 
this question. We shall only observe, that it seems paying a useless 
compliment to revelation, miracle, inspiration, or any kind of super- 
natural agency, to be ready to call in their aid, in matters, where 
they are not necessary, or to ascribe to them, as causes, thiags which 
may be easily accounted for without them. Besides, it is contrary 
to a known rule of philosophy, which forbids us to inquire for more 
causes of a thing, than are sufficient to explain its phenomena 'Thero 


234 SOURCES OF 


To perpetuate the memory of events, and to convey ideas 
to persons absent, invention first suggested the use of figures, 
or images of things intended. When these were found in- 
adequate, symbols, emblematic of more complex ideas, 
were adopted. But the defect of these, in expressing com- 
binations and abstract ideas, must have soon appeared ; and 
was probably followed by the discovery, that a certain com- 
bination of arbitrary marks, might be adapted to the ex- 
pression of all articulate sounds. ‘This was doubtless the 
noblest of all inventions, as it has proved a most wonderful 
means of improving the human mind. It not only answered 
the highest expectations of its inventor, but doubtless far 
exceeded all conjecture ; as it proved to be the father of all 
the liberal arts and sciences, and has continued the widen- 
ing~source of knowledge, happiness and admiration, to 
every age. 

The most ancient of authentic historians, with whom we 
are acquainted, is Moses. He was born in Egypt 1571 
years before Christ, at a time, as we have already remarked, 
when Egypt was the most enlightened of all nations. He, 
being the adopted son of Pharaoh’s daughter, was of course 
educated in all their learning. He was born 777 years after 
the flood, 289 after Ashur founded the Assyrian empire, and 
277 years after the death of Shem. 

When Moses wrote, alphabetic writing had been known 
in Egypt several centuries; and, if we consider the rapid 
improvements, which that very ingenious people made in 
the art and science, we shall see cause to believe that, in 
Moses’ time, they had made very considerable progress. 
Nor were the Egyptians the only nation, who improved in 
science at that early period. ‘The Chaldeans or Assyrians 
were among the first cultivators of the sciences, particularly 
astronomy ; so that, as we have already noted, their astro- 
nomical observations began, at least nmeteen hundred years 
before the time of Alexander. 

The longevity of the ancient nations, which did not 
wholly cease, till some time after the flood; the simplicity 
of their modes of life; their being planted in luxuriant 
regions of health and plenty, and their genius and spirit of 


is not only a total want of evidence, that an alphabet was given by 
inspiration, but, like all other arts, we seem fully authorized to as- 
eribe it to the progress of invention and discovery. Many things in 
the history of literature, both ancient and modern, stioniaky corrobo- 
rate this opinion. 


ANCIENT HISTORY. 235 


enterprise, will account for the rapidity of their improve- 
ments and population; so that it will be no matter of sur- 
prise, if we find, within seven hundred years after the deluge, 
the eastern continent generally peopled—if we find populous 
cities, great nations and extensive empires. 

At the time already mentioned, Moses appeared in Egypt, 
aman whom divine endowments, genius and learning, as 
well as the elevated rank, to which he was raised by adop- 
tion, and which he ornamented by his merits, had fitted 
for an important sphere of action, as law-giver, general, 
prophet and historian. To what was said in a former 
chapter, concerning Moses’ advantages in writing the his- 
tory he wrote, we shall here only add, that as alphabetic 
writing, and of course, something of records, might have 
been within forty vears of the death of Shem, whe had con- 
versed long with Methusaleh, and he with Adam, we can- 
not doubt, that Moses had not only the most ancient, but the 
most correct, information concerning the things, found in 
history. 

The history written by Moses, contains nothing but what 
might be looked for in the dictates of a being of infinite 
wisdom; and the nature and character of the five books, 
called the Pentateuch, exhibit as clear a proof of divine in- 
spiration, as the frame of the heavens and earth do, of 
divine workmanship; and that blindness must be great, 
which does not perceive them to be so. Indeed, it will be 
found to be a truth, that those, who question the one, will 
also doubt the other. 

In this place, we cannot avoid noticing the remark of an 
elegant historian, but who, at times, seems capable of asser- 
tions equally bold, impious and profane.* He asserts, that 
the God of Moses delighted in blood and cruelty. Will that 
writer deny the universality of God’s providence? Will he 
affirm, that God Almighty delights in cruelty and blood? It 
will be readily granted, that the nations of Canaan, whom 
Moses and Joshua invaded, had never injured the Hebrews. 
But had the governor of the universe no right to punish 
them for their wickedness, by what instruments he pleased? 
Will that writer affirm, that the Canaanites were an inno- 
cent, virtuous people, not deserving what they suffered? It 
was far otherwise ; and so enormous were their crimes, that 
the righteous God of providence saw fit to extirpate them 


—_ —— 


* Russel’s Ancient Europe, 


236 SOURCES OF 


from the earth; to which work, he commissioned the Is- 
raelites, and made them the executioners of his wrath and 
vengeance. Were they better than the people of Lisbon, 
Lima, or Portugal, who perished by earthquakes? or was 
the destruction of the latter more providential than theirs ? 
or is it essential to justice, that the criminal should always 
suffer by the hand of the injured person? Evén under the 
best governments, criminals always suffer by those, whom 
they never injured. It is the province of every good go- 
vernment to provide its own executioners ; and they are 
often persons, who have no knowledge of the criminal. It 
was in this way God punished the people of Canaan. And 
who knows the extent of their desert? who can tell what 
privileges they had abused ?—how they trampled equally 
on divine justice and mercy, and insulted the threatenings, 
as well as the patience, of their Creator? The impious 
assertion, just noticed, was one of the most blasphemous, 
which ever escaped the mouth of man. For ‘as I live, 
saith the Lord God, I have no pleasure in the death of the 
wicked, but that the wicked turn from his way and live.” 
Does the general course of divine Providence justify our 
author’s assertion? or rather does it not exhibit the clearest 
proof, that God is long-suffering, slow to anger, and abun- 
dant in goodness and mercy ? 

Next to Moses, the course of whose history is traced by 
Josephus, a Jewish writer of the Augustan age, is Hero- 
dotus, a Greek historian, who is justly called the father of 
lustory. He flourished in the 87th Olympiad, 431 years 
before Christ. He was of the city of Halicarnassus, a mari- 
time city of Caria, a colony of the Asiatic Greeks. He 
wrote about a century before Alexander the Great conquer- 
ed Asia, while the Persian empire was still in its strength, 
while Egypt remained the august seat of learning, near the 
sacking of Rome by Brennus, and while the Grecian repub- 
lics were yet free, virtuous and powerful. 

‘Herodotus had travelled much in Western Asia—had 
visited the venerable seats of the ancient empires. His 
general history was divided into nine books. When he read 
his history to the learned assembly of Greece, they gave 
to his books the names of the nine Muses, as a testimony 
of the high sense they entertained of their superlative merit. 
He wrote in the Ionic dialect. 

Xenophon, a Greek historian, wrote about half a century 
after Herodotus. He had commanded an army in Persia, 


ANCIENT HISTORY. 237 


in the time of the younger Cyrus; and had conducted the 
retreat of ten thousand Greeks from the heart of the Persian 
empire ; an event much celebrated in ancient history. The 
style of Xenophon is simple, nervous and elegant; and it 
can scarcely be doubted, that something of the glory of the 
great Cyrus, has been owing to his pen. 

The Uiad of Homer isa source of abundant information. 
Several cities in ancient Greece, claim the honor of giving 
him birth. He wrote 907 years before the Christian era, 
_ From his poems, we may learn the manners and customs 
of his tune; the modes of life, and of making war; and the 
notions of honor, morality, religion and government, which 
prevailed. 

The genius of Homer was strong and rapid. To a great 
extent of knowledge, he added equal purity and elegance of 
taste. His notions of character were just, vivid and distin- 
guishing ; so that, as is said of another ancient writer, ‘his 
descripteon is vision.” Ossian, the Scottish bard, resembled, 
if not excelled, him in strength and boldness of imagination. 
While Virgil is compared to the meanders of a majestic river 
through a rich and fruitful land, Homer is compared to a 
stroke of lightning, which ina moment dazzles, astonishes, 
and is past. 

Homer’s Iliad will ever be considered an astonishing dis- 
play of genius; but of that kind of genius, however, which 
is rather terrible than lovely. ‘The characters, which he 
drew, fully evince the truth of this remark. 

A. character more unlovely, than that of Achilles, cannot 
well be imagined. Indeed, strength and courage are the 
favorite virtues of Homer; under whose burning pen, they 
often degenerate into cruelty, barbarity and revenge. War, 
blood and desolation, form the prominent features of the 
Iliad ; and render it, of all books, the most suitable pocket 
companion for Alexander the Great. 

Thucydides, Polybius, Diodorus Siculus, Dionysius of 
Halicarnassus, and many other writers before the Christian 
era; and, about that time and a little after, Livy, Pliny, Ta- 
citus, Suetonius, Plutarch and others; and among the Ro- 
man writers also, the names of Justin, Sallust, Virgil, and 
Cicero, should be noticed. ‘These writers, although they 
did not all write history, yet all contributed more or less, to 
perpetuate the important transactions of their times. To 
the labors of these men, the world is indebted for most of 
what is known of ancient history. 


239 SOURCES OF 


Many of the writings of Cicero, have reached our times ; 
but there is reason to believe, that some of his most excel- 
lent productions are lost. Cicero’s works have been more 
fortunate, than those of most of his predecessors or con- 
temporaries. It is thought, that the ancients excelled the 
moderns in genius. However this might be, it can scarcely 
be doubted, that they excelled in what is of more value than 
genius, even industry. 7 

There is another source, from whence some knowledge 
of antiquity is obtained; I mean the ruins of those amazing 
structures, towers, palaces and temples, which are scattered 
im many parts of Europe, Asia and Africa. This, indeed, 
would have been a much more fruitful source of knowledge, 
but for the repeated and too successful efforts of barbarians 
and hostile armies, to strip them of their ornaments, to tar- 
nish their beauties, and to erase their inscriptions. These 
monuments of ancient power, magnificence and splendor, 
are scattered along the coast of the Mediterranean, on the 
northern shores ef Africa, and indeed in many other parts 
of the ancient world. One would scarcely believe, after 
knowing the present wretched state of Africa, that it was 
once reckoned the highest state of luxury to reside there— 
that, as a residence, it was preferred to France, or Spain, or 
Italy ;* and that even Italy itself drew its corn from the 
fruitful fields of Africa.t Egypt and Carthage were once 
great and flourishing empires. The former disputed with 
the Assyrians and Greeks, and the latter with the Romans, 
for supremacy. The pyramids of Egypt, as they are the 
oldest monuments of ancient greatness, so they are certainly 
the most stupendous monuments of patient and persevering 
labor. From the earliest ages of history, they have stood, 
and have defied the waste of time, and the desolations of 
war. ‘I’o demolish the pyramids, would require more than 
the strength of a few individuals, and more than the per- 
severance of a barbarian army. ‘Therefore they stand, and 
will probably stand for numerous ages to come. ‘The rea- 
der may see, in Thompson’s, Volney’s, and Bruce’s travels, 
a particular account of the remains of antiquity in Syria, 
Egypt and some other parts. . 

The ancient monuments, found in Asia and Europe, are 
indicative of far greater perfection of taste and sublimity 


* The Africa so delightful to the ancients, was but a small part of 
the quarter of the world, now known by that name.—Ed. 
t “ Quidquid de Libycis verritur areis.”— Horace. 


ANGIENT HISTORY. 239 
/ 

of design, than those already mentioned. To mere exten- 
sion of parts, the Greeks added proportion. Materials of 
the finest quality, wrought with the utmost skill into build- 
ings of noble form, majestic size, and elegant proportion, 
gave them an air of sublimity, probably never to be excelled. 
But by how much these buildings displayed genius and sci- 
ence, by so much were they the more exposed to the savage 
fury of war. <A few of them have escaped, which make re- 
port to us of the astonishing genius of the ancients, which 
we never could have obtained from books. What must 
Athens have been in the days of Pericles ! 

The ruins of Persepolis, Palmyra, and Balbec, of which 
all travellers, who have seen them, speak with admiration 
and amazement, tell us more than we could learn from vo- 
lumes, concerning the opulence, power and genius of their 
builders, and, of the splendor and glory of their times. In 
all parts of Greece and Italy, and even co-extensive with the 
power of the ancient Romans, the remains of their grandeur 
may be seen in causeways, bridges, camps, castles, walls, 
temples and monuments. 

The celebrated Arundelian marbles, the numerous inscrip- 
tions, the remains of statues, medals and paintings, which 
have been discovered in vaults, or dug from ruins, or which 
have been preserved in sequestered places, or found by acci- 
dent, increase the body of evidence, cast a certain light on 
various parts of history, and determine many chronological 
questions of importance. 

These evidences of antiquity, standing singly, would lose 
much of their weight; but, combined, they substantiate and 
confirm each other; and, considered in their various connec- 
tions and relations, there no longer remains a doubt of their 
veracity. ‘Their combined testimonies give strength to each 
other singly, and in their sum they form a body of evidence, 
as clear and irresistible, as any case of ocular demonstration. 


~ It will be found as difficult to doubt, whether Alexander was 


king of Macedon, and conquered Persia, as whether George 
Washington was general and president in America.* 


fe * In this work, we have followed one or another of the preceding 


authors, as occasion served, or have taken their accounts indirectly 
through the hands of modern writers ; among which we have con- 


- sulted more particularly the following, viz. Rollin’s Ancient History, 


Russell’s Ancient Europe, Gillies’ Greece, Travels of Anacharsis, 
Prideaux’s Connection, Bedford’s Chronology, the Encyclopedia, 
Kennett’s Roman Antiquities, Goldsmith’s Abridgment of Roman 
History. 

39 


240 CHRONOLOGY. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


The word chronology is derived from two Greek words, 
chronos, time, and logos, discourse, or science. It may be 
defined, the science of time. Its object is to ascertain the 
times, when the most important events took place. 

The principal use of Chronology, as well as of Geogra- 
phy, is to aid in understanding and applying history. And 
so important for this object, are these sciences, that they 
have been well represented, as the two eyes of history ; or 
rather, of the historian. Without the use of these, the 
whole fabric of history must appear but a vast mass of chaos, 
darkness and confusion. Within a few years, great attention 
has been paid to the study of geography. How important, 
that this improvement in the course of education, should be 
followed by correspondent attention to chronology. With- 
_ out this, “ effects will often be placed before their causes ; 
cotemporary characters and eveuats disjoined; actions, hav- 
ing no relation to each other, confounded ; and much of the 
pleasure and benefit, which history ought to impart, will be 
lost.” 

Considering the importance of chronology, it is deeply 
‘to be regretted, that in its nature, it is so peculiarly dry and 
uninteresting—that of all branches of literature, the know- 
dedge of dates is most hard to gain, most easy to be lost. 
‘* Of all things, there is the most difficulty in retaining num- 
bers. They are like grains of sand, which will not cohere 
in the order, in which we place them. » This is probably the 
principal reason, that chronology has been so. neglected by 
most readers of history—that so few can tell, within hun- 
dreds of years, when Solon lived, or when Ricieie fell. If 
any method could be devised to render the acquisition more 
pleasant, more easy, more permanent, it must confer an 
illustrious benefit upon the literary world. Sucha method 
has been devised. It is the work of the ingenious Dr. Grey. 

This method, with some important improvements, I shall en- 
deavor to exhibit. 

The grand advantage of Grey’s method consists in the 
gree.c facility of remembering a word, compared with the 
difaculty of remembering a naked number. ‘There is no 
foubt, that most persons would find. it easier to treasure up in 
their minds, 100 wogds, though uncotith and barbarous, than 


CHRONOLOGY. 241 


to fix a dozen dates, without artificial help. If there are 
any great exceptions to this remark, they are perhaps mon- 
strous minds, that can learn one thing as easily as another, 
and on that account, are by no means to be envied. A word, 
then, must be substituted for a number, or must be so 
changed, as to represent a date. In order for this, a letter 
must be made to represent a figure ; and as we cannot utter 
several consonants together without vowels, nor conve- 
niently pronounce several vowels togeiher without conso- 
nants, it is necessary that each figure should be represented 
by a vowel or diphthong, and also, by a consonant. ‘These 
should be so adapted, as to be most easily learned and 
retained. It will be readily perceived, that the vowels 
a, €, 7, 0, u, should represent the figures, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. - 
These are learned at once, and can hardly be forgotten, 
after one minute’s attention. For the other five, diphthongs 
must be used. As astands for 1 and wu for 5, these united 
may represent 6, au, therefore, is put for 6; and for a 
similar reason o2 for '7, 00 for 8, and ow for 9; ai stands for 
cypher or zero, without any particular reason. Now, for 
the consonants. ‘The first consonant justly claims the 
representation of the first figure, 1. As c has generally 
the same sound, as & or s, itis omitted. The next letter is 
d, and may stand for, 2. ‘Those who know a very little of 
Latin, may remember, that it is the initial of duo, from 
which the word two is derived, TT, stands for 3, as being 
the initial of the word three. For the same reason, f stands 
for 4. V, being the Roman numeral, for five, represents 5. 
IL, the Roman numeral for 50 is also used for 5, or before 
another letter, for 50. The initial of siz iss. There is 
perhaps no other letter, that im common chirography, so 
much resembles 7, as p. K is made to stand for 8, fora 
Greek reason, (okto) as no one occurs in English ; n is the 
initial of 9; and last of all, we take z to represent zero. 
The nine digits and the zero, then, are represented as 
follows, . 


b od f itgfarlover IG. 3 P Bovin 


Now, let the reader study these, three minutes and see, 
if he cannot write down the whole from memory. G is 
used for two zeros, To express the date of the foundation 


242 CHRONOLOGY. 


of Rome, we drop the final e, and add the letters p, w, é, 
representing 7, 5, 3. Joining these, the word Romput is 
formed, indicating, that Rome was founded 753 years before 
Christ. It is very easy to remember, in almost every case, 
whether a date is before Christ, or after. It is also easy, 
without artificial aid, to remember the time of any event, 
within 1000 years. Indeed if persons do not gain such an 
acquaintance with the general course of events, as to be 
able to do this, without special effort, there will, perhaps, 
be no advantage in their knowing the exact time of any 
event. This method of artificial memory is not designed 
to supersede, but rather, to facilitate and improve attention 
to dates in the common way. Letters are not generally 
used, therefore, to represent thousands. Thus for the date 
of the fall of the Eastern Roman Empire, which took place, 
A. D. 1453, we use Romfut, instead of Romafut. For the 
_ ake of improving the sound of the word, however, the a 
or b, representing 1000, is sometimes inserted. Thus, to 
express the time of queen Anne’s accession; we adopt 
Annapaid (17702) rather than Annpard (702) ; and Gorfakez 
for that of George LV. rather than omnes the f being used 
to denote LY. 

As every figure is denoted by more than one letter, we 
may always have a choice of letters in chronologising 
words. This may be very convenient, in order to form the 
words in the most agreeable manner, and to adopt them, so 
as to express any particular ideas, to aid in recollecting the 
words and the ideas. ‘Thus, if we know, that Rome put 
down and subjugated all other nations, we can more easily 
remember the word Romput; and those who know the 
word, will more easily remember the fact; and those, who 
know neither, will more easily remember both, than either 
alone. In this case, they will serve as mutual props, to 
sustain each other. After learning Romput, it will be easy 
to learn Romfut from the similarity of sound. 

{t may be useful to give a few more examples, to fami- 
liarise and facilitate the use and application of this method 
of chronology, and to show the advantage of particular 
associations. We will take the English sovereigns from 
Henry VII. to William ITI. who reigned through the most 
interesting and instructive period of the British history. 
With this period, every American and every lover of civil 
‘ and religious liberty, ought to be acquainted. Henry VII. 
began to reign A. D. 1485, and his name may be chronolo- 


CHRONOLOGY. 243 


gised Henroz/fool, the ot signifying VII. The chronological 
part may be considered as a contraction for royal fool. 
‘Though wise in some respects, yet did he not seem to bea 
fool to make such efforts, and practise such extortion, for the 
accumulation of wealth, to be squandered away by such a 
vuin, vile, profligate, obstinate, arbitrary, cruel, persecuting 
wretch, as his son and successor, Henry VII? 

Henry VIII. ascended the throne, 1509—Henroivain. 
It is doubtful, whether a vainer mortal ever lived. There is 
reason to believe, that he was vain of his birth, his beauty, 
his accomplishments, his genius, his learning, his wisdom, 
his riches, his pomp, his power, his fame, and even of his 
religion. His successor was his son, 

Edward VI.—Edsavop. This pious and excellent prince 
saved the ration from the persecutions of Popery, and made 
a glorious opposition to the Man of Sin. Edsavop was suc- 
ceeded by his sister, the 

Bloody Mary, the Papist, the bigot. She insidiously 
promised to rule by the laws of Edward; but she soon be- 
came a horrid persecutor. -Her rule gave the lie to her pro- 
mise. We, therefore, call her Maruwli. Her successor 
was her sister 

Elizabeth, a decided Protestant. ‘This was considered 
as good luck to England and to the Protestant world. She 
is, therefore, called Elizaluk. The next king was - ~ 

James I.—Jambasait. He was succeeded by his son 
Charles I. He married Henrietta Mary, daughter of 
Henry IV. of France. ‘To her, he was most ardently at- 
tached, and assiduously devoted. As she was a Papist, 
this connection was most unhappy in its consequences. It 
was undoubtedly one of the principal causes, that brought 
upon the nation, calamities innumerable, for more than 50 
years. Must we not consider him as exceedingly base, thus 
to sellto a Papist, not only himself, but the welfare of his 
people? Well, then, is he entitled to the chronologised 
name, Charles basel. Perhaps it was no less base in his 
father to be willing, that Charles should marry a Papal, 
Spenish princess. Well, then, may James participate in the 
base part of the artificial name. 

Charles II.—Charlesdasauz. 

James I1.—Jamdasku. . 

For the two latter, there is no particular association of 
facts. While James II. was urging forward his mad career 
of Papal tyranny, it was earnestly desired that William, 

39* 


3 


244 CHRONOLOGY 


then prince of Orange, would soon come, and take the king- 
dom. In allusion to this, we may denominate him Walliam- 
take-soon, and by contraction, Willasoon. ‘This denotes the 
year, when William III. ascended the English throne. 

The reader has doubtless felt induced to decipher the 
chronologised names, as he has proceeded, from Edsavop to 
Wiltasoon. If so, he has found the exercise easier and 
easier. Farther practice will make it easier still; and he 
will soon be able to chronologise names, as well, as under- 
stand those chronologised by others. 

It may now be useful for the learner of history to commit 
to memory the above names, in their order. This will 
enable him to tell the commencement, the termination, and 
by calculation, the length of each reign, except that of Charles 
I. who was not succeeded by his son, till nearly twelve years 
after his death. Similar will be the result of chronologising 
and committing to memory, any list of kings in regular 
succession. 

Classes may most conveniently learn the chronologised 
words, as they learn to spell other words ; with this differ- 
ence, that after spelling each word its chronological import 
may also be mentioned. ‘I'he teacher may ask such ques- 
tions, as the following. How do you spell Henrotfool? and 
what date does it indicate ? 

When the. name of a monarch is chronologised, it indi- 
cates the year of his accession; that of a private person, 
the year of his bth. Thus Wicktef indicates that Wickliffe 
was born 13824.* : 

The Imperial and Biographical Chart will probably be 
found still more interesting and beneficial, than the method 
above described; as it is much better suited to impress the 
eye. It presents to us, at once, a picture of the grand out- 
line of history. We seem to see, in a moment, the chief 
kingdoms of the earth, and the most distinguished agents, 
that have been employed to scourge the world, or to bless 
mankind. With a glance, we see what nations and charac- 


' 


* This method of artificial memory may also be applied to Geogra- 
phy, at least to aid in remembering the latitude and longitude of 
countries. Thus Egepti denotes the mean latitude and longitude of 
Egypt; or the latitude and longitude of the centre of Egypt.- It is 
not convenient, however, to express the minutes. But it may often 
be useful to know a latitude and longitude of Egypt or other 
sountry, within half a degree. This method is equally applicable to 
“twas and cities. 


CHRONOLOGY. 2415 


ters were cotemporary, what successive, and how far any 
are removed from those, that precede, and those that follow 
them. By amore particular inspection, we may perceive 
and compare the most important dates, toa single year. 
How does it impress our minds with the principal revolu- 
tions, that have changed the face of the world. When we 
compare our own nation with others, here delineated, how 
young does it seem; what a child does it appear ; and we 
are led to exclaim, What manner of child shall this be !] 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 
~~ 


CHRONOLOGY OF THE PATRIARCHS. 


B. C. B.C. 

CREATION of Adam and Isaac marries Rebecca, . 1856 
Ever; % : 7 . 4004 | Birth of Jacob, : 1836 
Birth of Seth, . ‘ . 3874 of Reuben, .- . 1771 
of Enos, . ; . 3769 of Simeon, . wo aD 

of Cainan, ..  . 3679 of Levi, . P . 1769 

of Mahalaleel . 3609 of Judah, 5 . 1768 

of Jared, . . 3044 of Dan, . .  Ad67 

of Enoch, : . 3382 of Naphtali, . . 1765 

of Methuselah, . 3317 of Gad, . . . 1764 

of Lamech. . . 3130 of Asher, Rae ae bes | 

of Noah, . 2948 of Issacher, - . » heee, 

of Japheth, . , 2448 of Zebulon, . . 1755 

of Shem, ‘ . 2445 of Joseph, . . 1745 

The Flood, .  . . 2348} Jacob returns to Canaan,. 1739 


Birth of Arphaxad, . 2345|Birth of Benjamin, . . 1738 
of Salah, : , 2311 | Joseph sold into Egypt, . 1728 


of Eber, . ; ., 2281 becomes minister of 
of Peleg, sf, ee east Egypt, . .. 1715 
of Reu, . i . 2217] Birth of Manasseh, son of 
of Serug, PUR 2 Ves fo Re SR be A 
of Nahor, . . 2155|Birth of Ephraim, son of 
of Terah, . 2126] Joseph, .. ; , ; AWLO 
of Abram, .  . 1996) Seven years’ famine begins, 1708 
of Sarah,- . . 1986| Jacob and family go into 
Call of Abram, oli eR POR MGV T. wake ae Nay 1706 
Famine in Canaan—Abram Birth of Aaron, son of Am- 


and Lot gointo Egypt, 1920; ram, . . .  . 1574 
Birth of Ishmael, . 1910] Birth of Moses, son of Am- 
Sodom consumed, . ve AERTS orem, pone : ‘ . 1571 
Circumcision established, 1897 | Moses returns into Egypt, 
Birth of Isaac, . : . 1896| to deliver the Hebrews, 1491 


—~<— 


GOVERNORS AND JUDGES* OF THE ISRAELITES. 


B. C. BC. 
Moses, ae» . 14911 Othniel, . |. . 1405 
Joshua,t, sir ay eo ae had,” ., 1325 


* It is extremely difficult to trace the chronology of this period. 
Indeed most of the dates are still uncertain, and probably incorrect ; 
but it is hoped, that none of them are very far from the truth —Ed. 


B. C, 
Deborah and Barak,» 1285 
Gideon, . - 1245 
Abimelech, . 1236 
Tola, : 7 - 1282 
Jair, . 1179 
Jephthah, . 1139 


& 69 0D 


CS OD SED OTe C9 2D 


. Zedekiah, 7 
' Neébirelaiinoxaae destroy- 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 


247 


B.C. 
Ibzan, ; rn - 1133 
Elon, a a Str ie ow) BE 
'Abdon, a. a + ALlé 
Samson born, . 1157 
Eli, Judge, 1181 
Samuel, Judge, 1141 


CHRONOLOGICAL REGAL TABLES. 


KINGS OF THE JEWS. 


B. C.. 

. Saul; . ! . 1095 

' David and eee 1055 

. David alone, 1047 
Solomon, . 1015 
Division of the kingdom, 975 

KINGS OF JUDAH. 
Two Tribes. 

. Rehoboam, . 975 
Abijam, 958 
Asa, 955 

: Jehosaphat, . 914 
Jehoram, 889 
Ahaziah, 885 

. Athaliah, 884 

. Joash, . 878 

. Amaziah, 839 

. Azariah, or Uzziah, 810 

‘ Jotham, 758 

. Ahaz, . 742 

. Hezekiah, 727 

. Manasseh, 698 

. Amon, . 643 

. Josiah, 3 640 

. Jehoahaz, , 610 

. Jehoiakim, , 610 

. Jehoiachin, . 599 


599 


ed Jerusalem, . 588 


KINGS OF ISRAEL. 


Ten Tribes. 

BPC; 
1. Jeroboam I. . Brat) 3 
2. Nadab, . 954 
3. Baasha, 953 
4. Elah, 930 
5. Zimri, . 929 
6. Omri, . 929 
7. Ahab, . 917 
8. Ahaziah, 897 
9. Jehoram, 896 
10. Jehu, 884 
11. Jehoahaz, 856 
12. Joash, . 841 
13. Jeroboam II. ; 25 
Interregnum, 11} years, 784 
14\Zachariah, .* ’- aN gE 
15. Shallum, . - : 272 
16. Menahem, 775 
17. Pekahiah, é $ 761 
18. Pekah, . : : Pa 4, 
19. Hoshea, ; 730 

Shalmanezer, king of Assy 

ria, destroyed the mga 
of Israel, . 02 

KINGS OF MEDIA 
Fe Dejoces, > ’ . 709 
2. Phraortes, 656 
J. Cyaxares [. . ; 634 
Scythians driven out, . 607 


248 


Ct if 


. Astyages, 4 
. Cyaxares II. or Darius, 559 


Be W. 
595 


KINGS OF ASSYRIA. 


1. Tiglath Pueser, called 
also Arbaces, and Ninus 
the younger, Pe Sf, 
2. Shalmanezer, 728 
3. Sennacherib, 714 
4. Esarhaddon, 706 
Esarhaddon takes Babylon, 680 
KINGS OF BABYLON. 
1. Nabonassar, or Belesis, 747 
2. Nadius, f 733 
3. Cincertus, 731 
4. Jugeus, - 7126 
5. Merodac Baladan, Ae rb | 
©. Arcianus, 709 
Interregnum, j » 404 
7. Belibus, ? 702 
8. Apronadius, . 699 
9. Regilibus, 693 
10. Mesessimordacus, 692 
Interregnum, 688 
11. Esarhaddon, . 680 
12. Saosduchinus, . xi, OGhy 
43. Chyniladanus, 647 
14. Nabopollaser, . 625 
15. Nebuchadnezzar, . . 606 
16. Evilmerodach, 561 
17. Neriglissar, . 559 
18. Laborosoarchod, 
19. Belshazzar, . 555 


Babylon taken by ‘Cyrus, 539 


KINGS OF THE PERSIANS. 


Sexore a 9 2D ee 


"| 


. Gyrus; . : ; 
‘ 5 er or Ahasuerus, 529 
. Smerdis, or Artaxerxes, 523 
. Darius I. son of Hystas- 


: yn ile Mnemon, . 


537 


NE Ta 521 
erxes the Great, - 486 
Artaxerxes Longimanus, 464 

: Xerxes I 424 |. 
ogdianus, . . 424 
chus, or Darius Nothus, 424 


405 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 


is Ge 

11. Artaxerxes Ochus, 309 
12. Arses, . 338 
13. Darius Codomanus, 336 
14, Alexander the Great, . 331 
15. Arideus, or Philip, 323 

KINGS OF EGYPT. 
Sabacon, or So, . 727 
Sevechus, . 719 
Tirhakah, 705 
Anarchy, . 687 
Twelve confederate Princes, 685 
Psammitichus, - 670 
Necho, , ; ’ 616 
Psammis, ; 600 
Apries, or Hophra, 594 
Amasis, 569 
Pamminitus, ‘ | Bae 
Cambyses conquers Egypt, 525 
Smerdis, .' 523 
Darius Hystaspes, 521 
Xerxes the Great, 486 
Artaxerxes et a ad . 465 
Xerxes If. . . 424 
Sogdianus, . 424 
| Ochus, 4 424 
Amyrteus, : . 413 
Pausiris, 407 
Psammitichus II. 401 
Nephereus, : 395 
Achoris, 5 389 
Psammuthis, 376 
Nectanebus, _ 375 
Tachos, — 363 
Nectanebus, ‘ 361 
Ochus conquers Baypt 350 
Arses, ; 338 
Darius Codomanus, 336 
Alexander the Great, 331 
Death of Alexander, . . 323 
ee eH HH HR 

Ptolemy Soter,. ° 304 
Ptolemy Philadelphus, 285 
Ptolemy Euergetes, . 246 
Ptolemy Philopater, . 221 
‘Ptolemy Epiphanes, . . 204 
Ptolemy Philometer, . 130 


Ptolemy Physcon, or Euer- 
getes Tee. ads, hele 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 


B. 
Ptolemy Soter II. or pee 


rus and Cleopatra, . 
Alexander and Cleopatra, . 
Lathyrus alone, . 

Berenice, 

Alexander, . ‘ 
Ptolemy Auletes, P 
Ptolemy Dionysius, and Cle- 

opatra, . 

Ptolemy the Younger, and 

Cleopatra, ‘ 

Egypt becomes a Roman Pro- 
vince, ‘ , ‘ 


omen 


KINGS OF SYRIA, 


Seleucus I. Nicator, 
Antiochus I. Soter, 
Antiochus II. Theus, . 
Seleucus II. Callinicus, 
Seleucus III. Ceraunus, 
Antiochus III. the Great, 
Seleucus IV. Philopater, 
Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, . 
Antiochus V. Eupator, 
Demetrius I. Soter, 
Alexander I. Balas, 
Demetrius II. Nicator, 
Antiochus VI. Theus, 
Diodotus, or Tryphon, 
Antiochus Sidetes, 
Demetrius Ii. ne re- 
established,  . 
Alexander IT. Zebina, . ‘ 
Seleucus V. 
Antiochus VIII. Gripus, 
Seleucus VI. Nicator, 


Philip, 

Tigranes, 

Syria becomes a Roman pro- 
wince, *.. ‘ : 


ere 


PRINCES OF JUDEA; 


63 


Called the Maccabees, or een: 


nean Princes 


. Judas Maccabeus great, 
great grandson of Asmo- 
neus, . ; 

Jonathan, 

Simon, . 

John Hyrcanus, 


= 


oo 


249 


B. 
KINGS OF JUDEA. 


1. Aristobulus, 107 
2, Alexander Janneus, 106 
3. Alexandra, , PyLre ye 
4. EAYRCARUG ew, 0 det 0 
5. Aristobulus, . ! wn AO 
Hyrcanus again, 63 

6. Antigonus, 40 
7. Herod the great, 37 
8. Archelaus, 3 
A.C. 


Judea becomes a Roman pro- 
vince, “hes 


B.C 
KINGS OF ROME, 
1. Romulus, . 753 
Romulus assassinated in 
the senate, - 416 
Interregnum of one year, 716 
2. Numa Pompilius, 715 
3. Tullus Hostilius, 672 
4, Ancus Martius, 640 
5. Tarquin, the Elder, 616 
6. Servius Tullius, 578 
7. Tarquin, the Proud, 534 
Last king of the Romans, 
expelled. 
ROMAN EMPERORS. 
Julius Cesar* becomes master 
of Rome, 48 
Slain in the senate house, 44 
Anarchy,... . 44 
Augustus . : 36 
A. C. 
Tiberius, . 7 ; 14 
Caligula, . . 37 
Claudius, . : 41 
Nero, 54 
Galba, 68 
Otho, : , F 69 
Vitellius, . p 2 69 
Vespasian, i : 70 
Titus, ‘ . . ° 79 


* Julius Cesar is sometimes, though not 
generally, reckoned among the Romana 


emperots.— Kd, 


250 


CHRONGLOGICAL TABLES. 


A.C. A. C. 
Domitian, . .  81/Six emperors, Maximian, 
Nerva, 96 Constantine, Maxentius 
Trajan, ty, 98|  Galerius, Licinius and 
Adrian, f | e 117| | = Maximin, 308 
Antoninus Pius, . 138} Constantine and Licinius,., . 313 
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Constantine-alone, 324 
and Lucius Verus, . Constantine II. Constan- 
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus tius I]. and Constans, 337 
alone, , , ; 0} Constantius and Constans, 240 
Commodus, © 180| Constantius alone, 350 
DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE. | Julian, the apostate, . 361 
Jovian, é 363 
Pertinax, . ; 193} Valentinean and Valens, 364 
Julian, 66 days, 193} Division of the Empire, 364 
Septimius Severus, 193 
Caricalla and Geta, 241 ssh 
Macrinus, . 217 ROMAN EMPERORS OF 
Heliogabalus, 218 THE WEST. 
Alexander Severus, 222 
Maximin, 935| Valentinean, . . 364 
Gratian and Valentinean II. 375 


Gordian the Elder id his 


son 237 
Maximus and Balbinus, 237 
Gordian the Younger, 238 
Philip and son, 244 
Decius, 249 
Hostilian, Gallus and Volu- 

sian, his son, : m9 | 
Emilian, 3 months, 953 
Valerian and Gallienus his 

son, . 253 
Gallienus* alone, 260 
Claudius II. 268 


Quintilius, 17 days, 
Aurelian, 

Interregnum of 8 ‘months 
Tacitus, 6 months, 


Florian, 3 months 275 
Probus, 276 
Carus, : 282 
Carinus and Numerian, 283 
Carinus and Diocletian, 284 


Diocletian alone, ‘ oy ee 


Diocletian and Maximian, . 286 

Constantius and Galerius, . 305 

Constantine, Galerius and 
Maxentius, 306 


* During the reign of Gallienus, there 
were, in different parts of the empire, no 
jess than 19 pretenders to the throne, who 
assumed the title of Emperor.—Ed. 


Valentinean IL. and Maximus, 383 


Valentinean II. alone 388 
Eugenius, 392 
Honorius,t . 395 
Valentinean I. 425 
Petronius Maximus, . 455 
Avitus, . ; 2 EP PRS 
Interregnum, 456 
Majorian, 457 
Severus, 461 
Anthemius, ; 467 
Olybrius, 7 months, . 472 
Julius Nepos and Many 472 
Nepos alone, 4 

Interregnum, : 474 
mAwpustultigg) Ny: 476 

KINGS OF ITALY. 

Odoacer, 476 
Theodoric, 493 
Amalasontha and Athalaie, 526 
Theodatus, 534 
Vitiges, 536 
Interregnum 549 
Totila, 541 


+ During the reign of Honorius, Rome 
was ravaged by the Goth, Alaric; and 
several usurpers in different parts of the 
em ay were partialyacknowledged.—Ed@. 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 251 


A. C. A.C 

ren . «+ «+ 552fLeo VI. the Philosopher, . 86 
553|Alexander and Constantine 

VII. 912 


End of the Gothic kingdom ; 
Be ACR ce vs 553 | Romanus I. Lecapenus, oh fs atehnes 


Christopher, Stephen, and 
ea rey PERORS or Constantine VIII. Swere 


successively made empe- 
Valens, . . 364 


rors with their father Ro- 
Interregnum, 5 months, . 378 


manus. 
Theodosius, the yen? - 379|Constantine VII. again, . 945 


Arcadius, . : - 3895}Romanus II. i . 959 
TheodosiusII,. .  . - 408) Nicephorus II. Phocas, - 963 
Marcian, . 4 - 450/John Zimisces, . . 969 
Leo, the Great, ; . 457|Basil II. and Constantine LX. 976 


Constantine alone, . - 1025 
Romanus III. Argyrus, - 1023 
Michael IV. the Paphlago- 
nian, , : “ . 1034 
Michael V. Calaphafes, 1041 
Zoe ant: Theodore, 2 months, 1042 


Leoll, . “ ; . 474 
Zeno, : é , . 474 
Anastasius, oWhens . 491 
Justin I. ° ° e . 518 
Justinean, . : . «527 
Justin II. . 565 


Justin II. and Tiberias II.. 574|Constantine X. Monoma- 
Tiberias II. alone, . 578| chus, : : ‘ . 1042 
Maurice, . Rag . 582|}Theodora again, . » 1054. 
Phocas,. . er . 602|Michael VI. Stratioticus, - 1056 
Heraclius, . 610 {Isaac I.Comnenus, . . 1057 
Heraclius, Contantine III. Constantine XI. Ducas, . 1059 
and Heracleonas, * . 638|Eudocia, . - 1067 


Romanus III. Diogenes, . 1067 
Michael VII. Andronicus I. 

and Constantine XII. . 1071 
Nicephorus III. Botan, . 1078 
Alexius I. Comnenus, . 1081 


Constantine III. and Hera 
cleonas, . : ‘ . 641 
Constans II. a ; 641 
Constantine IV. Progonatus, 668 
Justinean II... 685 


Leontius, .. . 695|John Comnenus,.: . - . 1118 
Apsimar or Tiberias, , . 698/Manuel Comnenus, . . 1143 
Justinean I]. again, . . 705} Alexius II. Comnenus, . 1180 
Philip Bardanes, : . 711|Andronicus, Comnenus,  . 1183 
Anastasius I]. . , . 713)Isaae I. Angelus, ‘ 1185" 
Theodosius ITT. : . 716|Alexius Angelus, brother of 

Leo III. the Isaurian, . 718] Isaac, f . 1195 
Constantine V. Copronymus, 741 | Isaac Angelus again, and his 

LeolV. . 775| son Alexius,* . ; . 1293 
Constantine VI. and Irene, 780 | Mourzoufle, ; : - 1204 
Irene alone, cae 792|Constantinople «taken and 

Nicephorus I. . , .. 802} pillaged by the Latins, . 1204 
Stauracius, 2 months, . 811] Baldwin Tf. SH Riel MEO 
Michael I. . é ‘ . 811) Henry ... 1206 


Leo V. the Armenian, . 813) Peter de Courtenay, : . 1216 

Michael II. the Stammerer, 820|Robert de Courtenay,. » 1219 

Theophilus, ‘ ; . 829) Baldwin II. : _ . 1228 

Michael III. g ’ . 842)/Michael Paleologus, . . 1261 

Basil I. the Macedonian, . 867|Andronicus II. Paleologus, 1282 
0 


‘ 


252 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 


Andronicus III. Paleologus, 
John V. Paleologus, . 
Manuel II. Paleologus, 


A. C. | A.C. 
1332'Lothaire II. . . oth Q5 
1341| Conrad ITI. . hs! yg 
1391| Frederic I. Barbarossa, 7 aoe 
1425|Henry VI. ; - 1190 


John VI. Paleologus, ; 

Constantine XII. Paleolo- 
gus, 

Constantinople ‘taken by 
Mahomet II. 4 


eee 


Philip, r * : - 1197 
1445) Otho Py. ‘ . “ - 1208 
Frederic IT. ms : . 32123 
1453/ Conrad IV. . 1250 
Rodolph of Hapsburg, : 1273 
Adolphus of Nassau,. + 1292 


Albert of Austria, . 1298 

While Constantinople was un-|Henry VII. of Luxemburg, 1309 
der the dominion of the Latins or|Lewis V. . 1314 
French, the following Greek em-| Charles IV. ; . 241347 
perors ‘reigned at Nice over the|Wenceslaus,_ . . 1378 
remnant of the Greek empire. Robert, Count Palatine, . 1400 
Sigismund, - 1411 

Seen res erent I. sl Albert II. of Austria, - 1438 

I ? 

Theodorus Lascaris IT. 1255 Frederic III. - 24d 


John IV. Lascaris, 

Constantinople is taken 
from the French, and 
Michael Paleologus, a 
Greek, reigns over the 
whole empire, 


—as 


Otho IL. the Bloody, 
Otho Ii. 

Henry II. the Lame, 
Conrad IT. 

Henry III. . 
Henry IV. ie es 
Henry V. eh ae 


MaximilianI . P - 1493 
1259 Charles V. . F - 1519 
FerdinandI. . ‘ - 1556 
Maximilian II. . ‘ . 1564 
Rodolph I. «ws, 15760 
1961 Mathias, . . “ - 1612 
Ferdinand II. . é 1619 
Ferdinand III. . f . 1637 


pater i pt th pets fe 
osephI. . PARP 2 P 
EMPERORS OF GERMANY. Chatles VI 4H 
Charlemagne, or Charles, Charles VII... 1712 
the Great, . 800| Francis I. Duke of Lorraine, 1745 
Lewis, the Gentle )(Debon- Joseph II. ‘ 1765 
naire,) 814| Leopold ime ee . 1790 
Lothaire L 840| Francis II. ; p « 1792 
Lewis Il. . 855 wae! 
Charles, the Bald, 875 
Interregnum, . 877 KINGS OF FRANCE. 
Charles, the Fat, 880 I. Merovingian Race. 
Arnold, 888) Clovis, grandson of Mero- 
Lewis LV. 8 vius, 481 
Conrad I. , 91k Thierry, Childebert, Clodo- 
Henry, the ‘Fowler, . 919} mir and Clotaire I. . 51 
Otho, the Great, 936|Clotaire alone, . F . 5d9 


973) Charibert, Gontran, Sigebert 
983] and Chil peric, . : 562 
1902) Clotaire II. oe of Soissons, 584 
1024|Thierry II. and Theodobert 

1039} II. king of Paris, Burgandy 

1056} and Austrasia, . . 596 - 
1106/Clotaire II. alone, . 614 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 253 

A. C. A.C, 

Interregnum, . . 614| Henry I. 1031 
Dagobert and Charibert, 628| Philip I... 1060 
Sigebert II. and Clovis II. 638} Lewis VI. the Gross, 1108 
Childeric II. King of Austra- Lewis VII... 1137 
sia, . 654 | Philip IT. Augustus, . : 1180 
Thierry IIT. 679 Lewis VIII. the Lion, 1223 


Pepin* Y iHetietel, ‘tale os 
the Palace, governs France 


24 years, Ricoto 690 
Clovis LHI. ‘ ’ 692 
Childebert III. 695 
Dagobert III. 711 


Charles* Martel, son of Pe- 
pin, Mayer of the Palace 
and Duke of France, go- 


verns France about 26 

years, , ; . 714 
Childeric IT. a LO 
Thierry IV. A - « «20 
Childeric ITI. 742 


II. CARLOVINGIAN RACE, 


Pepin, the Short, son of 
Charles Martel, . . Tl 


1226 
1271 


Lewis IX. St. Lewis, : 
Philip II. the Bold or Har 


dy, 
Philip IV. the Fair, : 


1285 
Lewis X. Hutin, 1314 
John I. 8 days, . ; 1316 
Philip V. the Long, . 1316 
Charles IV. the Fair, 1322 


ee 


IV. HOUSE OF VALOIS. 


Philip VI. of Valois, . 1328 
John II. the Good, . 1350 
Charles VY. the Wise, 1364 
Charles VI. the Beloved, . 1380 


Charles VII. the Victorious, 1422 
Henry VI. of England, 
crowned at Paris, and 
partially acknowledged 


Charlemagne and Carloman, 768 init uf Pranen et 
Lewis, the Gentle, (Debon- ei Charles VIII. . iw £483 
naire,) 
Charles, the Bald, 840 moyen pence of Be 
Lewis, the Stammerer, 877 | Francis I. the Gentleman, 1515 
Lewis III. and Carloman, 879 Henry IL. 1547 
hing the Gross, Bes Phiticis. Tt: 1559 
Eude 569 
Chatles II. ‘the Simple, 898 Henry lif. the Bloody, spied 


Robert, Usurper, .  . 922 


Rodolph, . . 923 
Lewis WV, the Stranger, 936 
Lothaire, ; 954 
Lewis V. the Lazy, ° 986 


II. CAPETEAN RACE. 


Hugh Capet, gst » 987 
Robert, . * a0 


* Pepin and his son were not styled 
kings, though they exercised supreme au- 
thority ; nor were they of the Merovin- 
gian rece, 


Sere 


V. HOUSE OF BOURBON. 


Henry IW. the Great, 1589 
Lewis XIII. the Just, . 1610 
Lewis XIV, the Great, - 1643 
Lewis XV, . 1715 
Lewis XVI... 1774 
—— deposed, . ,, 1792 
executed, . 1793 
* # * 2 ee 

Na eg Bonaparte, em- 
e rk a 
tewis XViU. >. » Oh 


254 


A.C, 
KINGS OF ENGLAND. 


Saxons. 
Egbert, . a 
Ethelwolf and Ethelstan, . 838 
Ethelbald and Ethelbert, « ,.:857 
Ethelbert alone, . 860 
Ethelred I. 866 
Alfred, . ; 872 
Edward, the Elder, ‘ 901 
Ethelstan, f . 925 
Edmund I. 941 
Edred, 946 
Edwy, 955 
Edga 959 


gar 

Edward II. the Martyr, . 9% 

Ethelred II... wh 978 
Edmund II. Ironside, 1016 


Danes. 
Canute, . 1017 
Harold I. Harefoot, . ; 1035 
Hardicanute, : 1039 
Saxons. 


Edward II]. the cee 1041 
Harold II. ; 1066 
Normans. 

William I. the Conqueror, 1066 
William IT. Rufus, - 1087 
Henry I. the Sy weg 1100 
Stephen, 1135 


Matilda, or Maud, four 
months, 
Stephen again, 


1141 
1141 


I. HOUSE OF PLANTAGE- 
NET OR ANJOU. 


Henry II. Plantagenet, 
_ Richard I. the Lion-hearted, ae 
John, Lackland, : : 
Henry III. : 
K.dward I. the English Pe 
tinian, . . 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 


A.C. 
Edward II. 3 : 1307 
Edward III. i 1327 
Richard II. 2 G 1377 


eee dl 


II. HOUSE OF LANCASTER, 
CALLED THE RED ROSE. 


Henry IV. Duke of Lancas- 

ter, : . 1399 
Henry V. 1413 
Henry VI. 1422 
III. HOUSE OF YORK, CALL- 

ED THE WHITE ROSE. 
Edward IV. 1461 
Edward V. 1483 
Richard II... 1483 
Union of the two Roses, . 1485 


IV. HOUSE OF TUDOR. 


Henry VII. Tu . » 1485 
Henry VIII. rok ehe, AS 
Edward VI. the Pad 1547 
Mary I. the Bloor 1553 
Elizabeth, A 1558 © 
V. HOUSE OF STUART. 
.| James I. Stuart, 1603 
Charles I. . ; 1625 
—- beheaded, 1649 
Commonwealth, 1649 
Oliver Cromwell, Protector 
of the Commonwealth, . 1653 


Richard Cromwell, Protect- 

or of the Commonweasth, 1658 
forced to resign, 165% 
Restoration of Monarchy,. 1660 
Charles II. - : - 1660 
James IT. : 1685 
dep osed,* 


1688 
1154 | William HL. and Mary II. 1689 


* Althoseh the Parliament, in offering © 


1199 |the crown to Wiliam III. pretended that 
1216 | Jimes had abdicated the government, yet 


Hume, Smollet and Goldsmith are un- 
questionably correct in considering Jamea 
as having been deposed.—Ed. 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 


A. C. 
William alone, . . 1694 
Anne, daughter of James II. 1702 


VI. HOUSE OF HANOVER. 


George I.. Cakes / 14 
George TR A ay 
George HI. .  . 1760 
George IV. tert! AERO 
CZARS OR EMPERORS AND 
EMPRESSES OF RUSSIA, 


FROM PETER THE . 
GREAT. 


Peter I. cng apib oe the Great, 
and Iwan Y. 1682 


Peter alone, . . 1696} John Adams, 1789 
Catharine I. widow of Sted 1725|Thomas Jefferson, . 1797 
Peter II. 1727 | Aaron Burr, eee NOD 
Anne Ivanovna, ; . 1730| George Clinton, Q . 1805 
Iwan or John VI. 1740 | Elbridge Gerry, : . 1813 
Elizabeth Petrovna, ayes: Daniel D. Tompkins, 1817 

ter of Peter the Great, . 1741 | John C, Calhoun, 1825 

Se 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.* 

B. C. 
4004 CREATION. Creatogo. 
2348 THE FLOOD. flotok. 
2247 Babel. 
2217 Babylon founded by Nimrod, and Nineveh by Ashur. 
2188 Egypt founded by Mizraim or Menes. Mizrakoo, 
1996 Abraham. Abranous/175. 
1926 CALL OF ABRAHAM. Abvocanes. 
1897 Destruction of Sodom, &c. 
1896 Isaac. Isakous, 180. x, 
1836 Jacob and Esau. Jakis, 147. gi ae 


1822 Argos, founded by Inachus. 


255 


A.C. 
Peter III. . 1762 
Catharine II. the Great, « . 1763 
Paul, 3 7 * 1796 
Alexander, } ; . 1801 


Ree 


PRESIDENTS OF THE UNI- 


TED STATES. 
George Washington, . 1789 
John Adams, . . ‘1797 
Thomas Jefferson, ~ 1801 
James Madison, . 1809 
James Monroe, . : 1817 
John Q. Adams, . . 182 


VICE-PRESIDENTS OF THE 
UNITED STATES. - 


Inaked. 


* The numbers after the names of persons denote the length of ie lives ; afer 


wars, &c. their duration, 


40* 


256 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 


B.C. 
1800 China, founded about this time. 
1745 Joseph. Josepol, 110. 
1728 Joseph, sold.into Eeyet. yi" 
1715 Promotion of Joseph. 
1705 Jacob’s removal to Egypt. ? 
1571 Moses. Mosupa. 
1556 Athens, founded by Cecrops. Cecralus. 
1546 Troy founded. 
1506 Sparta, founded by Lelex. Lalais. 
1491 DELIVERANCE OF ISRAEL from Egypt. 
1453 Olympic Games, first celebrated in Greece. 
1451 ISRAEL’S ENTERING CANAAN. 
1263 Argonautic expedition. Argonadaut. 
1257 Cities of Attica, united by Cecrops. Cecradup. 
1252 Tyre built. He 
1245 Gideon, Judge of Israel. 
1184 Destruction of Troy. Traboof. 
1160 Samson, 28. 
1139 Samuel. Samabin. 
1085 David, 70. 
1069 Death of Codrus. 
3067 David, anointed at Bethlehem. 
1055 David, k. at Hebron, 40. Dabazlu 
1048 David, k. of all Israel. 
1021 Death of Absalom. 
1017 David’s a\tempt to number the Hebrews 
1015 Solomon k. of all Israel, 40. 
1004 DEDICATION of the Temple. Templago. 
975 Jehoiada, 130. , | 
— [© Rehoboam,k. of Judah. Rehoboupu. 
—— Jeroboam, k. of the Ten Tribes, called Israel in distinction 
from Judah. 
971 Temple, &c. plundered by Shishak. 
958 [[> Abijam k. of Judah, 3. 
957 Battle of Zemaraim, supposed to have been the most bloody of 
battles. Zemaranup. 
955 [> Asa,k. of Judah. Asanul, 31. 
954 Nadab, k. of Israel. 
953 Baasha, k. of Israel. 
45 Zerah, defeated by Asa. 
930 Elah, k. of Israel. - 
929 Zimri, k. of Israel. 
— Omri, k. of Israel. 
918 Ahab, k. of Israel. Ahabnap ' 
» 914 [> Jehoshaphat, k. of Judah. Jehoshanaf. 
907 Prophets of Baal, slain by Elijah. : 
901 Samaria, besieged by Benhadad. 
899 Death of Naboth. 
897 Ahaziah, k. of Israel. 
896 Jehoram, k. of Israel. 
889 [> Jehoram, k. of Judah. Jehokoon. 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 257 


B.C. 

885 [CP Ahaziah, k. of Judah. Ahazikool. 

884 Jehu, k. of Israel. 

— [> Athaliah, queen of Judah. Athalooko. 
— Lycurgus, k, of Sparta. Likooko.' | 
878 [L> Joash, k. of Judah. 

869 Carthage, founded by Dido, 723. 

856 Jek>ahaz, k. of Israel. 

841 Joash, k. of Israel. 
840 Jonah, a prophet, about this time. 

839 [> Amaziah, k. of Judah. 

825 Jeroboam II. kk. of Israel. 

814 Macedon, founded by Caranus, 646. Catakaf. 
810 {> Azariah, or Uzziah, k. ate Judah. 

795 Amos, a prophet, 11 

786 Hosea, a prophet, 63. 

784 Interregnum of Israel. 

776 First Olympiad. Olympois. 

773 Zachariah, k. of Israel. 

772 Shallum, k. of Israel. 
—- Menahen, k. of Israel 

761 Pekahiah, k. of Israel. 
759 Pekah, k. of Israel. 

758 [> Jotham, k. of Judah. Jothozloo. 
—- Isaiah, a prophet, 52, 
753 ROME founded. Romput. 
— Romulus, k. of Rome, 38. 
747 Death of Sardanapalus. 
— Belesis, or Nabonassar, k. of Babylon, 14. 
— Arbaces, or Tiglathpileser, k. of Assyria, 19. Tiglathpop. 
743 Micah, a prophet, 43. 
743. First’Messenian war, 19. 
742 (> Ahaz,k. of Judah. Ahazpod. 
742 Jerusalem, besieged by Rezin and Pekah. 
739 Interregnum of Israel, 9. 
730 Hoshea, k. of Israel. 

728 Shalmaneser, k. of Assyria, 19. Shalmanepek. 
727 (> Hezekiah, k. of Judah, 29. Honekipep, 
726 Hezekiah’s reformation. 
72k Captivity of the Ten Tribes. 
720 Joel, a prophet, about this time. 

715 Sennacherib, k. of Assyria,8 Sennachepal. 
—- Numa Pompilius, k. of Rome, 43. Numapal. 
714 Sennacherib’s first invasion of Judah. 

—— Hezekiah’s sickness. 


710 Nahum, a prophet, about this time. y ees 
—— Destruction of 185,000 Assyrians. isis Ae 

709 Dejoces, first k. of Media. i 

706 Esarhaddon, k. of Assyria, 39. Esarhadpais. 

698 I= Manasseh, k. of Judah. Manasnoo. be 


685 Second Messenian war, 14, wag 
680 Assyria and Babylon, united under Esarhaddon. 


258 ‘ CHRCNOLOGICAL TABLES. 


B.C. 
672 Tullus Hostilius, 3d k. of Rome. 
667 Saosduchinus, k. of Babylon, 20. 
656 Phraortes, 2d k. of Media, 22. 
643 (> Amon, k. of Judah, 3. 
640 (C3 Josiah, k. of Judah, 30. Josisoz. 
—— Ancus Martius, 4th k. of Rome. 
634 Cyaxares I. 3d k. of Media. 
633 Commencement of Josiah’s reformation, 
~— Upper Asia, invaded by the Scythians. 
628 Jeremiah, a prophet, 41. 
625 Nabopolassar, k. of Babylon, 19. 
623 Laws of Draco. 
616 Tarquin the Elder, 5th k. of Rome. 
612 Destruction of Nineveh. 
—- Zephaniah, a prophet. 
609 Habakkuk, a prophet, about this time. 
—— {> Jehoahaz, k. of Judah. 
—- {> Jehoiakim, k. of Judah. 
606 BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY. Babsais 
— Captivity of Daniel, &c. 
606 Nebuchadnezzar, k. of Babylon, 45. 
603 Daniel, a prophet, 69. 
598 (= Jehoiachin, k. of Judah. Jehoalouk. 
—- Jehoiachin’s captivity. 
—- [> Zedekiah, k. of Judah. Zedekilouk. 
595 Ezekiel, a prophet, 21. 
594 Astyages, k. of Media. 
— Pharaoh Hophra, k. of Egypt. 
588 Jerusalem destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar. 
—- Lamentations of Jeremiah. 
587 Obadiah’s vision, about this time. 
578 Servius Tullius, 6th k. of Rome, 44. 
—— Solon’s laws, observed at Athens, 400. 
573 Tyre taken by Nebuchadnezzar. 
569 Insanity of Nebuchadnezzar. 
561 Evilmerodach, k. of Babylon. 
— Jehoiachin released from prison. See Jer. 52: 31. 
560 Pisistratus, tyrant of Athens. 
559 Neriglissar, k. of Babylon, 3. 
559 Cyaxares II. or Darius k. of Media, 36. 
556 Laborosoarchod, k. of Babylon. 
555 Nabonadius, or Belshazzar, k. of Babylon. 
549 Sardis taken by Cyrus. 
048 All Asia Minor subjected to Cyrus. 
“539 Babylon taken by Cyrus. 
538 Darius, k. of Babylon, 5. 
536 Cyrus, k. of Persia, and of Babylon. Cylis, 8. 
— RETURN of the Jews from captivity. 
—— Joshua, high priest of the Jews. 
535 Rebuilding of the second Temple, begun. 
934 Rebuilding of the Temple, obstructed by the Samaaitans, 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 259 


B. C. 

534 Tarquin the. Proud, 7th k. of Rome. 

529 Cambyses, k. of Persia. Cambylen. 

521 Darius Hystaspes, k. of Persia. Darius Hystalda. 
520 Zechariah, a prophet, 2C. 

— Haggai, a prophet. 

— Rebuilding of the Temple, resumed by the Jews. 
517 Revolt of the Babylonians from Darius Hystaspes. 
516 Babylon, taken by Darius. , 

515 Second Temple, dedicated. 

513 War of Darius Hystaspes against the Scythians. 
510 Thrace, ravaged by Scythians. 

—-— Hippias, expelled from Athens. 

509 The Tarquins, expelled from Rome. 

506 India, conquered by Darius Hystaspes. 

502 Aristagoras and the Ionians revolt from Darius. 
501 Confederacy of Athenians and Ionians against Darius Hystas- 


pes. ; 

500 Sardis burnt by the Athenians, commencement of 51 years’ 
war with the Persians. ' f 

497 The lonians reduced by the Persians. 

494 First expedition of Mardonius against the Greeks. 

450 Battle of Marathon. Marathonaz. 

486 Xerxes, k. of Persia. 

430 Invasion of Greece, by Xerxes. 

— Battle of Salamis, Oct. 20. 

479 Battles of Platea and Micali, Sept 22. 

473 Death of Pausanius 

471 Themistocles banished. 

470 Battle of Eurymedon. 

465 ‘Third Messenian war, 10. 

464 Artaxerxes Longimanus, or Ahasuerus. 

462 Vashti divorced. 

458 Esther, queen of Ahasuerus. 

—-- Ezra sent to Judea. 

456 Cincinnatus, dictator at Rome. 

452 Death of Haman. 

451 ae books of Chronicles supposed to have been written by 

uZTra. 

— Written laws first introduced into Rome. 

449 Peace between the Greeks and Persians; close of the 5k 
years’ war. 

448 First Sacred War between the Phocians and Thebans. 

445 Nehemiah sent to Judea. 

433 Nehemiah’s return to Persia. 

431 Peloponnesian war, 27. 

430 Plague at Athens. 

423 Nehemiah goes to Jerusalem the second tim 

—— Plato. Plafek, 80. 

423 Darius Nothvus. 

420 Malachi, a prophet. 

405 Battle of Egos Potamos, Dec. 13. 


260 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES, 


B. C. 
405 Artaxerxes Mnemon, k. of Persia. 
404 Athens taken, and its walls destroyed, by Lysander, 
16 


ay 16. 

— Thirty-‘Tyrants of Athens. 
400 Retreat of the 10,000 Greeks. 
— Death of Socrates. 
— Thirty Tyrants expelled by Thrasybulus. 
393 Walls of Athens, rebuilt by Conon. 
385 Rome, burnt by Brennus. 
371 Lacedemonians, vanquished at Leuctra, by the Thebans. 
363 Battle of Mantinea. Mantvsis. 
360 Philip, king of Macedon, 24. 
307 Second Sacred War with the Phocians, 9. 
356 Alexander, 32 
343 War between the Romans and Samnites, 71. 
338 Battle of Cheronea. Cheronitoo. 
336 Philip, murdered by Pausanias. 

— Alexander, king of Macedon. 
335 Darius Codomanus, king of Persia, 5. 
— Thebes, destroyed by Alexander. 
334 Battle of Granicus. Granite. 
333 Battle of Issus. Issité. 
332 Tyre and Gaza, destroyed by Alexander. 
331 Battle of Gaugamela. Gaugamita, 
—- Alexander, k. of Persia. Alexzta. 
330 Death of Darius Codomanus. 
— Palace of Persepolis, burnt by Alexander. 
328 Porus, defeated by Alexander. 
323 Death of Alexander. 
304 Ptolemy Soter, king of Egypt 
301 Battle of Ipsus. 
300 Aatioch founded by Seleucus. 
285 Ptolemy Philadelphus, k. of Egypt, 38. 
281 Achean League. Achean ane 
280 Italy invaded by Pyrrhus. 
277 Septuagint translation of the Old Testament. 
274 Py-rbus, driven from Italy. 
272 Samrstes, subdued by the Romans. 
264 First Punic war. 23. 
260 Victory of Duillius. 
255 Regulus, defeated by Xantippus. 
241 End of the first Punic war. 
225 Gaul, conquered by Marcellus. 
219 Saguntum, taken by Hannibal. 
218 Second Punic war, 17. 
217 Scipio, Sempronius and Flaminius, successively defeated by 

Hannibal. ; 

216 Battle of Cannae. 
206 Philopoemen, pretor of the Acheans. 
203 Hannibal recalled 
202 Battle of Zama Zamdaid. 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 261 


B.C. 
175 Antiochus Epiphanes, k. of Syria. 
170 Jerusalem plundered by Antiochus Epiphanes. 
168 Jews persecuted by Antiochus Epiphanes. 
— Antiochus Epiphanes resisted by Matthias and his sons. 
167 Martyrdom of the seven Maccabean brothers and their mother. 
166 Judas Maccabeus, prince of Judea. 
165 Jerusalem recovered, and the daily worship restored by Judas 
Maccabeus. 
160 Jonathan, prince of Judea. 
149 Third Punic war, 3. 
147 Acheans defeated by Metellus 
146 Corinth taken by the Romans. 
-—— Destruction of Carthage. 
143 Simeon, prince of Judea. 
135 John Hyrcanus, prince of Judea. 
133 Death of Tiberius Gracchus. 
— Numantia taken. 
121 Death of Caius Gracchus 
111 Jugurthine war, 3. 
108 Jugurtha defeated by Marius. 
106 Aristobulus, prince of Judah. 
105 Alexander Janneus, prince of Judah. 
103 Jugurtha starved to death, at Rome. 
102 Teutones and Cimbrians, defeated by Marius. 
89 Mithridatic war. Mithradoon. 
88 War between Marius and Sylla. Mario-Syllakoo. 
86 Mithridates, defeated by Sylla. 
82 Sylla, perpetual Dictator. 
78 Resignation and death of Sylta. 
— Alexandra, princess of Judah. 
77 War of Sertorius. 
72 Mithridates repeatedly defeated by Lucullus, and Pontus, re- 
duced to a Roman province. 
70 Crassus and Pompey, Consuls. 
63 Jerusalem, taken by Pompey. 
62 Catiline’s conspiracy, quelled by Cicero 
59 First Triumvirate, Pompey, Crassus and Cesar. 
55 Cesar’s first landing in Britain. 
54 Cesar invades Britain the second time, and conquers part of it, 
53 Crassus, killed by the Parthians. 
51 Gaul, reduced to a Roman province. 
49 Cesar’s passing the Rubicon. Rubicon, 
48 Battle of Pharsalia. Pharsalok. 
46 Death of Cato. 
44 Death of Cesar. 
43 Second Triumvirate, Octavius, Antony and Lepidus. 
42 Battle of Philippi, in which Brutus and Cassius are defeated. 
37 Herod the Idumean, confirmed on the throne of Judea. 
32 War declared by the Senate against Antony and Cleopatra. 
31 Battle of Actium. 
30 Octavius, emperor of Rome. Augustaz. 


262 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 


B.C. 
30 Death of Antony and Cleopatra. 
27 Octavius called Augustus. 
5 John the Baptist. \ 
, 4 Birth of Jesus Christ. 
A, D 


1 Vulgar era, from which we reckon time, placed by mistase 

four years after the birth of Christ. 

14 Tiberius, emp of Rome. Tiberibe 

26 Ministry of John the Baptis* 

— Christ, baptized by John. 

— Imprisonment of John the Baptist. 

27 Death of John the Baptist. 

28 Transfiguration of Christ. 

29 Crucifixion of Christ. 

— Effusion of the Spirit, on the day of Pentecost. 

— Death of Ananias and Sapphira. 

31 Death of Stephen. 

33 Conversion of Saul of Tarsus. - 

37 Caligula, emp. of Rome. Caligulzp. 

41 Conversion of Cornelius. 

— Claudius, emp. of Rome. Claudifa. 

43 Expedition of Claudius into Britain. 

44 Death of James, the brother of John. 

45 Paul’s preaching at Salamis, Paphos, &e. 

46 Paul’s preaching at Iconium. 

51 Caractacus, carried to Rome. 

52 Apostolic council at Jerusalem. 

54 Paul and Silas, at Philippi. 

— Nero emp. of Rome. Nelo. 

55 Paul at Thessalonica and Athens. 

56 Paul at Corinth. 

60 Mob at Ephesus. 

— Romans, defeated by Boadicea. 

— Paul at Troas, Miletus, &c. 

— Paul’s defence to the people of Jerusalem. 

— Paul before the council at Jerusalem. 

— Paul before Felix at Cesarea. 

63 Paul before Festus at Cesarea. 

— Paul before Agrippa at Cesarea. 

— Paul sent to Rome. 

64 Rome, burnt by Nero. 

— First of the ten heathen persecutions of Christians before Con- 
stantine, under Nero. at ie 

66 Death of Paul about this time. 

70 Vespasian, emp. of Rome. 

— Jerusalem taken and destroyed, by Titus. 

79 Titus, emp. of Rome. 

— Herculaneum and Pompeii, destroyed by an eruption of Vesu- 
vius. 

80 Conquests of Agricola in Britain. 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 243 


A.D . 
81 Domitian, emp. of Rome. . 
95 Second of the ten persecutions, under Domitian. 
98 Trajan, emp. of Rome. 

107 Third of the ten persecutions, under Trajan. 

117 Adrian, emp. of Rome. 

120 Adrian’s Wall, built across Britain 

130 Jerusalem, rebuilt by Adrian. 

135 580,000 Jews in Judea destroyed by the Romans. 

138 Antoninus Pius, or Antonine the Pious, emp. of Rome. 

161 Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, emp. of Rome. 

163 Fourth of the ten persecutions, under Aurelius. 

168 A plague over the known world. 

177 Persecution of Christians at Lyons. 

180 Commodus, emp. of Rome. 

193 Pertinax, emp. of Rome. 

202 Fifth of the ten persecutions, under Septimus Severus. 

222 Alexander Severus, emp. of Rome, 13. 

—- About this time, the Roman Empire begins to decline; the 
Barbarians make more frequent irruptions ; and the Goths 
receive tribute not to molest the Romans. 

235 Maximin, emp. of Rome, 3. 

—— Sixth of the ten persecutions, under Maximin. 

250 Seventh of the ten persecutions, under Decius. 

254 Valerian, emp. of Rome. 

257 Eighth of the'ten persecutions, under Valerian. 

270 Aurelian, emp. of Rome, 5d. 

273 Ninth of the ten persecutions, under Aurelian. 

£73 Zenobia, taken captive by Aurelian. 

277 Settlement of the Franks in Gaul. 

284 Diocletian, emp. of Rome. Diocleko. 

303 Last of the ten persecutions, under Diocletian. 

306 Constantine the Great, emp. of Rome. Constantais. 

308 Creation of cardinals. 

312 Pestilence all over the East. 

325 First general council at Nice. < . 

329 Seat of the Roman Empire, removed to Constantinople. 

337 Death of Constantine. r 

358 150 cities in Asia and Greece, overturned by an earthquake. 

360 First monastery, founded near Poictiers, by Martin. 

361 Julian, emp. of Rome. Julissa, 3. 

363 Vain attempt of Julian to rebuild Jerusalem. 

—- Jovian,emp.of Rome. Jovisz. 

364 Division of the Roman empire. 

— Valentinean, emp. of the West. Valentzso. 

-—— Valens, emp..of the East. 

373 Bible, transiated into Gothic. 

379 Theodosius the Great, emp. of the East. Theodotein, 16. 

392 Empire, united under Theodosius. 

' 395 The empire again divided. Arcadius, emp. of the East, and 
Honorius, of the West. 
397 Chrysostome, patriarch of Constantinople, 
41 


264 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 


A. D. 

' 400 Italy, ravaged by Alaric. 

410 Rome, plundered and burnt, by Alaric. 

411 Vandals settled in Spain. 

419 Many cities in Palestine, destroyed by an earthquake. 

426 Britain, forsaken by the Romans. 

439 Italy, plundered by Genseric. 

444 Ravages of the Huns. 

446 The Groans of the Britons. 

447 Italy, ravaged by Attila. 

451 Arrival of Hengist and Horsa, in Britain. 

452 Venice founded. 

455 Rome, plundered by Genseric. 

476 Romulus Augustus, called Momyllus Augustulus, last emp. of 
the West. Momylfors. 

~— Extinction of the RY ewtorn Empire. 

—— Odoacer, k. of Italy. 

480 Earthquake at Constantinople, 40 days. 

481 Clovis, k. of the Franks. Cloka. 

493 Theodoric, k. of Italy. Theodonz. 

496 Baptism of Clovis. 

508 Reign of Arthur in Britain. 

510 Paris, the capital of Clovis. 

516 Computation of time. from the Christian era, introduced by 
Dionysius, the monk. 

526 250,000 persons destroyed by an earthquake at Antioch. 

527 Justinian, emp. of the East. Justinilep. 

529 Persians, defeated by Belisarius. 

537 Rome, taken by Belisarius. 

540 Destruction of Antioch by the Persians 

542 Europe, ravaged by the plague 52 years. 

546 Rome, taken and plundered, by Totila. 

547 Rome, retaken by Belisarius. 

549 Rome, recovered by [Lotila. 

552 Rome, taken by Narses. 

559 Belisarius, degraded and ungratefully treated, by Justinian. 

568 Italy, conquered by the Lombards. 

569 Turks, first mentioned in history. 

571 Mahomet. Mahupa, 61. 

580 Destruction of Antioch by an earthquake. 

590 Gregory I. bishop of Rome. , : 

597 Augustine, missionary to England. 

605 Use of bells, introduced into churches. 

606 POPERY AND MAHOMETANISM. Papamahomsais. 

616 Jerusalem, taken by the Persians. 

622 The Hegyra. Hegysed. 

632 Death of Mahomet. 

636 Jerusalem taken by the Saracens under Omar. 

641 Alexandrian library burnt by the Saracens under Omar. 

669 Sicily ravaged by the Saracens. 

672 Constantinople besieged by the Saracens. 

673 Venerable Bede, 62. 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 265 


A.D. 
685 Remnant of the Britons, totally subdued by the Saxons, and 
driven into Cornwal! and Wales. 
690 Pepin Heristal acquires the chief power in France, 
713 Spain, conquered by the Saracens. 
714 France governed by Charles Martel, 26. 
726 Controversy about images. 
732 Destruction of the Saracens in France, by Charles Martel. 
751 Pepin, k. of France. 
762 Bagdad, built by Almanzor, and made the seat of the caliphs 
772 Charlemagne, k. of France. 
735 Saxons subdued by Charlemagne. 
— Haroun al Rashid, caliph of the Saracens. 
787 England, first invaded by the Danes. 
794 The Huns extirpated by Charlemagne. 
800 Charlemagne, emp. of Germany, 14. Charlemoog. 
801 Harold of Denmark, deposed by his subjects, for professing 
Christianity. . 
827 Egbert, k. of England. 
846 An earthquake over the greatest part of the known world. 
872 Alfred, k. of England. Alfroope. 
886 Oxford University. 
915 Cambridge University. 
991 Figures in Arithmetic, brought by the Saracens from Arabia 
into Europe. 
1015 Laws in England against parents’ selling their children. 
1017 Canute, k. of England. 
1055 Bagdad, taken by the Turks. 
1066 Harcld the Usurper, k. of England. 
—— [> William the Conqueror, k. of England. Wilbaisau. 
§070 Feudal law, introduced into England. 
1075 Penance of Henry IV. emp. of Germany. 
1080 Tower in London. 
1087 (> William II. k. of England. Wildazkoz, 
1093 Pilgrimage of Peter the Hermit. 
1096 FIRST CRUSADE to the Holy Land, 
1098 Antioch, taken by the Crusaders. Li 
1099 Jerusalem, taken by the Crusaders. 
1100 {> Henry I. surnamed the Scholar, k. of England. Henbag. 
1119 Thomas a Becket. Becketban, 52. 
1135 [> Stephen, k. of England. Stephadil. 
1141 Stephen, taken captive by Matilda. 
1143 Restoration of Stephen. 
1144 Second Crusade. 
1164 [> Henry IL. k.of England. Hendablo. 
1156 Moscow built. 
1157 Bank of Venice commenced 
1163 Gengis Khan born. 
1171 Death of Becket. . 
1172 Henry II. takes possession of Ireland. 
1176 Gengis Khan, k. of the Tartars, 51. Gengabois. 
1183 Massacre of 7000 Albigenses. 


266 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. ‘ 


A. D. ' 

1186 Conjunction of all the planets, at sunrise, Sept. 16. Con: 
junctaboos. ; 

1187 Jerusalem, taken by Saladin. 

1189 [> Richard 1. k. of England. Richaboon. 

— Third Crusade. 

1192 Saladin, defeated by Richard, in the battle of Ascalon. 

1195 Devastation of Denmark and Norway, by a tempest. 

1199 J> John, k. of England. 

1204 Constantinople, taken and plundered by the French and Ve- 

netians. 

Baldwin I. French emp. of Constantinople. 

Inquisition. Inquezo. 

1214 Roger Bacon. Roger Badaf, 80. 

1215 Magna Charta, or Great Charter. Chardal. 

1216 (L> Henry III. k. of England. Hentadas. 

1224 Thomas Aquinas, 50. Aquidef. 

1226 Lewis IX. (St. Lewis) k. of France. St. Lewdes. 

1228 Baldwin II. French emp. of Constantinople. 

1241 Hanseatic League, begun by Lubec and Hamburg. 

1248 Fifth Crusade. 

1258 Bagdad, taken by the Tartars. End of the Saracen empire. 

1261 Constantinople, recovered by the Greek emperors. _ 

1264 Deputies of boroughs, first summoned to parliament in England 

Battle of Lewes, between Henry III. and his barons, 

1272 [> Edward I. surnamed Longshanks, k. of England. Edbadoid. 

1291 Twelve competitors for the crown of Scotland. 

1292 John Baliol, k. of Scotland. 

1298 Wallace, regent of Scotland. 

—— Commencement of the Turkish empire under Othman, in 
Bithynia. . 

1299 Spectacles invented by a monk of Pisa. 

1301 First meeting of the States General in France. 

1302 Invention of the Mariner’s Compass. Compize. 

1304 Death of Wallace. 

1306 Robert Bruce, k. of Scotland. 

1307 Swiss republics founded. 

—- Pit-coal first used in England. 

——~ $C = Edward II.k. of England. Eddatazp. 

1308 Pope’s removal to Avignon. 

1311 Death of Piers Gavestone. 

1324 John Wickliffe. Wicktef, 64. 

1327 3c Edward III. k. of England. Edtatep. 

1328 Geoffrey Chaucer. Chautek, 72. 

1330 Gunpowder invented by a monk of Cologne. 

1335 Tamerlane, born. 

1337 Europe, infested by locusts. 

1344 Most general and fatal plague, ever known. 

1346 Battle of Cressy. The French defeated by the Black Prince. 
Cannon first used. Crestos. 

1349 Pestilence, that destroyed myriads of Asiatics, and nearly one 
third of Europeans.—Hu. 2: 295. 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES, 267 


A.D. 

1352 Europe, invaded by the Turks. i 

1353 Asia and Africa desolated by locusts. 

1356 John Il. of France, taken prisoner in the battle of Poictiers. 

1361 Plague in France, England, freland, Scotland, &c. which des 
troyed nearly a 'third of the Scots. 

1365 Collection of Peter Pence, forbidden by the English government 

1369 Tamerlane, k. of the Tartars, Tamertaun, 36. 

1370 Hanseatic League at its height, consisting of 64 cities with 44 
in alliance. 

1376 John Huss, 39. Hustois. 

1377 Pope’ s return from Avignon to Rome. 

—— ic? Richard II. k. of England. cacy 

1380 Thomas a Kempis, 91. 

1381 Insurrection of Wat Tyler. 

1382 Many cities in Europe, depopulated by the Plague. 

1384 Death of Wickliffe. 

1399 Hoy Henry IV. k. of England. Henfatoun 

1400 University of Dublin. 

1402 Battle of Angora. Angoze. 

_ 1403 Battle of Shrewsbury, between Henry IV. and young Piercy, 

1407 Joan of Arc, 24. 

1410 Wickliffe’s works, burnt at Oxford. 

3412 Algebra brought from Arabia into Europe. 

1413 3c Henry V.k.of England. Henlafat. 

1414 Council of Constance. 

1415 Battle of Agincourt. Aginfal. 

—— Ordinary revenue of Henry V. £56, 969, equal to $232,863. 

—— Death of John Huss. 

1416 Death of Jerome of Prague. 

1418 Death of Lord Cobham. 

142). The Zuyder Sea, formed by an inundation. 

1422 ic Henry VI. k. of England. Hensode. 

— Charles VII. k. of France. 

1428 The English, compelled to raise the siege of Orleans, by Joan 
of Arc. 

— Wickliffe’s remains, burnt, and his ashes thrown into the river 
Swift. 

1436 Paris recovered from the English, by the French. 

1444 Invention of printing about this time. 

1446 Vatican library, founded. 

—— The sea breaks out at Dort, and drowns 100,000 people. 

1447 Columbus born, 50. Columfop. 

1448 Lorenzo de Medicis, 44, 

1453 Constartinople, taken by the Turks. 

1454 University of Glasgow. 

1457 Glass, first wi ees fe England. 

1459 Art of engrawing on co 

1461 (Ly Edward IV. k. of Raotind Edfosa. 

1470 Hugh Latimer, 84. 

1471 Thomas Wolsey. Wolsopa, 59 

1472 Copernicus. Copernope, 71, 


41* 


268 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 


A. D. 
1476 Certain persons obtain license from Edward IV. to make gold 
and silver from mercury. 
1477 University of Aberdeen. 
1480 Thomas More, 55. 
1483 i> Edward V.k. of England. Edufoot. 
—— {> Richard III. k. of England. Richtafoot. 
—— Martin Luther. Lutherfoot, 63. 
1485 Battle of Bosworth. 
—— [> Henry VII. Henrozfool. 
1487 Zuingle. Zuingfoop, 44. © 
1488 Cape of Good Hope, discovered by the Portuguese. 
1489 Thomas Cranmer. Cranfoon, 67. 
1490 Thomas Cromwell, 50. 
1491 End of the kingdom of the Moors in Spain. 
1492 San Salvador, discovered by Columbus, Oct. 12, Cuba, Oct. 27, 
Hispaniola, Dec. 6. 
1493 Maximilian I. emp. of Germany. 
—-— Second voyage of Columbus to America. 
1494 Jamaica, discovered by Columbus. 
1496 Commission for discovery, granted by Henry VII. to John 
. Cabot and his three sons. 
1497 North America, discovered by John and Sebastian Cabot. 
—— Melancthon, 63. Melancthonoi. 
—— The Portuguese sail to,the East Indies. 
1498 Third voyage of Columbus to America. 
—— American continent, discovered by Columbus, at Cumana. 
1499 South America visited by Americus Vesputius. 
1500 Birth of Charles V. 
1502 Fourth voyage of Columbus to America. 
1505 John Knox. Knoxwza, 67. 
1508 League of Cambray, against the Venetians. 
Negro slaves, imported into Hispaniola. 
1509 ((¥ Henry VIII. k. of England. Henroovain. 
John Calvin, 55. Calvazn. 
1511 Cuba, conquered by 300 Spaniards. 
1513 Battle of Flodden, in which James IV. was slain. 
Leo X. pope. 
1514 Pestilence among cats. 
1515 Francis I. k. of France. 
1516 Charles V. k. of Spain. 
1617 THE REFORMATION. Reformalap. 
Patent, granted by Charles V. for imvorting negro slaves into 
America. 
1518 Doctrines of Luther, condemned by Leo X. 
1519 CHarles V. emp. of Germany. Charlesvuan. 
Mexico, invaded by Cortes. 
1520 Massacre at Stockholm, by Christian II. 
Death of Montezuma. 
—-- “elyman the Magnificent, emp. of Turkey. 
1521 Gustavus Vasa, k. of Sweden. 
——— William Cecil, Lord Burleigh. Cecileb, 77. 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 269 


A. D. 

1521 Conquest of Mexico, completed by Cortez. 

Henry VIII. receives from the pope, the title of Defender of 

the Faith. 

1522 John Jewell, 49. 

1525 Battle of Pavia. Capture of Francis I. 

1526 Lutheranism established in Germany. 

Liberation of Francis I. 

1529 Reformers, called Protestants. 

1530 Protestant League of Smaleald. Smalecaltaz. 

1531 Peru, invaded by Pizarro and Almagro. 

1532 Robert Dudley, earl of Leicester, 56. 

1533 Elizabeth born. 

1534 Reformation in England and Ireland. 

1535 Society of the Jesuits, instituted by Loyola. 

1536 Suppression of the smaller monasteries in England. 

—— Francis Walsingham, 54. 

1537 California, discovered by Cortez. 

1538 Suppression of the larger monasteries in England , 

1539 The Bloody Statute, or Law of the Six Articles. 

1542 Mary Stewart, born and made queen of Scotland. 

1544 Good land in England, let at one shilling an acre 

1545 Council of Trent. Trentufu, 18. 

Francis Drake. Drakufu, 51. 

1546 Tycho Brahe, 55. 

1547 [[> Edward VI. k. of England. Edsavep. 

1549 Death of cardinal Beaton. 

Cervantes, 67. 

1550 Era of English Puritans. 

1551 James Crichton, 32. 

1552 Books of Astronomy and Geography destroyed in England, as 
being infected with magic. 

— Walter Raleigh, 66. Ralud. 

Book of common prayer, established in England. 

1553 [G* Mary, queen of England. Marulz. 

1554 The wearing of silk, forbidden to the common people in Eng- 

land. 

Death of Jane Grey. 

1555 Persecution by Mary. 

1556 Philip IT. k. of Spain. 

1558 (L> Elizabeth, queen of England. Elizaluk. 

1560 Charles IX. k. of France. 

Reformation in Scotland, completed by John Knox. 

1561 Francis Bacon. Bacusa, 65. 

1563 Slave trade of the English, begun by John Hawkens. 

1564 William Shakspeare. Shakespuso, 82. 

Galileo, 78. Galiluso. . \ 

1566 Revolt of the Netherlands from Philip IT. 

39 Articles established in England. 

1567 James VI. k. of Scotland. 

Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, 34. 

1568 Flight of Mary, queen of Scots, to England. 


. 


270 _CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 


A. D. 

3468 Protestants tolerated in Holland. 

1572 Massacre of St. Bartholomew’s. Bartholomupe. 

1573 William Laud. Laudupi, 71. 

1575 John Robinson, 50. Robinvoil. ¥ 

1576 Protestants tolerated in France. 

1579 John Smith, 52. 

1580 James Usher, 75. : 

1582 The new style, introduced into Italy, by pope Gregory XII, 
the 5th of Oct. being reckoned the 15th. 

1583 Hugo Grotius, 62. 

1584 Miles Standish, 72. 

1585 Richlieu, 57. 

John Cotton. 

—— First English colony in America, planted at Roanoke. 

Jansenius, 53. 

1586 Colony at Roanoke, carried by Drake to England. 

—— Thomas Hooker, 61. ; 

1587 Death of Mary, queen of Scots. 

John Winthrop, 62. 

1588 Destruction of the Spanish Armada. Armadalook. 

William Bradford, 69. 

1589 Hevrv IV. k. of France. 

Coaches introduced into England. 

1591 University of Dublin. 

1592 Presbyterianism, established in Scotland. 

1593 Thomas Wentworth, 48. 

1594 Birth of Gustavus Adolphus. 

Edward Winslow, 61. 

John Hambden. Hampuno, 49. 

1596 Des Cartes, 54. 

Richard Mather, 73. 

1597 John Davenport, 73. 

1598 Ediet of Nantz. 

1599 Robert Blake, 58. 

Roger Williams, 84. 

4600 Birth of Charles I. of England. 

1602 William Chillingworth, 42. 

Cape Cod discovered by Gosnold. 

-—— Revival of religion in some of the northern counties of England. 

1603 [> James IJ. k. of England and Scotland. Jambasait. 

1604 John Eliot, 86. 

1605 Powder Plot. 

Edmund Waller, 82. 

1607 First permanent English settlement in America, at Jamestown. 

-— Flight of the Pilgrims to Amsterdam. 

-—~ Smith saved hy Pocahontas. . 

Corny at Sagadahok. 

1608 John Milton. Milsazk, 66. Pe Bt 

Satellites of Jupiter, discovered by Galileo. 

-— Removal of the Pilgrims to Leyden 

1609 Plot of the Indians, disclosed by Pocahontas. 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLEs. 271 


A. D. 

1699 Matthew Hale. . Halsain, 67. 

1610 Lucius Carey, Lord Falkland, 34. 

Henry IV. of France, assassinated by Ravaillac. 

— The Virginia colony reduced from nearly five hundred to 


. sixty. 

1611 Gisiaras Adolphus, k. of Sweden. ° 

1613 Pocahontas, married to Mr. Rolfe. 

1614 Last meeting of the states general in France, before the late 
revolution. 

— North Virginia, called New England, by prince Charles. 

—— Manhattan, now New York, settled by the Dutch. 

—— 24 natives of N. E. carried off and sold by Hunt. 

1615 Richard Baxter. 

1616 John Higginson, 92. 

John Owen. 

1617 Most of the inhabitants from Narraganset to Penobscot, swept 
away by war and pestilence, 

1618 Synod of Dort. 

— Abraham Cowley, 59. 

Jacatra, now Batavia, taken and fortified, by the Dutch 

1619 Circulation of the blood discovered, or contirmed, by Harvey. 

1620 English settlement at Madras. 

LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS, Dec. 22. 

1621 Batavia in Java, settled by the Dutch. 

League between Massasoit and the Pilgrims. 

1622 Massacre of 347 Virginians by the natives, March 22. 

— Algernon Sidney. Sidsed, 61 

1623 First settlement in N. H. 

1624 George Fox. Foxsef, 66. 

Settlement at Cape Ann. 

1625 Plague in London destroyed 35,000 persons 

—— Charles I. k. of England. Charlesbasel. 

1626 Robert Boyle. Boylsey, 64. Bossuet, 77. 

1628 New Holland, discovered by the Dutch. 

— A new islaxd among the Azores, emerged. 

Patent for Mass. Settlement of Salem. 

-— John Bunyan. Bunsck. — 7 

1629 First church in Mass. formed at Salem. 

—— Charlestown, Mass. settled. 

—— First permanent settlement of the Dutch at Manhattan. 

1630 Isaac Barrow, 47. : r 

—— Arrival of Gov. Winthrop at Massachusetts, with about 1500 
emigrants. 

— John Flavel, 61. 

~—~ Dorchester, Watertown, Boston, Roxbury. 

—— John Tilotson, 64. 

1631 First vessel built in Mass. called the Blessing of the Bay | 
launched July 4. 

— John Dryden. Drydastz, 70. 

1632 Patent of Maryland, granted to Cecilius Calvert, lord Balti- 
more, 


272 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 


A.D. 

3632 John Locke. Lockszd, 72. 

1633 First house erected in Connectieut, near Little River in 

Windsor. ' 

1634 Captains Stone, Norton, and eight others, murdered by the 
Pequot Indians, on Con. river. 

Maryland, settled by 200 Catholics. 

1635 Removal of about 60 persons from Dorchester, Newtown and 


Watertown, to Windsor, Hartford and Wetkersfie!d. 
Accession to Mass. of about 3,000 emigrants. 
Tremendous storm in N. E. 

China conquered by the Tartars 

Ship money first imposed by Charles I 

1635 Hooker and Stone, with their people, remove from Watertow 
to Hartford. 

—— Providence, settled by Roger Williams. 

—— Henry Vane, Gov. of Mass. . 

1637 Slaughter of five or six hundred Indians at Mistic fort, by 
Mason, May 26. 

-~—— Destruction of the Pequot nation. 

— First Synod at Newtown occasioned by Ann Hutchinson 

——: Public School in Newtown 

1638 Harvard college founded and Newtown called Cambridge 

— Solemn League and Covenant in Scotland 

-~—— New Haven settled. 

1639 Constitution of Con. 

—— John Haynes, first governor of Con. 

—— Printing press at Cambridge. 

—— Increase Mather, 84. 

—— Benjamin Church, 79. 

1640 Cessation of English emigration. 

—- Long parliament, Nov. 3. 

1641 Jrish Massacre, Oct. 23. 

—— Strafford beheaded. 

1642 Battle of Edgehill. 

—— Isaac Newton. Newsod, 84. 

—— Mayhew in Martha’s Vineyard. 

—— N. E. favoured by the English parliament 

1643 Lewis XIV. k. of-France, 72. 

—— Laud beheaded. 

—— Confederacy of the four N. E. colonies. 

—— Solomon Stoddard, 86. 

1644 Revolution in China, by the Tartars, 

—— Patent for Providence Plantations. 

—— William Penn, 74. Pensof. 

1645 Battle of Naseby. Nasol. 

1646 Act of Massachusetts legislature for carrying the gospe: te. the 
Indians, Ae 

—— Elliot preaches to the Indians. 

Second Synod in Mass. 

1647 Epidemic through America. 

1648 Cambridge Pla.torm. 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES 272 


A. D. 

1648 Humphrey Prideaux, 76. 

1649 Charles i. beheaded, Jan. 39. 

—— Commonwealth of England. 

Society for propagating the gospel in N, E. formed in England. 

1650 Battle of Dunbar. . 

John Churchill, Duke of Marlborough, 72. 

Conversion of the Indians on Martha’s Vineyard. 

1651 Battle of Worcester, won by Cromwell. 

-~— Fenelon, 64. 

Sumptuary law in Mass. 

—— English Navigation Act. 

1652 Voluntary submission of Maine to Mass. 

1653 O. Cromwell, protector of England. 

1655 Law, in Mass. requiring that “all hands not necessarily em- 
ployed on other occasions, as women, boys and girls, should 
spin, according to their skill and ability.” 

1656 Ann Hibbins of Boston, executed for witchcraft. 

Persecution of the Quakers in Mass. 

1658 Richard Cromwell, protector. 

1759 Resignation of the protectorship, by Richard Cromwell. 

—~ Two Quakers, Robinson and Stephenson, executed in Massa- 
chusetts. 

1660 Charles II. k. of England. The Restoration. 

—— Navigation Act confirmed, and extended. 

1661 Charles Rollin, 80. 

1662 Royal Society in England. 

—— Matthew Henry. Hensaua, 52, 

—— Synod in Boston. 

—— Act of Uniformity, in England. 

1663 Massillon, 79. . 

—— Charter of Carolina, granted to Clarendon and others. 

—— Prince Eugene, 73. 

—— Cotton Mather, 65. 

1664 New Jersey, granted to Lord Berkely and George Carteret, 

Elliot’s Indian Bible printed at Cambridge. 

1665 Six towns of Christian Indians in Massachusetts. 

-—— Plague in London destroyed 68,000 people. 

— Union of New Haven and Con. . 

1666 Great fire in London, which destroyed 13,000 houses. 

Buccaniers in America. 

1667 Jonathan Swift, 78. 

Erasmus, 69. 

1672 Calmet, 85. 

Birth of Peter the Great. 

1672 Great part of Holland conquered by Lewis XIV. 

—— Joseph Addison. Addasozd, 47. 

1673 Benjamin Colman, 74. 

1674 Edward Andros, Gov. of N. Y. 

—— Death of the De Witts. 

Isaac Watts. Watspo, 72. 

i€75 War with Philip, k. of the Wompanoogs. 


274 | CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES, 


A. D. 

1675 Samuel Clarke. Clarksoil, 54. 

1676 Death of k. Philip, Aug. 12. 

1677 Saurin, 53. 

Bacon’s rebellion in Virginia. 

1680 A great comet appeared, and from its nearness to the earth, 
alarmed the inhabitants. It continued from Nov. 3, te 
March 9. 

—— N. H. separated from Mass. 

—— Charleston in 8. C. 

1681 Pennsylvania, granted to William Penn. 

—— Edward Young, 84. 

1682 Philadelphia. 

Peter the Great, czar of Russia. 

1684 Mass. deprived of its charter. 

Handel, 75. 

1685 [= James II. k. of England. Jamdasku. 

Writs issued to take away the charters of Con. and Henk 

Revocation of the edict of Nantz. 

N fre ra praying Indians within the limits of Plymouth colo- 
4 

1686 Natetobiass ‘sion published in England. 

— William Law, 7 

1687 E. Andros, president of N. England. 

1688 N. Y. and N. J. added to the jurisdiction of N. England. 

—— War with the Indians in N. sngland, which continued several 
years. 

-— Revolution in England, commonly called THE REVOLU- 
TION. 

—— Alexander Pope, 56. 

1689 William III. and Mary, king and queen of England, Feb. 16. 

Wiltasoon. 

Act of Toleration in England. 

Deposition of Andros. 

—— Swedenborg, 83. 

1690 Battle of the Boyne. 

1692 White inhabitants in N. E. 200, 000. 

New charter granted to Mass. 

—— Witchcraft in Mass. 20 persons executed. 

1694 Voltaire, 84. 

1696 Thirty Indian churches in N. E. 

Parliamentary tax upon the colonies recommended. 

—— Henry Home, (Lord Kaims,) 86. 

-——- Church removed from Dorchester, Massachusetts, and settled 
at Dorchester, South Carolina. 

—— Peter the Great, sole emperor of Russia. 

1697 Peace of Ryswick. 

1698 Number of Indians in Massachusetts about 4,000. 

—— Charles XII. k. of Sweden. 

—— English Christian Knowledge Society. 

1699 Great numbers of Philadelphians die of the yellow fever. 

ie a of Boston. 7,000. 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 275 


A. D. 

1700 James Thompson, 48. Thompzai. 

Population of the English American colonies, 160,000. 

Inundation in Charleston 8. C. which drove the inhabitants to 
their chambers. The city almost destroyed by fire, and the 
people by small pox and pestilence. 

—— Law in N. Y. to hang every Popish priest, who should come 

voluntarily into that province. 
—— Yale College founded at Saybrook. 
1701 Society for propagating the gospel in foreign parts incorporated. 
Yale College incorporated. , 

1702 = Anne, queen cf England. Annapaid. 

—— Philip Doddridge, 49. 

1703 Gibra'tar taken by Rooke. 

—— John Wesley, 38. 

—— Jonathan Edwards, 55. 

1704 Battle of Blenheim, Aug. 2. 

David Hartley, 53. 

—— Thomas Newton, 78. 

1705 Danish Missionary Society. 

—— Petersburgh founded. . 

1706 Union of England and Scotland. 

—— Benjamin Franklin, 84. 

1707 Euler, 76. 

—— Linneus, 71. 

1708 Saybrook Platform. 

—— William Pitt, 70. 

1709 Battle of Pultowa. 

—— Samuel Johnson. Johnpazn, 75. 

1710 Thomas Reed, 86. 

—— James Ferguson. Fergupaz, 66. 

1711 David Hume. Humozba, 65. mn 

1712 137 people in the vicinity of Roanoke, murdered by the 'Tus- 

caroras, &c. 

—— Rousseau, 66. : 

1713 Treaty of Utrecht. . 

1714 [> George I. k. of England. Georgeéboibo. 

James Hervey, 44. 

George Whitefield, 56. , . 

1715 Lewis XV. k. of France. 

David Garrick, 63. 

1716 Barthelemy, 79. 

1717 One of the greatest snow storms ever known. 

—— Yale College removed from Saybrock to New Haven. 

—— New Orleans founded. 

1718 Hugh Blair, 82. 

—— Israel Putnam, 72. 

—— David Brainerd, 2). 

1719 Joseph Bellamy, 71. 

172) South Sea Bubble. 

—— Jonathan Mayhew, 46. : 

1721 Inoculation for the small pox in New Eng-and. 


42 


276 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 
oD. 
721 Mark Akenside. Akensoida, 49. 
Samuel Hopkins, 82. 
4722 A hurricane reduced Port Royal in Jamaica, the third time to 
a heap of ruins. 
John Witherspoon, 72. 
—— Samuel Adams, 81. 
1723 Richard Price, 68. 
1724 Samuel Davies, 37. 
1725 William Blackstone. Blackstapet, 57. 
1726 John Howard, i aa 64, 
James Wolfe, 33. 
1727 [> George I. k. of England. Georgedapep. 
—— Dry summer, followed by a violent earthqu e. 
James Bowdoin, 63. 
1728 People of Charleston, S. C. driven by an inundation to the 
upper stories of their houses. 
James Cook. Cookozdoo, 51. 
1729 Oliver Goldsmith. Goldpen, 45. 
—— Edmund Burke. Burkpen, 68. 
1730 Turks, defeated by Kouli Khan. 
1731 William Cowper. Cowpozta, 69. 
Beilby Porteus, 78. 
732 Washington born, Feb. 22, 67. 
—— Richard Henry Lee, 62. 
—— Erasmus Darwen, 70. 
1733 Joseph Priestley, 71. 
1734 Moravian Missionary Society, 
1735 Ravages of the throat distemper in New Hampshire and Mas 
sachusetts. 
John Adams, 91. 
736 Kouli Khan, k. of Persia. 
1737 John Hancock, 56. 
—— Insurrection of slaves in South Carolina. 
——- Edward Gibbon. 57. 
1738 Nassau Hall College, at Princeton, New Jersey. 
1740 Charles Cornwallis. Cornwalpik, 67. 
-—— Nathaniel Greene, 46. 
Joseph Warren, 3d. 
1743 Lavoisier, 51: 
William Paley, 62. 
1744 Joseph Milner, 53. 
—— Jeremy Belknap, 54. 
' 1745 Louisburg surrendered to.the New England troops, aided by 
an English squadron, June 17. 
—— Fraucis Drake. 
1746 Lima destroyed by an earthquake, ‘tts concussions continu- 
ed, with short intervals, for four months, 
“1747 Thomas Seott. 
1748 Charles James Fox, 58. 
— William ‘unes, 46. 
1749 Davi2. Ramsay, 66, 


QP 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES, 277 


A.D. 

1750 Academy of Sciences, at Stockholm. 

New Style introduced into Britain, Sept. 3 being reckoned 
the 14th. 

1752 Hurricane and inundation at Charleston, S.C. Sept. 

—— Population of Boston, 17,574, 

1752 Small pox in Boston. Of 5,544, who had it the natural way, 
514 died ; of 2,109, who were inoculated, 31 died. 

Timothy Dwight, 65. 

1755 Lisbon destroyed by an earthquake. 

Great earthquake, the most violent ever known in North 
America. 

Defeat and death of Braddock, at Monongahela, June. 

1756 War between France and England. - 

1758 Louisburg taken by the British. 

Horatio N elson, 47. 

—— Fisher Ames, 50. 

1759 Quebec, taken by the English, Wolfe and Montcalm killed. 

—— William Pitt, Jr. 47. 

1760 Population of New England, 500,000. 

—— > George II. k. of England. Georgetapauz. 

1762 Severest drought ever known in America ; no rain, from May 

to September. 

1763 Peace between Britain, France and Spain. 

—— Indians within the limits of old Plymouth colony, 905, 

—— Catharine II. empress of Russia. 

1764 Charter of Rhode Island College, now Brown University. . 

1765 STAMP ACT, Jan. 10. 

—— Franklin’s electrical discovery, 

Population of Boston, 15,250. 

1767 Duties on paper, glass, painters’ colours and teas. 

1768 Hurricane at Havana, which destroyed 4144 houses and 1000 

inhabitants. ; 

1769 Non-importation agreement among the colonies. 

Dartmouth College. 

1770 Duties on glass, paper and painters’ colours, repealed. 

Boston Massacre, March 5. : 

1771 Insurrection of the Regulators in New England. 

1772 Poland, dismembored by Russia, Prussia and Austria. 

—— The schooner Graspee, burnt at Providence, June 10. 

Committee of Correspondence in Boston, Nov. 22, the basis of 
the subsequent union of the colonies. 

1773 St. Jago de Guatimala swallowed up by an earthquake, which 
destroyed 8000 families. 

Destruction of British tea in Boston harbour. 

1774 Boston Port Bill, May 13. 

—— Arrival of. Gov. Gage in Boston, May 13. 

—— First con.tinental Congress, Sept. 5, 

1775 Leslie’s expedition to Salem. 

Lexington battle, April 19. 

—— Ticonderoga, taken by the provincials, May 10. 

-—- Arrival of Howe, Burgoyne and Clinton at Boston, May 25. 


278 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES, 


A.D. 

1775 Battle of Bunker Hill, cr rather Breed’s Hull, June 17. 

— - Washington's arrival at Cambridge, July 3. 

—— Continental fast, July 20. 

—— Falmouth burnt by the British, Oct. 17. 

1776 Norfolk burnt by the British, Jan. 1. 

Liorchester heights, occupied by Americans, March 4. 

—— Bvston evacuated by the British, March 17. 

—— Wishington’s arrival at N. Y. April 14. 

-—— Lee's motion in Congress for a declaration of independence, 

Jave 7. 

—— Declaration of Independence, July 4. 

Commissioners sent by Congress, to Paris, to solicit a treaty 
with the French. 

British army landed at Long Island, Aug. 22. 

Battle on Long Island, Aug. 27. 

New-York, evacuated by the Americans, and possessed by the 
British, Sept. 15. 

—— 1000 houses burnt in New York. 

Battle of White Plains, Oct. 28. 

Retreat of Washington beyond the Delaware, Nov. 28. 

—— R.1. possessed by the British, Dec. 8. 

Congress adjourned to Baltimore, Dec. 12. 

Battle of Trenton, Dec. 26. 

1777 Washington takes post at Trenton. 

Battle near Princeton, Jan. 3. 

——— Washington retires to Morristown. 

—— The Americans receive arms and ammunition from France. 

— — Ticonderoga evacuated by the Americans, July 6. 

—— Bennington battle, Aug. 16. 

Battle of Brandywine, Sept. 11. 

Battle near Stillwater, Sept. 19. 

—— Philadelphia, possessed by the British, Sept. 27. 

Battle of Germantown, Oct. 4. 

— — Second battle near Stillwater, Oct. 7. 

Capture of Burgoyne, Oct. 17. 

Battle of Red Bank,, Oct. 22. 

1778 Treaty between France and the U. 8. Feb. 6. 

—— Philadelphia, evacuated by the British, June 18. 

Battle of Monmouth, June 28. 

——— Arrival of D’Estaing on the coast of Virginia, with 12 ships of 
the line and 6 frigates, and French troops, to aid the Ainericans. 

Battle on R. I. Aug. 29. 

—~— Americans, driven from R. I. Aug. 30. 

—— Savannah, taken by the British, Dec. 29 

1779 New Haven, plundered by the British, July 5. 

Capt. Cook killed at Owhyhee by the Tatives. 
~—- Fairfield and Green Farms in Ct. burnt by the British, July 7; 

and Norwalk, July 12. 

——~ Stoney Point taken from the British, July 16. 

1780 Charleston, S. C. taken by the British, May 12. 

———— Battle near Camden, S. C. Aug. 16. 


oe 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 279 


A.D. 

1783 Treachery of Arnold. 

Execution of Andre. 

—— American Academy of Arts and Sciences 

—~ British Naval and Military Bible Society. 

—-— Dark day in N. E. 

—— War between Hyder Ally and the English. 

—— Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. 

—— Insurrection in London, on account of an act for relieving the 
Papists. 

1781 Battle of Cowpens, Jan. 17. 

—— Battle of Eutaw, Sept. 8. 

—— Expedition of Arnold against Virginia and New London. 

New London burnt, Sept. 

—— Phillips Academy, Exeter, N. H. 

Capture of Cornwallis, Oct. 19. _ 

1782 Independence of the U. S. acknowledged by Holland, Ap. 19. 

—— Balloons invented by S. and J. Montgolfier, France. 

1783 Independence of the U. S. acknowledged by Sweden, Den- 
mark, Spain and Prussia. 

—— Peace with Great Britain, Sept. 23. 

—— N. Y. evacuated by the British, Nov. 25, 

—— American army disbanded. 

—— Abolition of slavery in Mass. 

—— Dickenson College. 

1786 Wesleyan Missionary Society, England. 

—— Insurrection in Mass. 

—— Insurrection in N. H. 

1787 Federal constitution, agreed on in Congress, Sept. 17. 

—— Franklin College, at Lancaster, Pa. 

—— Columbia Coilege, New-York city. 

1789 George Washington and John Adams first President and Viee 
President of the United States, April 30. 

—— FRENCH REVOLUTION. 

—— First meeting of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian 
Church in the United States, May. 

—— Destruction of the Bastile, July 14. , 

National Assembly in France, Oct. 19. 

1790 Population of the United States, 3,929,326. 

—— Slaves in the United States, 695,655. 

—— Monastic establishments suppressed in France. 

— Kentucky, an independent state. : 

—— Nobility abolished in France. 

Connecticut Society for the Abolition of Slavery. 

1791 Vermont admitted into the Union. 

—— Verment University. : 

—— Revenue of the United States $4,771,200. Expenditure, 

$3,797,436. 
People of colour made free citizens in France, May 15. 
—— ‘Society for the promotion of agriculture, arts and manufactures 
established at New York. 
—— Flight of Lewis XVI, June 21. 


42* 


«a 


_. >— Abolition of royal authority, and France declared a republic. 
_ +-——=—=— French decree of fraternity, promising to aid all people, who 
‘ey wish to procure liberty, Nov. 19. 
31793 Lewis XVI. condemned to death by a majority of five voices, 
Jan. 17; executed Jan. 21. 
—— The queen of France condemned Oct. 15; executed, Oct. 16. 
—— Williams College. 
1794 Insurrection in Pennsylvania. 
| Treaty with Great Britain, called Jay’s treaty. 
Death of Robespierre. 
—— Union College, in New-York. 
— Greenville College, Tennessee. 
4795 Holland, overrun by the French. 
Cape of Good Hope, taken by the British. 
London Mission Society. 
1796 Paul, emperor of Russia. , ¢ 
—— Edinburgh Missionary Society. 
—— Netherlands’ Mission Society. 
1797 John Adams and Thomas Jefferson second President and Vice 
President of the United States. 
1798 Papal government, suppressed by the French. 
Battle of the Nile, Aug. 1. 
-—— Connecticut Missionary Society. 
_ 1799 Bonaparte, First Consul for 10 years, Nov. 9. 
_—— London Religious Tract Society. 
_ —~ Massachusetts Missionary Society. 
—— Death of Washington, Dec. 14. 
1880 Battle of Marengo, June 14. 
Union of Britain and Ireland: 
—— Church Missionary Society, in England. 
Battle of Hohenlinden, Dec. 3. 
1801 Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr, third President and Vice 
President of the United States. 
——~ Alexander, emperor of Russia. 
——— Missionary Seminary at Gosport. 
1802 Catholic religion, re-established in France. 
—— Peace of Amiens, March 27. 
—— Bonaparte, declared First Consul, for life. 
1803 War between Britain and France, May 16. 
—— British Foreign School Society. 
1804 British and Foreign Bible Society, March 7. 
_ —— Hibernian Bible Society. 
_ —— Bonaparte, emperor of France, May 3. 
— ane emperor of Germany assumes the title of Emperor of 
ustrea. " 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 281 


A. D. 

1805 Bonaparte, k. of Italy. 

‘George Clinton, fourth Vice President of the United States. 

Berlin Bible Society. 

Battle of Trafalgar. 

1806 Lewis Bonaparte, k. of Holland. 

—— Abolition of the slave trade, voted by the British Parliament. 

Francis II. resigns the office of Einperor of Germany. 

—— Battle of Jena, Oct. 14. 

British and Foreign School Society. 

1807 African Institution, in England. 

—— Andover Theological Seminary. 

1808 Abolition of the slave trade in the United States. 

—— Philadelphia Bible Society. 

—— Bonaparte seizes Portugal; and the royal family flee to Brazil. 

—— Royal family of Spain, seized by Bonaparte. 

Jews’ Society in England. 

1809 James Madison, fourth President of the United States. 

—— Swedish National Bible Society. 

Battle of Talavera, July 238, 29. 

Connecticut Bible Society. 

1810 Holland, annexed to France. > 

Population of the United States, 7,339,903. 

—— American board of Commissioners for F oreign Missions. In- 
corporated 1812. 

Baptist Board for Foreign Missions, United States. 

1811 Prince of Wales, regent of Britain. 

English National Education Society. 

1812 War between Britain and the United States, Jone 18. 

—— Sunday School for Ireland. 

Prayer Book and Homily Society, in England. 

— Russia, invaded by Bonaparte. 

—— Spanish Inquisition, abolished by the Cortes. 

— New-York Religious Tract Society. 

Battle of Smolensko. 

—— Battle of Borodino, or Mosqua, Sept. 77 

—— Moscow entered by the French, Sept. 14. 

—— Princeton Theological Seminary. 

1813 Perry’s victory on Lake Erie, Sept, 10. 

—— Elbridge Gerry, fifth Vice President of the United States. 

Battle of Leipsic, Oct. 19. 

New England (now American) Tract Society. 

—— France, entered by the Russians, &c. Dec. 23. 

—— Russian Bible Society. 

1814 The pope, released from prison, by Bonaparte. 

—— Massachusetts Baptist Education Society. 

—— American Baptist Missionary Society. 

Capitulation of Paris, to the Allies, March 30. 

Paris entered by the ‘Allies, April 1. 

Connecticut Education Society. 

Bonaparte dethroned, April 4; and Banished to Elba. 

-—— Entry of Lewis XVIIL. ito Paris, May 3, 


282 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 


A. D. 

1814 "General peace in Europe, May 39. 

——— Inquisition restored in Spain, July 18. 

—— Washington City, taken by the British, Aug. 24. 

-— British squadron on Lake Champlain, captured by M‘Donough, 

Sept. 11. 

rates General Congress of Vienna. 

-——. Treaty of Ghent, signed Dec. 24. 

— The British, repulsed at New Orleans, Dec. 28. 

-—— Prussian Bible Society. 

Norwegian Bible Society. 

Saxon Bible Society. 

Danish Bible Society. 

— Swedish Bible Society. 

Hanoverian Bible Society. 

—— Geneva Bible Society. 

1815 The British defeated, and Packenham slain at New Orleans, 
Jan. 8. ’ 

Treaty of Ghent ratified, Feb. 24. 

Bonaparte’s escape from Elba, Feb. 26; landing in France 
Mareh 1; arrival at Paris, March 26. 

Battle of Waterloo, June 17 and 18. 

—— Sleswick-Holstein Bible Society. 

Astrachan Bible Society. 

Bonaparte at St. Helena, Oct. 13 

Basle Missionary College. 

—— American iducation Society. 

1816 American Bible Society. 

~—~- New-York Sunday School Union. 

Hartford Evangelical Tract Society. 

-—_— Polish National Bible Society. 

—— Netherlands National Bible Society. . 

-—— Indiana admitted into the Union, Dec. 

1817 American Colonization Society, Jan. 1. 

James Monroe, fifth President of the United States: 

—— Daniel D. Tompkins, sixth Vice President of the United States. 

—— Western Education Society. 

—— United Foreign Missionary Society, in America. 

—— Malta Bible Society. 

Bernadotte, k. ef Sweden. 

1818 Gottengen Bible Society. 

—— Presbyterian Education Society, in America. 

New-York Baptist Education Society. 

Baptist Theological Seminary, at Washington. — 

France evacuated by the Allies, Oct. 

Paris Bible Society. 

1819 Illinois admitted into the Union, Dec. 4. 

—— Maine Baptist Education Society. 

—— Athens Bible Society. 

—— Methodist Episcopal Missionary Society, in the United States. 

——_ Alabama admitted into the Union. 

1820 I George IV. k. of Britain. Georgefakes. 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 283 


A.D. ; 
1820 Population of the United States, 9,625,734. 
—— Free constitution in Spain. " 


Maine admitted into the Union. 

Foreign Mission Society, Switzerland. 

—— Revolution in Greece. a : 

1821 Death of Bonaparte, May 5. 

—— Missouri admitted into the Union. 

1822 Iturbide declares himself emperor of Mexico. 

—— Massacre of Greeks in Scio. 

Don Pedro, son of the king of Portugal, declared emiperor of 
Brazils. 

United Domestic Missionary Society in New-York. 

1823 Iturbide dethroned and banished to Italy. 

1824 Visit of La Fayette to the United States. 

1825 John Quincy Adams, sixth President of the United States. 

John C. Calhoun, seventh Vice President of the United States. 

-—— National Tract Society, at New-York. 

——- Death of Alexander of Russia, Dec. 1. 

1226 Nicholas, emperor of Russia. 

1827 Battle of Navarin, Oct. 21. _ 


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